THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 
OF  CALIFORNIA 

LOS  ANGELES 


LIFE   AND    VOYAGES 


OF 


BY 


WASHINGTON   IRVING. 


"  Venlent  annls 
Saecula  seris,  quibus  Oceanus 
Vincula  reruna  laxet,  et  iugens 
Pateat  teilus,  Tethysque  novo» 
Detegat  Orbes  nee  sit  terria 
Ultima  Thule." 

SENECA,  MEDKA. 


NEW  YORK : 
THOMAS    Y.    CROWELL    &    CO., 


III 


X7Z/ 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS. 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 
PREFACE  ...  ........  9 


BOOK  I. 

CHAPTER 

I.    Birth,  Parentage,  and  Early  Life  of  Columbus    ...........  17 

II.    Early  Voyages  of  Columbus 20 

III.  Progress  of  Discovery  under  Prince  Henry  of  Portugal 24 

IV.  Residence  of  Columbus  at  Lisbon  —  Ideas  concerning  Islands  in  the  Ocean.  29 
V.    Grounds  on  which  Columbus  founded  his  Belief  of  the  Existence  of  Undis- 
covered Lands  in  the  West 33 

VI.  Correspondence  of  Columbus  with  Paulo  Toscanelli —Events  in  Portugal 
relative  to  Discoveries  —  Proposition  of  Columbus  to  the  Portuguese 
Court  —  Departure  from  Portugal 39 


BOOK  II. 

I.    Proceedings  of  Columbus  after  leaving  Portugal  —  His  Applications  in  Spain 

—  Characters  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella 49 

II.    Columbus  at  the  Court  of  Spain 54 

III.  Columbus  before  the  Council  at  Salamanca 57 

IV.  Further  Applications  at  the  Court  of  Castile  —  Columbus  follows  the  Court 

in  its  Campaigns 63 

V.    Columbus  at  the  Convent  of  La  Rabida 69 

VI.    Application  to  the  Court  at  the  time  of  the  Surrender  of  Granada  ....  72 
VII.    Arrangement  with  the  Spanish  Sovereigns  —  Preparations  for  the  Expedi- 
tion at  the  Port  of  Palos 76 

VIII.    Columbus  at  the  Port  of  Palos  —  Preparations  for  the  Voyage  of  Discovery.  80 


BOOK  HI. 

I.    Departure  of  Columbus  on  his  First  Voyage 84 

II.    Continuation  of  the  Voyage  — First  Notice  of  the  Variation  in  the  Needle.  88 

III.  Continuation  of  the  Voyage  —  Various  Terrors  of  the  Seamen    .....  90 

IV.  Continuation  of  the  Voyage  —  Discovery  of  Land 96 

3 


CONTEXTS. 


BOOK  IV. 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

I.    KirM  Tending  of  Columbus  in  the  New  World 103 

II.    ('mine  among  the  Bahama  Hands 109 

III.  Dlmiovery  and  Coasting  of  Cuba 114 

IV.  Further  Coiutling  of  Cuba 120 

V.    Search  after  the  Supposed  Island  of  Babeque  — Desertion  of  the  Pi nta    .    .  125 

VI.    Discovery  of  Hinpaniola l-'8 

VII.    Coiixtiiig  of  Ilixpuniola 133 

Mil.    Shipwreck 136 

LX.     TranKactioim  with  the  Natives 139 

X.     Building  of  the  Fortress  of  La  Navidad 143 

XJ.    llcgulatiou  of  the  Fortress  of  La  Navidad  — Departure  of  Columbus  for 

Spaiu 147 


BOOK  V. 

* 
I.    Coasting  toward  the  Eastern  End  of  Ilispaniola  —  Meeting  with  Finzon  — 

Affair  will)  the  Natives  at  the  Uulf  of  rsimana 1">0 

II.     Return  Voyage — Violent  Storms  —  Arrival  at  the  Azores 156 

III.  Transactions  at  the  Inland  of  St.  Mary's 161 

IV.  Arrival  at  Portugal  —  Visit  to  the  Court 163 

V.     Keceplion  of  Columbus  at  Palo* 170 

VI.    Reception  of  Columbus  by  the  Spanish  Court  at  Barcelona 173 

VII.    Sojourn  of  Columbus  at  Barcelona  —  Attentions  paid  him  by  the  Sovereigns 

and  Courtiers 177 

VIII.    Papal  Bull  of  Partition  — Preparations  for  a  Second  Voyage  of  Columbus   .  181 
IX.    Diplomatic  Negotiations  between  the  Courts  of  Spain  and  Portugal  with 

respect  to  the  New  Discoveries 187 

X.    Further  Preparations  for  the  Second  Voyage — Character  of  Alonso  de 

Ojeda  —  Difference  of  Columbus  with  tsoria  aud  Fonseca 191 


BOOK  VL 

I.    Departure  of  Columbus  on  his  Second  Voyage  —  Discovery  of  the  Carlbboe 

Islands 197 

II.    Transactions  at  the  Island  of  Qnadaloupe 200 

III.  Cruise  among  the  Caribbee  Islands 205 

IV.  Arrival  at  the  Harbor  of  La  Navidad  — Disaster  of  the  Fortress 209 

V.    Transactions  with  the  Natives  —  Suspicious  Conduct  of  Uuacanagari  .     .    .  216 

VI.    Founding  of  the  City  of  Isabella  — Maladies  of  the  Spaniards 221 

VII.    Expedition  of  Alonso  de  Ojeda  to  explore  the  Interior  of  the  Island  — 

Despatch  of  the  Ships  to  Spain --1 

VIII.    Discontent!)  at  Isabella  —  Mutiny  of  Bernal  Diaz  de  Pisa 229 

IX.    Expedition  of  Columbus  to  the  Mountains  of  Cibao -:',-.: 

X.    Excursion  of  Juan  de  Luxan  among  the  Mountains  —  Customs  and  Charac- 
teristic* of  the  N:iti\  en —Columbus  returns  to  Isabella     239 

XI.     Arrival  of  Columbus  at  Ixnbella — Sickness  of  the  Colony .  24? 

XII.    Distribution  of  the  Spanish  Forces  in  the  Interior  —  Preparations  for  a 

Voyage  to  Cuba 253 


CONTENTS. 


BOOK  VII. 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

I.    Voyage  to  the  East  End  of  Cuba 257 

II.     Discovery  of  Jamaica 261 

III.  Return  to  Cuba  —  Navigation  among  the  Islands  called  the  Queen's  Gardens  264 

IV.  Coasting  off  the  Southern  Side  of  Cuba 268 

V.    Return  of  Columbus  along  the  Southern  Coast  of  Cuba 275 

VI.     Coasting  Voyage  along  the  South  Side  of  Jamaica 280 

VII.    Voyage  along  the  South  Side  of  Hispaniola,  and  Return  to  Isabella      .    .    .  283 


BOOK  VIII. 

I.    Arrival  of  the  Admiral  at  Isabella  —  Character  of  Bartholomew  Columbus.  287 

II.    Misconduct  of  Don  Pedro  Margarite,  and  his  Departure  from  the  Island  .    .  291 

III.  Troubles  with  the  Natives  —  Alonso  de  Ojeda  besieged  by  Ciouabo      •    •    •  295 

IV.  Measures  of  Columbus  to  restore  the  Quiet  of  the  Island  — Expedition  of 

Ojeda  to  surprise  Caonabo 299 

V.    Arrival  of  Antonio  de  Torres  with  Foar  Ships  from  Spain  —  His  Return  with 

Indian  Slaves 305 

VT.    Expedition  of  Columbus  against  the  Indians  of  the  Vega  —  Battle  ....  308 

VII.    Subjugation  of  the  Natives  —  Imposition  of  Tribute 312 

VIII.    Intrigues  against  Columbus  in  the  Court  of  Spain  —  Aguado  sent  to  investi- 
gate the  Affairs  of  Hispaniola 317 

IX.    Arrival  of  Aguado  at  Isabella  —  His  Arrogant  Conduct  —  Tempest  in  the 

Harbor 322 

X.    Discovery  of  the  Mines  of  Hayua 327 


BOOK  IX. 

I.    Return  of  Columbus  to  Spain  with  Aguado 331 

II.    Decline  of  the  Popularity  of  Columbus  in  Spain — His  Reception  by  the 

Sovereigns  at  Burgos— He  proposes  a  Third  Voyage 336 

HI.    Preparations  for  a  Third  Voyage  —  Disappointments  and  Delays      ....  341 


BOOK  X. 

I.    Departure  of  Columbus  from  Spain  on  his  Third  Voyage— Discovery  of 

Trinidad 349 

II.    Voyage  through  the  Gulf  of  Paria 354 

III.  Continuation  of  the  Voyage  through  the  Gulf  of  Paria  — Return  to  His- 

paniola    361 

IV.  Speculations  of  Columbus  concerning  the  Coast  of  Paria 367 


BOOK  XI. 

I.    Administration  of  the  Adelantado  — Expedition  to  the  Province  of  Xaragiia.  373 
II.    Establishment  of  a  Chain  of  Military  Posts  —  Insurrection  of  Guarionex, 

the  Cacique  of  the  Vega 379 

III.  The  Adelantado  repairs  to  Xaragua  to  receive  Tribute 385 

IV.  Conspiracy  of  lioldau 388 


6  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

V.    The  Adelantado  repair*  to  the  Vega  in  Relief  of  Fort  Conception  —  Ills 

Interview  with  Holdan 393 

VI.    Second   Insurrection  of  Guarionex,  aud   his   Flight  to  the  Mountain*  of 

Ciguay 397 

VII.    Campaign  of  the  AdeUntado  In  the  Mountains  of  Ciguay 400 


BOOK  XII. 

I.    ConfuKion  in  the  Island  —  Proceeding*  of  the  Rebels  at  Xarasma      ....  406 

II.    Negotiation  of  the  Admiral  with  the  Rebels  — Departure  of  Ship*  for  Spain  410 

III.  Negotiations  and  Arrangement*  with  the  Rebels 415 

IV.  Grant*  made  to  Holdan  and  hU  Follower*  — Departure  of  several  of  the 

Rebel*  for  Spain 423 

V.    Arrival  of  Ojeda  with  a  Squadron  at  the  Western  Part  of  the  Island  — 

Roldan  sent  to  meet  him 427 

VI.    Manoeuvres  of  Koldan  and  Ojeda 4-1 

VII.    Conspiracy  of  Guevara  and  Moxica 434 


BOOK  xm. 

I.    Representations  at    Court    against    Columbus  —  Bobadllla    empowered    to 

examine  into  bis  Conduct 441 

II.    Arrival  of  Bobodilla  at  San  Domingo  —  His  Violent  Assumption  of  the 

Command 447 

III.  Columbus  summoned  to  appear  before  Bobadilla 452 

IV.  Columbus  and  hi*  Brothers  arrested  and  sent  to  Spain  in  Chains 464 


BOOK  XIV. 

I.    Sensation  in  Spain  on  the  Arrival  of  Columbus  in  Irons  — His  Appearance 

at  Court 461 

II.    Contemporary  Voyages  of  Discovery 465 

III.  Nicholas  de  Ovando  appointed  to  supersede  Bobadilla 468 

IV.  Proportion  of  Columbus  relative  to  the  Recovery  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre     .  476 
V.    Preparations  of  Columbus  for  a  Fourth  Voyage  of  Discovery 480 


BOOK  XV. 

I.    Departure  of  Columbus  on  his  Fourth  Voyage  —  Refused  Admission  to  the 

Harbor  of  San  Domingo  — Exposed  to  a  Violent  Tempest 485 

II.    Voyage  along  the  Coast  of  Honduras 490 

FIT.    Voyage  along  the  Mosquito  Coast,  and  Transactions  at  Carlari 495 

IV.    Voyage  along  Coota  Rica  —  Speculations  concerning  the  Mlimux  at  Verajria.  500 
V.    Discovery  of  Puerto  Bello  and  El  Retrete  — Columbus  abandons  the  Search 

after  the  Strait 504 

VI.     Return  to  Vcraipia  —  The  Adelnntndo  explores  the  Country 507 

VII.    Commencement  of  a  Settlement  on  the  River  Belen  —  Conspiracy  of  the 

Native*—  Expedition  of  the  Adelantado  to  surprise  Quibian 513 

VIII.    Disasters  of  the  Settlement 519 


CONTENTS.  7 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

IX.    Distress  of  the  Admiral  on  board  of  his  Ship  —  Ultimate  Relief  of  the 

Settlement 523 

X.    Departure  from  the  Coast  of  Veragua —  Arrival  at  Jamaica  —  Stranding  of 

the  Ships 528 

BOOK  XVI. 

L    Arrangement  of  Diego  Mendez  with  the  Caciques  for  Supp'ies  of  Provis- 
ions—  Sent  to  San  Domingo  by  Columbus  in  Quest  of  Relief 532 

II.    Mutiuy  of  Porras 538 

III.  Scarcity  of  Provisions  —  Stratagem  of  Columbus  to  obtain  Supplies  from 

the  Natives 544 

IV.  Mission  of  Diego  de  Escobar  to  the  Admiral 547 

V.    Voyage  of  Diego  Mendez  and  Bartholomew  Fiesco  in  a  Canoe  to  Hispauiola.    551 

VI.    Overtures  of  Columbus  to  the  Mutineers  —  Battle  of  the  Adelantado  with 

Porras  and  his  Followers 555 


BOOK  XVTI. 

I.    Administration  of  Ovando  in  Hispaniola  — Oppression  of  the  Natives      .    .  561 

II.    Massacre  at  Xaragua  —  Fate  of  Anacaoua 565 

III.  War  with  the  Natives  of  Higuey 571 

IV.  Close  of  the  War  with  Higuey  —  Fate  of  Cotabanama     ........  575 


BOOK  XVin. 

I.    Departure  of  Columbus  for  San  Domingo  — His  return  to  Spain 581 

II.    Illness  of  Columbus  at  Seville  —  Application  to  the  Crown  fora  Restitution 

of  his  Honors  —  Death  of  Isabella -    .     .  586 

III.  Columbus  arrives  at  Court  — Fruitless  Application  to  the  King  for  Redress.  591 

IV.  Death  of  Columbus 597 

V.    Observations  on  the  Character  of  Columbus 602 


APPENDIX. 

NUMBBB 

I.    Transportation  of  the  Remains  of  Columbus  from  St.  Domingo  to  the 

Havana 609 

II.    Notice  of  the  Descendants  of  Columbus 612 

III.  Fernando  Columbus 622 

IV.  Age  of  Columbus 624 

V.     Lineage  of  Columbus 625 

VI.     Birthplace  of  Columbus 626 

VII.    The  Colombos 631 

VIII.    Expedition  of  John  of  Anjou 632 

IX.    Capture  of  the  Venetian  Galleys  by  Colombo  the  Younger    .....  634 

X.    Amerigo  Vespucci 635 

XI.     Martin  Alouzo  Pinzon                                                       646 


8 


CONTENTS. 


NUMBER  PAOB 

Ml.  Rumor  of  the  Pilot  Mid  to  have  died  In  the  House  of  Columbus    ...  648 

Mil.    Miirtin  Hrh.-iu r,:,o 

MV.    Vuyagfit  of  the  Scandinavians 653 

-\\'.    Circumnavigation  of  Africa  by  the  Ancleuls 666 

XVI.    Of  the  Ships  of  Columbus 658 

XVII.     Route  of  Columbus  In  bin  First  Voyage 660 

X\  111.  Priiu-ipU-H  upon  which  the  Suras  mentioned  in  this  Work  have  been 

reduced  into  Moderu  Curreucy 669 

XIX.     rrtwtcrJohn 670 

XX.     Marco  Polo 672 

XXI.     The  Work  of  Marco  Polo 678 

XXII.     Sir-John  Mandeville 681 

II 111.  The  Zones 682 

XXIV.  Of  the  Atalantls  of  Plato 684 

XXV.    The  Imaginary  Island  of  St.  Brandno 685 

XXVI.    The  Island  of  the  Seven  Cities 689 

XXVII.    Discovery  of  the  Island  of  Madeira 690 

XX  VII I.    LasCasas 693 

XXIX.    Peter  Martyr 698 

XXX.    Oviedo 702 

XI.    CuradeLosPalacios -702 

XXXII.  "  Xavigatione  del  Re  de  Castlglla  delle  Isole  e  Paeae  Nuovamente  Ri- 

trovate."    "Navigatio  Christophori  Colombi" 704 

XXXIII.  Antonio  de  Herrera 704 

XXXIV.  Bishop  Fonseca 708 

XXXV.    Of  the  Situation  of  the  Terrestrial  Paradise 708 

XXXVI.    Will  of  Columbus 712 

XXXVII.    Signature  of  Columbus 718 


PREFACE. 


BEIXG  at  Bordeaux  in  the  winter  of  1825-6,  I  received  a 
letter  from  Mr.  Alexander  Everett,  Minister  Plenipotentiary 
of  the  United  States  at  Madrid,  informing  me  of  a  work  then 
in  the  press,  edited  by  Don  Martin  Fernandez  de  Navarrete, 
Secretary  of  the  Royal  Academy  of  History,  etc.  etc.,  contain- 
ing a  collection  of  documents  relative  to  the  voyages  of  Colum- 
bus, among  which  were  many  of  a  highly  important  nature, 
recently  discovered.  Mr.  Everett,  at  the  same  time,  expressed 
an  opinion  that  a  version  of  the  work  into  English,  by  one  of 
our  own  country,  would  be  peculiarly  desirable.  I  concurred 
with  him  in  the  opinion  ;  and,  having  for  some  time  intended 
a  visit  to  Madrid,  I  shortly  afterward  set  off  for  that  capital, 
with  an  idea  of  undertaking,  while  there,  the  translation  of 
the  work. 

Soon  after  my  arrival,  the  publication  of  M.  Navarrete 
made  its  appearance.  I  found  it  to  contain  many  documents, 
hitherto  unknown,  which  threw  additional  lights  on  the  dis- 
covery of  the  New  World,  and  which  reflected  the  greatest 
credit  on  the  industry  and  activity  of  the  learned  editor.  Still 
the  whole  presented  rather  a  mass  of  rich  materials  for  history, 
than  a  history  itself.  And  invaluable  as  such  stores  may  be  to 
the  laborious  inquirer,  the  sight  of  disconnected  papers  and 
official  documents  is  apt  to  be  repulsive  to  the  general  reader, 
who  seeks  for  clear  and  continued  narrative.  These  circum- 
stances made  me  hesitate  in  my  proposed  undertaking ;  yet 
the  subject  was  of  so  interesting  and  national  a  kind,  that  I 
could  not  willingly  abandon  it. 

On  considering  the  matter  more  maturely,  I  perceived  that, 
athough  there  were  many  books,  in  various  languages,  relative 
to  Columbus,  they  all  contained  limited  and  incomplete  accounts 
of  his  life  and  voyages  ;  while  numerous  valuable  tracts  on  the 
subject  existed  only  in  manuscript  or  in  the  form  of  letters, 
journals,  and  public  muniments.  It  appeared  to  me  that  a 

9 


10  PREFACE. 

history,  faithfully  digested  from  these  various  materials,  was  a 
desideratum  in  literature,  ami  would  IK-  a  more  satisfactory 
occupation  to  myself.  :in<l  a  more  acceptable  work  to  my  coun- 
try, than  thr  translation  I  had  contemplated. 

I  was  encouraged  to  undertake  such  a  work,  by  the  great 
facilities  which  I  found  within  my  reach  at  Madrid.  I  was 
resident  under  the  roof  of  the  American  Consul,  O.  Rich,  KSIJ., 
one  of  the  most  indefatigable  bibliographers  in  Kurope.  who. 
for  several  years,  had  made  particular  researches  alter  every 
document  relative  to  the  early  history  of  America.  In  his  ex- 
tensive ami  curious  library.  I  found  one  of  the  best  collections 
extant  of  Spanish  colonial  history,  containing  many  documents 
for  which  I  might  search  elsewhere  in  vain.  This  he  put  at 
my  absolute  command,  with  a  frankness  and  unreserve  seldom 
to  be  met  with  among  the  possessors  of  such  rare  and  valuable 
works  ;  and  his  library  has  been  my  main  resource  throughout 
the  whole  of  my  labors. 

1  found  also  the  Royal  Library  of  Madrid,  and  the  library  of 
the  Jesuits'  College  of  San  Isidro,  two  noble  and  extensive 
collections,  open  to  access,  and  conducted  with  great  order  and 
liberality.  From  Don  Martin  Fernandez  de  Navarrete.  who 
communicated  various  valuable  and  curious  pieces  of  informa- 
tion, discovered  in  the  course  of  his  researches,  I  received  the 
most  obliging  assistance  ;  nor  can  I  refrain  from  testifying  my 
admiration  of  the  self-sustained  zeal  of  that  estimable  man. 
one  of  the  last  veterans  of  Spanish  literature,  who  is  almost 
alone,  yet  indefatigable  in  his  labors,  in  a  country  where,  at 
present,  literary  exertion  meets  with  but  little  excitement  or 
reward. 

I  must  acknowledge,  also,  the  liberality  of  the  Duke  of  Ve- 
ragua,  the  descendant  and  representative  of  Columbus,  who 
submitted  the  archives  of  his  family  to  my  inspection,  and  took 
a  personal  interest  in  exhibiting  the  treasures  they  contained. 
Nor.  lastly,  must  I  omit  my  deep  obligations  to  my  excellent 
friend  Don  Antonio  de  Uguina,  treasurer  of  the  Prince  Fran- 
cisco, a  gentleman  of  talents  and  erudition,  and  particularly 
versed  in  the  history  of  his  country  and  its  dependencies.  To 
his  unwearied  investigations,  and  silent  and  unavowed  con- 
tributions, the  world  is  indebted  for  much  of  the  accurate 
information,  recently  imparted,  on  points  of  early  colonial  his- 
tory. In  the  possession  of  this  gentleman  are  most  of  the 
papers  of  his  deceased  friend,  the  late  historian  Munos.  who 
was  cut  off  in  the  midst  of  his  valuable  lal»ors.  These,  and 
various  other  documents,  have  been  imparted  to  me  by  Don 


PREFACE.  11 

Antonio,  with  a  kindness  and  urbanity  which  greatly  increased, 
yet  lightened,  the  obligation. 

With  these,  and  other  aids  incidently  afforded  me  by  my 
local  situation,  I  have  endeavored,  to  the  best  of  my  abilities 
and  making  the  most  of  the  time  which  I  could  allow  myself 
during  a  sojourn  in  a  foreign  country,  to  construct  this  history. 
I  have  diligently  collated  all  the  works  that  I  could  find  relative 
to  my  subject,  in  print  and  manuscript ;  comparing  them,  as 
far  as  in  my  power,  with  original  documents,  those  sure  lights 
of  historic  research  ;  endeavoring  to  ascertain  the  truth  amid 
those  contradictions  which  will  inevitably  occur,  where  several 
persons  have  recorded  the  same  facts,  viewing  them  from 
different  points,  and  under  the  influence  of  different  interests 
and  feelings. 

In  the  execution  of  this  work  I  have  avoided  indulging  in 
mere  speculations  or  general  reflections,  excepting  such  as  rose 
naturally  out  of  the  subject,  preferring  to  give  a  minute  and 
circumstantial  narrative,  omitting  no  particular  that  appeared 
characteristic  of  the  persons,  the  events,  or  the  times  ;  and  en- 
deavoring to  place  every  fact  in  such  a  point  of  view,  that  the 
reader  might  perceive  its  merits,  and  draw  his  own  maxims 
and  conclusions. 

As  many  points  of  the  history  required  explanations,  drawn 
from  contemporary  events  and  the  literature  of  the  times,  I 
have  preferred,  instead  of  incumbering  the  narrative,  to  give 
detached  illustrations  at  the  end  of  the  work.  This  also  enabled 
me  to  indulge  in  greater  latitude  of  detail,  where  the  subject 
was  of  a  curious  or  interesting  nature,  and  the  sources  of  in- 
formation such  as  not  to  be  within  the  common  course  of 
reading. 

After  all,  the  work  is  presented  to  the  public  with  extreme 
diffidence.  All  that  I  can  safely  claim  is,  an  earnest  desire  to 
state  the  truth,  an  absence  from  prejudices  1'especting  the 
nations  mentioned  in  my  history,  a  strong  interest  in  my  sub- 
ject, and  a  zeal  to  make  up  by  assiduity  for  many  deficiencies 
of  which  I  am  conscious. 

WASHINGTON  IRVING. 

Madrid,  1827. 

P.S. — I  have  been  surprised  at  finding  myself  accused  by 
some  American  writer  of  not  giving  sufficient  credit  to  Don 
Martin  Fernandez  de  Navarrete  for  the  aid  I  had  derived  from 
his  collection  of  documents.  I  had  thought  I  had  sufficiently 
shown,  in  the  preceding  preface,  which  appeared  with  my  first 


12  I'liKl'ACS. 

edition,  that  his  collection  first  prompted  my  work  and  subse- 
quently furnished  its  pi -iueipal  matei  ials  ;  and  that  I  liad  illus- 
trati-d  this  by  citations  at  the  foot  of  almost  every  page.  In 
preparing  this  revise. 1  edition.  I  have  carefully  and  conscien- 
tiously examined  into  tin-  matter,  but  find  nothing  to  add  to  the 

•  wledgmcnts  already  made. 

'I'.-  ftbow  tlie  feelings  and  opinions  of  M.  Navarrete  himself 
with  respect  to  my  work  and  myself,  I  subjoin  an  extract  from 
a  letter  received  from  that  excellent  man,  and  a  passage  from 
the  introduction  to  the  third  volume  of  his  collection.  Nothing 
but  the  desire  to  vindicate  myself  on  this  head  would  iuduce 
me  to  publish  extracts  so  laudatory. 


From  a  letter  dated  Madrid,  April  1st,  1831. 

I  congratulate  myself  that  the  documents  and  notices  which 
I  published  in  my  collection  about  the  first  occurrences  in  the 
history  of  America,  have  fallen  into  hands  so  able  to  appreciate 
their  authenticity,  to  examine  them  critically,  and  to  circulate 
them  in  all  directions;  establishing  fundamental  truths  which 
hitherto  have  been  adulterated  by  partial  or  systematic  writers. 

Yo  me  complazeo  en  que  los  documentos  y  noticias  que 
publicoen  mi  coleccion  sobre  los  primeros  acontecimientos  de  la 
historia  de  America,  hayan  recaido  en  manos  tan  habiles  para 
aprcciar  su  autenticidad,  para  examinar  las  con  critica  y  propa- 
garlas  por  todos  partes,  echando  los  fundamentos  de  la  verdad 
que  hast  a  ahora  hd  sido  tau  adulterada  par  los  escritores  par- 
ciales  6  sistematicos. 

In  the  introduction  to  the  third  volume  of  his  Collection  of 
Spanish  Voyages.  M.  Navarrete  cites  various  testimonials  he 
has  received  since  the  publication  of  his  two  first  volumes  of  the 
utility  of  his  work  to  the  republic  of  letters. 

••  A  signal  proof  of  this,"  he  continues,  "  is  just  given  us  by 
Mr.  Washington  Irving  in  the  History  of  the  Life  and  Voyages 
of  Christopher  Columbus,  which  lie  has  published  with  a  suc- 
cess as  general  as  it  is  well  merited.  We  said  in  our  introduc- 
tion that  we  did  not  propose  to  write  the  history  of  the  admiral, 
but  to  publish,  notes  and  materials  that  it  might  l>e  written 
with  veracity  ;  and  it  is  fortunate  that  the  first  person  to  profit 
by  them  should  be  a  literary  man.  judicious  and  erudite, 
already  known  in  his  own  country  and  in  Kurope  by  other 


PREFACE.  13 

works  of  merit.  Resident  in  Madrid,  exempt  from  the  rivalries 
which  have  influenced  some  European  natives  with  respect  to 
Columbus  and  his  discoveries  ;  having  a*n  opportunity  to  exam- 
ine excellent  books  and  precious  manuscripts  ;  to  converse  with 
persons  instructed  in  these  matters,  and  having  always  at  hand 
the  authentic  documents  which  we  had  just  published,  he  has 
been  enabled  to  give  to  his  history  that  fulness,  impartiality, 
and  exactness,  which  make  it  much  superior  to  those  of  the 
writers  who  preceded  him.  To  this  he  adds  his  regular  method, 
and  convenient  distribution ;  his  style  animated,  pure  and 
elegant ;  the  notice  of  various  personages  who  mingled  in  the 
concerns  of  Columbus  ;  and  the  examination  of  various  ques- 
tions, in  which  always  shine  sound  criticism,  erudition,  and 
good  taste." 

Insigne  prueba  de  esto  mismo  acaba  de  darnos  el  Senor  Wash- 
ington Irving  en  la  Historia  de  la  Vida  y  de  los  Viages  de 
Cristobal  Colon  que  ha  publicado  con  una  aceptacion  tan 
general  como  bieu  merecida.  Diginos  en  nuestra  introduccion 
( 1  §  56  pag.  Ixxxii.)  que  no  nos  proponiamos  escribir  la  historia 
de  aqual  almiraute,  sino  publicar  noticias  y  materiales  para  que 
se  escribiesce  con  veracidad,  y  es  uua  fortuna  que  el  primero 
que  se  haya  aprovechado  de  ellas  sea  un  literato  juicioso  y 
erudito.  conocido  ya  en  su  patria  y  en  Europa  por  otras  obras 
apreciables.  Colocado  en  Madrid,  exento  de  las  rivalidades  que 
ban  dominado  entre  algunas  naciones  Europeas  sobre  Colon  y 
sus  descubrimientos  ;  con  la  proporcion  de  examinar  excelentes 
libros  y  preciosos  manuscritos,  de  tratar  a  personas  instruidas 
en  estas  materias,  y  teniendo  siempre  a  la  mano  los  autenticos 
documentos  que  acabamos  de  publicar,  ha  logrado  dar  a  su  his- 
toria aquella  extension  imparcialidad  y  exactitud  que  la  hacen 
muy  superior  a  las  de  los  escritores  que  la  precedieron.  Agre'- 
gase  a  esto  su  metodico  arreglo  y  conveniente  distribucion  ;  su 
estilo  animado,  puro  y  elegante  ;  la  uoticia  de  varies  personages 
que  intervenieron  en  los  sucesos  de  Colon,  y  el  exameh  de 
varias  cuestiones  en  que  luce  siempre  la  mas  sana  critica,  la 
erudition  y  buen  gusto.  — Prologo  al  tomo  3°. 


THE  LIFE  AND  VOYAGES  OF  CHRISTOPHER 
COLUMBUS. 


BOOK    I. 


WHETHER  in  old  times,  beyond  the  reach  of  history  or  tradi- 
tion, and  in  some  remote  period  of  civilization,  when,  as  some 
imagine,  the  arts  may  have  flourished  to  a  degree  unknown  to 
those  whom  we  term  the  Ancients,  there  existed  an  intercourse 
between  the  opposite  shores  of  the  Atlantic ;  whether  the 
Egyptian  legend,  narrated  by  Plato,  respecting  the  island  of 
Atalantis  was  indeed  no  fable,  but  the  obscure  tradition  of  some 
vast  country,  ingulfed  by  one  of  those  mighty  convulsions  of 
our  globe,  which  have  left  traces  of  the  ocean  on  the  summits 
of  lofty  mountains,  must  ever  remain  matters  of  vague  and  vis- 
ionary speculation.  As  far  as  authenticated  history  extends, 
nothing  was  known  of  terra  firma,  and  the  islands  of  the  west- 
ern hemisphere,  until  their  discovery  toward  the  close  of  the  fif- 
teenth century.  A  wandering  bark  may  occasionally  have  lost 
sight  of  the  landmarks  of  the  old  continents,  and  been  driven 
by  tempests  across  the  wilderness  of  waters  long  before  the 
invention  of  the  compass,  but  never  returned  to  reveal  the 
secrets  of  the  ocean.  And  though,  from  time  to  time,  some 
document  has  floated  to  the  shores  of  the  old  world,  giving  to 
its  wondering  inhabitants  evidences  of  land  far  beyond  their 
watery  horizon  ;  yet  no  one  ventured  to  spread  a  sail,  and  seek 
that  land  enveloped  in  mystery  and  peril.  Or  if  the  legends  of 
the  Scandinavian  voyagers  be  correct,  and  their  mysterious  Viu- 
land  was  the  coast  of  Labrador,  or  the  shore  of  Newfoundland, 
they  had  but  transient  glimpses  of  the  New  World,  leading  to  no 
certain  or  permanent  knowledge,  and  in  a  little  time  lost  agaiu 

15 


16  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

to  mankind.1  Certain  it  is  that  at  the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth 
century,  when  tin-  most  intelligent  minds  were  seeking  in  every 
direction  for  the  scattered  lights  of  geographical  knowledge, 
a  profound  ignorance  prevailed  among  the  learned  as  to 
the  western  regions  of  the  Atlantic';  its  vast  waters  were 
regarded  with  awe  and  wonder,  seeming  to  bound  the  world 
as  with  a  chaos,  into  which  conjecture  could  not  penetrate,  and 
enterprise  feared  to  adventure.  We  need  no  greater  proofs  of 
this  than  the  description  given  of  the  Atlantic  by  Xerif  al  Kdrisi, 
surnamed  the  Nultian.  an  eminent  Arabian  writer,  whose  coun- 
trymen were  the  boldest  navigators  of  the  Middle  Ages,  and 
possessed  all  that  was  then  known  of  geography. 

••The  ocean,"  he  observes,  "encircles  the  ultimate  bounds 
of  the  inhabited  earth,  and  all  beyond  it  is  unknown.  No  one 
has  In-en  able  to  verify  any  thing  concerning  it,  on  account 
of  its  diflictilt  and  perilous  navigation,  its  great  obscurity,  its 
profound  depth,  and  frequent  tempests ;  through  fear  of  its 
mighty  fishes,  und  its  haughty  winds  ;  yet  there  are  many  islands 
in  it,  some  peopled,  others  uninhabited.  There  is  no  mariner 
who  dares  to  enter  into  its  deep  waters ;  or  if  any  have  done  so, 
they  have  merely  kept  along  its  coasts,  fearful  of  departing  from 
them.  The  waves  of  this  ocean,  altl.-ough  they  roll  as  high  as 
mountains,  yet  maintain  themselves  without  breaking;  for  if 
they  broke,  it  would  be  im}>ossible  for  slap  to  plough  them."  2 

It  is  the  object  of  the  following  work,  .0  relate  the  deeds  and 
fortunes  of  the  mariner  who  first  had  tlu  judgment  to  divine, 
and  the  intrepidity  to  brave  the  mysteries  of  this  perilous  deep: 
and  who,  by  his  hardy  genius,  his  inflexible  constancy,  and  his 
heroic  courage,  brought  the  ends  of  the  eat  'i  into  communica- 
tion with  each  other.  The  narrative  of  his  troubled  life  is  the 
link  which  connects  the  history  of  the  Old  W<  -Id  with  that  of 
the  New. 


1  See  illustration*  in  Appendix  at  the  end  of  this  work,  article  "  Scandinavian  Dis- 

'  LteacripUoD  of  Spain  by  Xerif  al  Edrisi:  Coude'a  Spauiah  translation.     Madrid, 
RW, 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  17 

CHAPTER  I. 

BIRTH,    PARENTAGE,    AND     EARLY    LIFE    OF    COLUMBUS. 

CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS,  or  Colombo,  as  the  name  is  written 
in  Italian,1  was  born  in  the  city  of  Genoa,  about  the  year  1435. 
He  was  the  son  of  Dominico  Colombo,  a  wool-comber,  and  Su- 
sannah Fonatanarossa,  his  wife,  and  it  would  seem  that  his 
ancestors  had  followed  the  same  handicraft  for  several  genera- 
tions in  Genoa.  Attempts  have  been  made  to  prove  him  of 
illustrious  descent,  and  several  noble  houses  have  laid  claim  to 
him  since  his  name  has  become  so  renowned  as  to  confer  rather 
than  receive  distinction.  It  is  possible  some  of  them  may  be  in 
the  right,  for  the  feuds  in  Italy  in  those  ages  had  broken  down 
and  scattered  many  of  the  noblest  families,  and  while  some 
branches  remained  in  the  lordly  heritage  of  castles  and  do- 
mains, others  were  confounded  with  the  humblest  population 
of  the  cities.  The  fact,  however,  is  not  material  to  his  fame  ; 
and  it  is  a  higher  proof  of  merit  to  be  the  object  of  contention 
among  various  noble  families,  than  to  be  able  to  substantiate 
the  most  illustrious  lineage.  His  son  Fernando  had  a  true 
feeling  on  the  subject.  "I  am  of  opinion,"  says  he,  "  that  I 
should  derive  less  dignity  from  any  nobility  of  ancestry,  than 
from  being  the  son  of  such  a  father."  2 

Columbus  was  the  oldest  of  four  children ;  having  two 
brothers,  Bartholomew  and  Giacomo,  or  James  (written  Diego 
in  Spanish),  and  one  sister,  of  whom  nothing  is  known  but  that 
she  was  married  to  a  person  in  obscure  life  called  Giacorno 
Bavarello.  At  a  very  early  age  Columbus  evinced  a  decided 
inclination  for  the  sea  ;  his  education,  therefore,  was  mainly 
directed  to  fit  him  for  maritime  life,  but  was  as  general  as  the 
narrow  means  of  his  father  would  permit.  Besides  the  ordi- 
nary branches  of  reading,  writing,  grammar,  and  arithmetic,  he 
was  instructed  in  the  Latin  tongue,  and  made  some  proficiency 
in  drawing  and  design.  For  a  short  time,  also,  he  was  sent  to 
the  university  of  Pavia,  where  he  studied  geometry,  geography, 

1  Columbus  Latinized  his  name  in  his  letters  according  to  the  usage  of  the  time,  when 
Latin  was  the  language  of  learned  correspondence.    In  subsequent  life  when  in  Spain  he 
recurred  to  what  was  supposed  to  he  the  original   Roman  name  of  the  family,  Colonus, 
which  he  abbreviated  to  Colon,  to  adapt  it  to  the  Castilian  tongue.     Hence  he  is  known  in 
Spanish  history  as  Christoval  Colon.     In  the  present  work  the  name  will  be  written 
Columbus,  being  the  one  by  which  he  is  most  known  throughout  the  world. 

2  The  reader  will  find  the  vexed  questions  about  the  age,  birthplace,  and  lineage  of 
Columbus  severally  discussed  in  the  Appendix. 


18  LIFE  OF  CIiniSTOPIIEK 

astronomy,  and  navigation.  He  thru  returned  to  (  lenoa,  where, 
according  to  a  contemporary  historian,  lie  assisted  his  father  in 
his  trade  of  wool-combing.'  'I'liis  assei  timi  is  indignantly  <-oii- 
tradi.-ted  liv  his  son  I-Yrnando.  though  there  is  nothing  in  it 
improbable,  ami  he  uives  us  no  information  of  his  father's  occu- 
pation to  supply  its  place.  He  could  not,  however,  have  re- 
mained long  in  this  employment,  as,  according  to  his  own 
account,  lie  filtered  upon  a  nautical  life  when  but  fourteen  years 
of  age.- 

In  tracing  the  early  history  of  a  man  like  Columbus,  whose 
actions  have  had  a  vast  effect  on  human  affairs,  it  is  inter- 
esting to  notice  how  much  has  been  owing  to  external  intlu- 
enees.  how  much  to  an  inl>orn  propensity  of  the  genius.  In  the 
latter  part  of  his  life,  when,  impressed  with  the  sublime  events 
brought  akmt  through  his  agency,  Columbus  looked  back  upon 
his  career  with  a  solemn  and  superstitious  feeling,  he  attributed 
his  early  and  irresistible  inclination  for  the  sea,  and  his  passion 
for  geographical  studies,  to  an  impulse  from  the  Deity  prepar- 
ing him  for  the  high  decrees  he  was  chosen  to  accomplish.8 

The  nautical  propensity,  however,  evinced  by  Columbus  in 
early  life,  is  common  to  boys  of  enterprising  spirit  and  lively 
imagination  brought  up  in  maritime  cities  ;  to  whom  the  sea  is 
the  highroad  to  adventure  and  the  region  of  romance.  Genoa, 
too,  walled  in  and  straitened  on  the  land  side  by  rugged  moun- 
tains, yielded  but  little  scope  for  enterprise  on  shore,  while  an 
opulent  and  widely  extended  commerce,  visiting  every  country, 
and  a  roving  marine,  battling  in  every  sea.  naturally  led  forth 
her  children  upon  the  waves,  as  their  propitious  element.  Many, 
too,  were  induced  to  emigrate  by  the  violent  factions  which 
rajvd  within  the  bosom  of  the  city,  and  often  dyed  its  streets 
with  blood.  A  historian  of  Genoa  laments  this  proneness  of  its 
youth  to  wander.  They  go,  said  he,  with  the  intention  of  re- 
turning when  they  shall  have  acquired  the  means  of  living  com- 
fortably and  honorably  in  their  native  place;  but  we  know  from 
long  experience,  that  of  twenty  who  thus  depart  scarce  two 
return  :  either  dying  abroad,  or  taking  to  themselves  foreign 
wives,  or  being  loath  to  expose  themselves  to  the  tempest  of 
civil  discords  which  distract  the  republic.4 

The  strong  passion  for  geographical  knowledge,  also,  felt  by 


-  Gliifttlnlanl,  Ann.de  Oenora.  Ufa  assertion  has  been  echoed  by  other 
hlatoria  i»,  viz.,  Anlon  Oallo  de  Navltratione  Colombi,  etc.,  Muralori,  xxiil.;  Darla 
Setmntua,  <!<•  relm*  QmiMMtbO*,  Muratori,  lorn.  24. 

1  Ili-i.  del  Almlraiite.  cap.  4. 

•  letter  lo  tin-  i  'ii-iHan  S  iMTciiftm,  1501. 

4  KogiK-U,  leturitt  de  Uenova,  lib.  ii. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  19 

Columbus  in  early  life,  and  which  inspired  his  after  career,  was 
incident  to  the  age  in  which  he  lived.  Geographical  discovery 
was  the  brilliant  path  of  light  which  was  forever  to  distinguish 
the  fifteenth  century.  During  a  long  night  of  monkish  bigotry 
and  false  learning,  geography,  with  the  other  sciences,  had  been 
lost  to  the  European  nations.  Fortunately  it  had  not  been  lost 
to  mankind :  it  had  taken  refuge  in  the  bosom  of  Africa. 
While  the  pedantic  schoolmen  of  the  cloisters  were  wasting 
time  and  talent,  and  confounding  erudition  by  idle  reveries  and 
sophistical  dialectics,  the  Arabian  sages,  assembled  at  Seuaar, 
were  taking  the  measurement  of  a  degree  of  latitude,  and 
calculating  the  circumference  of  the  earth,  on  the  vast  plains  of 
Mesopotamia. 

True  knowledge,  thus  happily  preserved,  was  now  making 
its  way  back  to  Europe.  The  revival  of  science  accompanied 
the  revival  of  letters.  Among  the  various  authors  which  the 
awakening  zeal  for  ancient  literature  had  once  more  brought 
into  notice,  were  Pliny,  Pomponius  Mela,  and  Strabo.  From 
these  was  regained  a  fund  of  geographical  knowledge,  which 
had  long  faded  from  the  public  mind.  Curiosity  was  aroused 
to  pursue  this  forgotten  path,  thus  suddenly  reopened.  A 
translation  of  the  work  of  Ptolemy  had  been  made  into  Latin, 
at  the  commencement  of  the  century,  by  Emauuel  Chrysoleras, 
a  noble  and  learned  Greek,  and  had  thus  been  rendered  more 
familiar  to  the  Italian  students.  Another  translation  had  fol- 
lowed, by  James  Angel  de  Scarpiaria,  of  which  fair  and  beau- 
ful  copies  became  common  in  the  Italian  libraries.1  The 
writings  also  began  to  be  sought  after  of  Averroes,  Alfraganus, 
and  other  Arabian  sages,  who  had  kept  the  sacred  fire  of  science 
alive,  during  the  interval  of  European  darkness. 

The  knowledge  thus  reviving  was  limited  and  imperfect ;  yet, 
like  the  return  of  morning  light,  it  seemed  to  call  a  new  crea- 
tion into  existence,  and  broke,  with  all  the  charm  of  wonder, 
upon  imaginative  minds.  They  were  surprised  at  their  own 
ignorance  of  the  world  around  them.  Every  step  was  dis- 
covery, for  every  region  beyond  their  native  country  was  in  a 
manner  terra  incognita. 

Such  was  the  state  of  information  and  feeling  with  respect  to 
this  interesting  science,  in  the  early  part  of  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury. An  interest  still  more  intense  was  awakened  by  the  dis- 
coveries which  began  to  be  made  along  the  Atlantic  coasts  of 
Africa  ;  and  must  have  been  particularly  felt  among  a  maritime 

1  Andres,  Hist.  B.  Let.,  lib.  iii.  cap.  2. 


20  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

and  commercial  people  like  the  Genoese.  To  tlirse  circum- 
stances may  we  ascribe  MIC  enthusiastic  devotion  which  Columbus 
imbibed  in  his  childhood  Tor  cosmographical  studies,  and  which 
influenced  all  his  after  fortunes. 

Tlic  short  time  passed  by  him  at  the  university  of  1'avia  w.-is 
barely  sufficient  to  give  him  the  rudiments  of  the  necessary 
sciences;  the  familiar  acquaintance  with  them,  which  he  evinced 
ill  afterlife,  must  have  been  the  result  of  diligent  self-schooling, 
in  casual  hours  of  study  amid  the  cares  and  vicissitudes  of  a 
rushed  and  wandering  life.  He  was  one  of  those  men  of  strong 
natural  genius,  who,  from  having  to  contend  at  their  very  out- 
set with  privations  and  impediments,  acquire  an  intrepidity,  in 
encountering  and  a  facility  in  vanquishing  difliculties,  through- 
out their  career.  Such  men  learn  to  effect  great  purposes  with 
small  means,  supplying  this  deficiency  by  the  resources  of  their 
own  energy  and  invention.  This,  from  the  earliest  commence- 
ment, throughout  the  whole  of  his  life,  was  one  of  the  remarkable 
features  in  the  history  of  Columbus.  In  every  undertaking,  the 
scantiness  and  apparent  insufficiency  of  his  means  enhance, 
the  grandeur  of  his  achievememeuts. 


CHAPTER  II. 

EARLY  VOYAGES  OF  COLUMBUS. 

COLUMBUS,  as  has  been  observed,  commenced  his  nautical 
career  when  about  fourteen  years  of  age.  His  first  voyages  were 
made  with  a  distant  relative  named  Colombo,  a  hardy  veteran  of 
the  seas,  who  had  risen  to  some  distinction  by  his  bravery,  and 
is  occasionally  mentioned  in  old  chronicles  ;  sometimes  as  com- 
manding a  squadron  of  his  own,  sometimes  as  an  admiral  in  the 
(icnoese  service.  He  appears  to  have  lx?en  bold  and  adven- 
turous ;  ready  to  fight  in  any  cause,  and  to  seek  quarrel  where- 
ever  it  might  lawfully  be  found. 

The  seafaring  life  of  the  Mediterranean  in  those  days  was 
hazardous  mid  daring.  A  commercial  expedition  resembled  a 
warlike  cruise,  and  the  maritime  merchant  had  often  to  fight  his 
way  from  port  to  port.  Piracy  \\:is  almost  legalized.  The  fre- 
quent feuds  between  the  Italian  states;  the  cruisings  of  the 
Catalonians  ;  the  armadas  fitted  out  by  private  noblemen,  who 
exercised  a  kind  of  sovereignty  in  their  own  domains,  and  kept 
petty  armies  and  navies  in  their  pay  ;  the  roving  ships  and 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  21 

squadrons  of  private  adventurers,  a  kind  of  naval  Condottieri, 
sometimes  employed  by  the  hostile  governments,  sometimes 
scouring  the  seas  in  search  of  lawless  booty  ;  these,  with  the 
holy  wars  waged  against  the  Mahometan  powers,  rendered  the 
narrow  seas  to  which  navigation  was  principally  confined,  scenes 
of  hardy  encounters  and  trying  reverses. 

Such  was  the  rugged  school  in  which  Columbus  was  reared, 
and  it  would  have  been  deeply  interesting  to  have  marked  the 
early  development  of  his  genius  amid  its  stern  adversities.  All 
this  instructive  era  of  his  history,  however,  is  covered  with 
darkness.  His  son  Fernando,  who  could  have  best  elucidated 
it,  has  left  it  in  obscurity,  or  has  now  and  then  perplexed  us  with 
cross  lights  ;  perhaps  unwilling,  from  a  principle  of  mistaken 
pride,  to  reveal  the  indigence  and  obscurity  from  which  his 
father  so  gloriously  emerged. 

The  first  voyage  in  which  we  have  any  account  of  his  being 
engaged  was  a  naval  expedition,  fitted  out  in  Genoa  in  1459  by 
John  of  Anjou,  Duke  of  Calabria,  to  make  a  descent  upon 
Naples,  in  the  hope  of  recovering  that  kingdom  for  his  father, 
King  Reinier,  or  Renato,  otherwise  called  Rene,  Count  of  Pro- 
vence. The  republic  of  Genoa  aided  him  with  ships  and  money. 
The  brilliant  nature  of  the  enterprise  attracted  the  attention  of 
daring  and  restless  spirits.  The  chivalrous  nobleman,  the  sol- 
dier of  fortune,  the  hardy  corsair,  the  desperate  adventurer,  the 
mercenary  partisan,  all  hastened  to  enlist  under  the  banner  of 
Anjou.  The  veteran  Colombo  took  a  part  in  this  expedition, 
either  with  galleys  of  his  own,  or  as  a  commander  of  the 
Genoese  squadron,  and  with  him  embarked  his  youthful  relative, 
the  future  discoverer. 

The  struggle  of  John  of  Anjou  for  the  crown  of  Naples  lasted 
about  four  years,  with  varied  fortune,  but  was  finally  unsuc- 
cessful. The  naval  part  of  the  expedition,  in  which  Columbus 
was  engaged,  signalized  itself  by  acts  of  intrepidity  ;  and  at  one 
time,  when  the  duke  was  reduced  to  take  refuge  in  the  island 
of  Ischia,  a  handful  of  galleys  scoured  and  controlled  the  bay  of 
Naples.1 

In  the  course  of  this  gallant  but  ill-fated  enterprise,  Columbus 
was  detached  on  a  perilous  cruise,  to  cut  out  a  galley  from  the 
harbor  of  Tunis.  This  is  incidentally  mentioned  by  himself  in 
a  letter  written  many  years  afterwards.  It  happened  to  me,  he 
says,  that  King  Reinier  (whom  God  has  taken  to  himself)  sent 
me  to  Tunis,  to  capture  the  galley  Fernandiua,  and  when  I 

1  Colcnuccio,  Istoria  de  Nap.,  lib.  vii.  cap.  17. 


22  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

arrived  off  the  island  of  St.  Pedro,  in  Sardinia,  I  was  informed 
that  there  were  two  ships  :md  a  carrack  with  the  galley;  by 
which  intelligence  my  crew  were  so  troubled  that  they  deter- 
mined to  proceed  no  farther,  but  to  return  to  Marseilles  for 
another  vessel  and  more  people ;  as  I  could  not  by  any  means 
compel  them,  I  assented  apparently  to  their  wishes,  altering  the 
point  of  the  compass  and  spreading  all  sail.  It  was  then  even- 
ing, and  next  morning  we  were  within  the  Cape  of  Carthagena, 
while  all  were  firmly  of  opinion  that  they  were  sailing  toward 
Marseilles.1 

We  have  no  further  record  of  this  bold  cruise  into  the  harbor 
of  Tunis  ;  but  in  the  foregoing  particulars  we  behold  early  indi- 
cations of  that  resolute  and  persevering  spirit  which  insured 
him  success  in  his  more  important  undertakings.  His  expedient 
to  beguile  a  discontented  crew  into  a  continuation  of  the  enter- 
prise, by  deceiving  them  with  respect  to  the  ship's  course,  will 
be  found  in  unison  with  a  stratagem  of  altering  the  reckoning, 
to  which  he  had  recourse  in  his  first  voyage  of  discovery. 

During  an  interval  of  many  years  we  have  but  one  or  two 
shadowy  traces  of  Columbus.  He  is  supposed  to  have  been 
principally  engaged  on  the  Mediterranean  and  up  the  Levant ; 
sometimes  in  commercial  voyages ;  sometimes  in  the  warlike 
contests  between  the  Italian  states  ;  sometimes  in  pious  and  pre- 
datory expeditions  against  the  Infidels.  Historians  have  made 
him  in  1474  captain  of  several  Genoese  ships,  in  the  service  of 
Louis  XI.  of  France,  and  endangering  the  peace  between  that 
country  and  Spain  by  running  down  and  capturing  Spanish 
vessels  at  sea,  on  his  own  responsibility,  as  a  reprisal  for  an 
irruption  of  the  Spaniards  into  Koussillon.3  Again,  in  147").  he 
is  represented  as  brushing  with  his  Genoese  squadron  in  ruffling 
bravado  by  a  Venetian  fleet  stationed  off  the  island  of  Cyprus, 
shouting  '•  Viva  San  Georgio !  "  the  old  war-cry  of  Genoa,  thus 
endeavoring  to  pique  the  jealous  pride  of  the  Venetians  and  pro- 
voke a  combat,  though  the  rival  republics  were  at  peace  at  the 
time. 

These  transactions,  however,  have  been  erroneously  attrib- 
uted to  Columbus.  They  were  the  deeds,  or  misdeeds,  either 
of  his  relative  the  old  Genoese  admiral,  or  of  a  nephew  of  the 
same,  of  kindred  spirit,  called  Colombo  the  Younger,  to  distin- 
guish him  from  his  uncle.  They  both  appear  to  have  l>een  fond 
of  rough  encounters,  and  not  very  scrupulous  as  to  the  mode  of 
bringing  them  about.  Fernando  Columbus  describes  this  Co- 

1  Letter  of  Columbus  to  the  Catholic  sorereims  Mile  Ili-t.  del  Aliniraute,  cup.  4. 
'  Chaufepie  Suppl   to  LSayic,  vol   u. ,  aiiic.c-  ••  i  olumbus." 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  23 

lombo  the  Younger  as  a  famous  corsair,  so  terrible  for  his  deeds 
against  the  Infidels,  that  the  Moorish  mothers  used  to  frighten 
their  unruly  children  with  his  name.  Columbus  sailed  with  him 
occasionally,  as  he  had  done  with  his  uncle,  and,  according  to 
Fernando's  account,  commanded  a  vessel  in  his  squadron  on  an 
eventful  occasion. 

Columbo  the  Younger,  having  heard  that  four  Venetian  gal- 
leys richly  laden  were  on  their  return  voyage  from  Flanders, 
lay  in  wait  for  them  on  the  Portuguese  coast,  between  Lisbon 
and  Cape  St.  Vincent.  A  desperate  engagement  took  place  ; 
the  vessels  grappled  each  other,  and  the  crews  fought  hand  to 
hand,  and  from  ship  to  ship.  The  battle  lasted  from  morning 
until  evening,  with  great  carnage  on  both  sides.  The  vessel 
commanded  by  Columbus  was  engaged  with  a  huge  Venetian 
galley.  They  threw  hand-grenades  and  other  fiery  missiles,  and 
the  galley  was  wrapped  in  flames.  The  vessels  were  fastened 
together  by  chains  and  grappling  irons,  and  could  not  be  separ- 
ated ;  both  were  involved  in  one  conflagration,  and  soon  became 
a  mere  blazing  mass.  The  crews  threw  themselves  into  the 
sea ;  Columbus  seized  an  oar,  which  was  floating  within  reach, 
and  being  an  expert  swimmer,  attained  the  shore,  though  full 
two  leagues  distant.  It  pleased  God,  says  his  son  Fernando, 
to  give  him  strength,  that  he  might  preserve  him  for  greater 
things.  After  recovering  from  his  exhaustion  he  repaired  to 
Lisbon,  where  he  found  many  of  his  Genoese  countrymen,  and 
was  induced  to  take  up  his  residence.1 

Such  is  the  account  given  by  Fernando  of  his  father's  first 
arrival  in  Portugal ;  and  it  has  been  currently  adopted  by  mod- 
ern historians  ;  but  on  examining  various  histories  of  the  times, 
the  battle  here  described  appears  to  have  happened  several  years 
after  the  date  of  the  arrival  of  Columbus  in  that  country.  That 
he  was  engaged  in  the  contest  is  not  improbable ;  but  he  had 
previously  resided  for  some  time  in  Portugal.  In  fact,  on  re- 
ferring to  the  history  of  that  kingdom,  we  shall  find,  in  the 
great  maritime  enterprises  in  which  it  was  at  that  time  engaged, 
ample  attractions  for  a  person  of  his  inclinations  and  pursuits  ; 
and  we  shall  be  led  to  conclude,  that  his  first  visit  to  Lisbon 
was  not  the  fortuitous  result  of  a  desperate  adventure,  but  was 
undertaken  in  a  spirit  cf  liberal  curiosity,  and  in  the  pursuit 
of  honorable  fortune. 

1  Hist,  del    Almirante,    cap.  5.    See    illustrations  at  the  eud  of   this  work,  article 
"  Capture  of  the  Venetian  Galleys." 


24  LIFE  OF  CUniSTOPUER  COLUMBUS. 

CHAPTER  III. 

PROGRESS    OF   DISCOVERY    UNDER    PRINCE    HENRY   OF    PORTUGAL. 

TIIK  career  of  modern  discovery  had  commenced  shortly  be- 
fore the  time  of  Columbus,  and  at  the  period  of  which  we  are 
treating  was  prosecuted  with  great  activity  by  Portugal.  Some 
have  attributed  its  origin  to  a  romantic  incident  in  the  four- 
teenth century.  An  Englishman  of  the  name  of  Mucham,  flying 
to  France  with  a  lady  of  whom  he  was  enamoured,  was  driven 
far  out  of  sight  of  land  by  stress  of  weather,  and  after  wander- 
ing al>out  the  high  seas,  arrived  at  an  unknown  and  uninhabited 
island,  covered  with  beautiful  forests,  which  was  afterward 
called  Madeira.1  Others  have  treated  this  account  as  a  fable, 
and  have  pronounced  the  Canaries  to  be  the  first  fruits  of  mod- 
ern discovery.  This  famous  group,  the  Fortunate  Islands  of 
the  ancients,  in  which  they  placed  their  Garden  of  the  Hesperi- 
des,  and  whence  Ptolemy  commenced  to  count  the  longitude,  had 
been  long  lost  to  the  world.  There  are  vague  accounts,  it  is 
true,  of  their  having  received  casual  visits,  at  wide  intervals, 
during  the  obscure  ages,  from  the  wandering  bark  of  some  Ara- 
bian, Norman,  or  Genoese  adventurer;  but  all  this  was  involved 
in  uncertainty,  and  led  to  no  beneficial  result.  It  was  not  until 
the  fourteenth  century  that  they  were  effectually  rediscovered, 
and  restored  to  mankind.  From  that  time  they  were  occasion- 
ally visited  by  the  hardy  navigators  of  various  countries.  The 
greatest  benefit  produced  by  their  discovery  was,  that  the  fre- 
quent expeditions  made  to  them  emboldened  mariners  to  venture 
far  upon  the  Atlantic,  and  familiarized  them,  in  some  degree, 
to  its  dangers. 

The  grand  impulse  to  discovery  was  not  given  by  chance,  but 
was  the  deeply  meditated  effort  of  one  master  mind.  This  was 
Prince  Henry  of  Portugal,  son  of  John  the  First,  surnamed  the 
Avenger,  and  Philippa,  of  Lancaster,  sister  of  Henry  the  Fourth 
of  England.  The  character  of  this  illustrious  man,  from  whose 
enterprises  the  genius  of  Columbus  took  excitement,  deserves 
particular  mention. 

Having  accompanied  his  father  into  Africa,  in  an  expedition 
against  the  Moors  at  Ceuta  he  received  much  information  con- 
cerning the  coast  of  Guinea,  and  other  regions  in  the  interior, 

»  See  Illustrations,  arUcle  "  Discovery  of  Madeira." 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  25 

hitherto  unknown  to  Europeans,  and  conceived  an  idea  that 
important  discoveries  were  to  be  made  by  navigating  along  the 
western  coast  of  Africa.  Ou  returning  to  Portugal,  this  idea 
became  his  ruling  thought.  Withdrawing  from  the  tumult  of 
a  court  to  a  country  retreat  in  the  Algarves,  near  Sagres,  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Cape  St.  Vincent,  and  in  full  view  of  the  ocean, 
he  drew  around  him  men  eminent  in  science,  and  prosecuted  the 
study  of  those  branches  of  knowledge  connected  with  the  mari- 
time arts.  He  was  an  able  mathematician,  and  made  himself 
master  of  a)'  the  astronomy  known  to  the  Arabians  of  Spain. 

On  studying  the  works  of  the  ancients,  he  found  what  he 
considered  abundant  proofs  that  Africa  was  circumnavigable. 
Eudoxus  of  Cyzicus  was  said  to  have  sailed  from  the  Red  Sea 
into  the  ocean,  and  to  have  continued  on  to  Gibraltar;  and 
Hanno,  the  Carthaginian,  sailing  from  Gibraltar  with  a  fleet 
of  sixty  ships,  and  following  the  African  coast,  was  said  to 
have  reached  the  shores  of  Arabia.1  It  is  true  these  voyages 
had  been  discredited  by  several  ancient  writers,  and  the  possi- 
bility of  circumnavigating  Africa,  after  being  for  a  long  time 
admitted  by  geographers,  was  denied  by  Hipparchus,  who  con- 
sidered each  sea  shut  up  and  land-bound  in  its  peculiar  basin  ; 
and  that  Africa  was  a  continent  continuing  onward  to  the  south 
pole,  and  surrounding  the  Indian  Sea,  so  as  to  join  Asia  beyond 
the  Ganges.  This  opinion  had  been  adopted  by  Ptolemy,  whose 
works,  in  the  time  of  Prince  Henry,  were  the  highest  authority 
in  geography.  The  prince,  however,  clung  to  the  ancient  belief, 
that  Africa  was  circumnavigable,  and  found  his  opinion  sanc- 
tioned by  various  learned  men  of  more  modern  date.  To  settle 
this  question,  and  achieve  the  circumnavigation  of  Africa,  was 
an  object  worthy  the  ambition  of  a  prince,  and  his  mind  was 
fired  with  the  idea  of  the  vast  benefits  that  would  arise  to  his 
country  should  it  be  accomplished  by  Portuguese  enterprise. 

The  Italians,  or  Lombards  as  they  were  called  in  the  north  of 
Europe,  had  long  monopolized  the  trade  of  Asia.  They  had 
formed  commercial  establishments  at  Constantinople  and  in  the 
Black  Sea,  where  they  received  the  rich  produce  of  the  Spice 
Islands,  lying  near  the  equator ;  and  the  silks,  the  gums,  the 
perfumes,  the  precious  stones,  and  other  luxurious  commodities 
of  Egypt  and  southern  Asia,  and  distributed  them  over  the 
whole  of  Europe.  The  republics  of  Venice  and  Genoa  rose  to 
opulence  and  power  in  consequence  of  this  trade.  They  had 
factories  in  the  most  remote  parts,  even  in  the  frozen  regions  of 

1  See  illustrations,  article  "  Circumnavigation  of  Africa  by  the  Ancients." 


26  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS. 

Moscow  and  Norway.  Their  merchants  emulated  the  magnifi- 
cence of  princes.  All  Europe  was  tributary  to  their  commerce. 
Yet  this  trade  had  to  pass  through  various  Intermediate  hands, 
subjeet  to  the  delays  and  charges  of  internal  navigation,  and 
the  tedious  and  uncertain  journeys  of  the  earavan.  For  a  long 
time  the  merchandise  of  India  was  conveyed  by  the  Gulf  of 
1'ersia.  the  Euphrates,  the  Indus,  and  the  Oxus,  to  the  Caspian 
ami  the  .Mediterranean  seas ;  thence  to  take  a  new  destination 
for  the  various  marts  of  Europe.  After  the  Soldan  of  Egypt 
had  conquered  the  Arabs,  and  restored  trade  to  its  ancient 
channel,  it  was  still  attended  with  great  cost  and  delay.  Its 
precious  commodities  had  to  be  conveyed  by  the  Ke<l  Sea  ;  thence 
on  the  backs  of  camels  to  the  banks  of  the  Nile,  whence  they 
were  transported  to  Egypt  to  meet  the  Italian  merchants.  Thus, 
while  the  opulent  traffic  of  the  East  was  engrossed  by  these 
adventurous  monopolists,  the  price  of  every  article  was  enhanced 
by  the  great  expense  of  transportation. 

It  was  the  grand  idea  of  Prince  Henry,  by  circumnavigating 
Africa  to  open  a  direct  and  easy  route  to  the  source  of  this 
commerce,  to  turn  it  in  a  golden  tide  upon  his  country.  He 
was,  however,  before  the  age  in  thought,  and  had  to  counteract 
ignorance  and  prejudice,  and  to  endure  the  delays  to  which 
vivid  and  penetrating  minds  are  subjected,  from  the  tardy 
co-operations  of  the  dull  and  the  doubtful.  The  navigation  of 
the  Atlantic  was  yet  in  its  infancy.  Mariners  looked  with  distrust 
upon  a  boisterous  expanse,  which  appeared  to  have  no  opposite 
shore,  and  feared  to  venture  out  of  sight  of  the  landmarks. 
Every  bold  headland  and  far-stretching  promontory  was  a  wall 
to  bar  their  progress.  They  crept  timorously  along  the  Barbary 
shores,  and  thought  they  had  accomplished  a  wonderful  expedi- 
tion when  they  had  ventured  a  few  degrees  beyond  the  Straits 
of  Gibraltar.  Cape  Non  was  long  the  limit  of  their  daring  ; 
they  hesitated  to  double  its  rocky  point,  beaten  by  winds  and 
waves,  and  threatening  to  thrust  them  forth  upon  the  raging 
deep. 

Independent  of  these  vague  fears,  they  had  others,  sanctioned 
by  philosophy  itself.  They  still  thought  that  the  earth,  at  the 
equator,  was  girdled  by  a  torrid  zone,  over  which  the  sun  held 
his  vertical  and  fiery  course,  separating  the  hemispheres  by  a 
region  of  impassive  heat.  They  fancied  Cape  Bojador  the 
utmost  Ixmndary  of  secure  enterprise,  and  had  a  superstitious 
belief  that  whoever  doubled  it  would  never  return.1  They 

»  Mariana,  Hint.  Esp.,  lib.  ii.  cap.  22. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  27 

locked  with  dismay  upon  the  rapid  currents  of  its  neighborhood, 
and  the  furious  surf  which  beats  upon  its  arid  coast.  They 
imagined  that  beyond  it  lay  the  frightful  region  of  the  torrid 
zone,  scorched  by  a  blazing  sun  ;  a  region  of  fire,  where  the 
very  waves,  which  beat  upon  the  shores,  boiled  under  the  intol- 
erable fervor  of  the  heavens. 

To  dispel  these  errors,  and  to  give  a  scope  to  navigation  equal 
to  the  grandeur  of  his  designs,  Prince  Henry  established  a  naval 
college,  and  erected  an  observatory  at  Sagres,  and  he  invited 
thither  the  most  eminent  professors  of  'the  nautical  faculties  ; 
appointing  as  president  James  of  Mallorca,  a  man  learned  in 
navigation,  and  skilful  in  making  charts  and  instruments. 

The  effects  of  this  establishment  were  soon  apparent.  All 
that  was  known  relative  to  geography  and  navigation  was 
gathered  together  and  reduced  to  system.  A  vast  improve- 
ment took  place  in  maps.  The  compass  was  also  brought  into 
more  general  use,  especially  among  the  Portuguese,  rendering 
the  mariner  more  bold  and  venturous,  by  enabling  him  to  navi- 
gate in  the  most  gloomy  day  and  in  the  darkest  night.  Encour- 
aged by  these  advantages,  and  stimulated  by  the  munificence  of 
Prince  Henry,  the  Portuguese  marine  became  signalized  for  the 
hardihood  of  its  enterprises  and  the  extent  of  its  discoveries. 
Cape  Bojador  was  doubled  ;  the  region  of  the  tropics  penetrated, 
and  divested  of  its  fancied  terrors ;  the  greater  part  of  the 
African  coast,  from  Cape  Blanco  to  Cape  de  Verde,  explored  ; 
and  the  Cape  de  Verde  and  Azore  islands,  which  lay  three 
hundred  leagues  distant  from  the  continent,  were  rescued  from 
the  oblivious  empire  of  the  ocean. 

To  secure  the  quiet  prosecution  and  full  enjoyment  of  his 
discoveries,  Henry  obtained  the  protection  of  a  papal  bull, 
granting  to  the  crown  of  Portugal  sovereign  authority  over  all  the 
lands  it  might  discover  in  the  Atlantic,  to  India  inclusive,  with 
plenary  indulgence  to  all  who  should  die  in  these  expeditious  ; 
at  the  same  time  menacing,  with  the  terrors  of  the  church,  all 
who  should  interfere  in  these  Christian  conquests.1 

Henry  died  on  the  13th  of  November,  1473,  without  accom- 
plishing the  great  object  of  his  ambition.  It  was  not  until 
many  years  afterward  that  Vasco  de  Gama,  pursuing  with  a 
Portuguese  fleet  the  track  he  had  pointed  out,  realized  his 
anticipations  by  doubling  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  sailing  along 
the  southern  coast  of  India,  and  thus  opening  a  highway  for 
commerce  to  the  opulent  regions  of  the  East.  Henry,  however, 

1  Vasconcelos,  Hist.  de.  Juau  II. 


28  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

lived  long  enough  to  reap  some  of  the  richest  rewards  of  a 
great  and  good  mind.  He  beheld,  through  his  means,  his  native 
country  in  a  grand  and  active  career  of  prosperity.  The  dis- 
coveries of  the  Portuguese  were  the  wonder  and  admiration  of 
the  fifteenth  century,  and  Portugal,  from  being  one  of  the  least 
among  nations,  suddenly  rose  to  be  one  of  the  most  imi>ortaiit. 

All  this  was  effected,  not  by  arms,  but  by  arts;  not  l>y  the 
stratagems  of  a  cabinet,  but  by  the  wisdom  of  a  college.  It 
was  the  great  achievement  of  a  prince,  who  has  well  been 
described  "  full  of  thoughts  of  lofty  enterprise,  and  acts  of 
generous  spirit;"  one  who  bore  for  his  device  the  magnani- 
mous motto,  "The  talent  to  do  good,"  the  only  talent  worthy 
the  ambition  of  princes.1 

Henry,  at  his  death,  left  it  in  charge  to  his  country  to  prose- 
cute the  route  to  India.  He  had  formed  companies  and  associa- 
tions, by  which  commercial  zeal  was  enlisted  in  the  cause,  and  it 
was  made  a  matter  of  interest  and  competition  to  enterprising 
individuals.2  From  time  to  time  Lisl>on  was  thrown  igto  a 
tumult  of  excitement  by  the  launching  forth  of  some  new  expe- 
dition, or  the  return  of  a  squadron  with  accounts  of  new  tracts 
explored  and  new  kingdoms  visited.  Every  thing  was  confident 
promise  and  sanguine  anticipation.  The  miserable  hordes  of 
the  African  coast  were  magnified  into  powerful  nations,  and  the 
voyagers  continually  heard  of  opulent  countries  farther  on.  It 
was  as  yet  the  twilight  of  geographic  knowledge ;  imagination 
went  hand  in  hand  with  discovery,  and  as  the  latter  groped  its 
slow  and  cautious  way,  the  former  peopled  all  beyond  with 
wonders.  The  fame  of  the  Portuguese  discoveries,  and  of  the 
expeditions  continually  setting  out,  drew  the  attention  of  the 
world.  Strangers  from  all  parts,  the  learned,  the  curious,  and 
the  adventurous,  resorted  to  Lisbon  to  inquire  into  the  particulars 
or  to  participate  in  the  advantages  of  these  enterprises.  Among 
these  was  Christopher  Columbus,  whether  thrown  there,  as  has 
been  asserted,  by  the  fortuitous  result  of  a  desperate  adventure, 
or  drawn  thither  by  liberal  curiosity  and  the  pursuit  of  honor- 
able fortune.8 

1  .loam  de  narrow,  A«la,  decad.  I.    J  Latitau,  Conquetca  dee  1'ortugate,  torn.  i.  lib.  i. 
*  Herrera,  decad.  i.  lib.  i. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  29 


CHAPTER  IV. 

RESIDENCE  OF  COLUMBUS  AT  LISBON IDEAS  CONCERNING  ISLANDS 

IN    THE    OCEAN. 

COLUMBUS  arrived  at  Lisbon  about  the  year  1470.  He  was  at 
that  time  in  the  full  vigor  of  manhood,  and  of  an  engaging 
presence.  Minute  descriptions  are  given  of  his  person  by  his 
son  Fernando,  by  LasCasas,  and  others  of  his  contemporaries.1 
According  to  these  accounts,  he  was  tall,  well-formed,  muscular, 
and  of  an  elevated  and  dignified  demeanor.  His  visage  was 
long,  and  neither  full  nor  meagre  ;  his  complexion  fair  and 
freckled,  and  inclined  to  ruddy  ;  his  nose  aquiline  ;  his  cheek- 
bones were  rather  high,  his  eyes  light  gray,  and  apt  to  enkindle  ; 
his  whole  countenance  had  an  air  of  authority.  His  hair,  in 
his  youthful  days,  was  of  a  light  color ;  but  care  and  trouble, 
according  to  Las  Casas,  soon  turned  it  gray,  and  at  thirty  years 
of  age  it  was  quite  white.  He  was  moderate  and  simple  in  diet 
and  apparel,  eloquent  in  discourse,  engaging  and  affable  with 
strangers,  and  his  amiableness  and  suavity  in  domestic  life 
strongly  attached  his  household  to  his  person.  His  temper  was 
naturally  irritable  ; 2  but  he  subdued  it  by  the  magnanimity  of 
his  spirit,  comporting  himself  with  a  courteous  and  gentle 
gravity,  and  never  indulging  in  an}1  intemperance  of  language. 
Throughout  his  life  he  was  noted  for  strict  attention  to  the 
offices  of  religion,  observing  rigorously  the  fasts  and  ceremonies 
of  the  churcfo  ;  nor  did  his  piety  consist  in  mere  forms,  but  par- 
took of  that  lofty  and  solemn  enthusiasm  with  which  his  whole 
character  was  strongly  tinctured. 

While  at  Lisbon,  he  was  accustomed  to  attend  religious  ser- 
vice at  the  chapel  of  the  convent  of  All  Saints.  In  this  convent 
were  certain  ladies  of  rank,  either  resident  as  boarders,  or  in 
some  religious  capacity.  With  one  of  these  Columbus  became 
acquainted.  She  was  Dona  Felipa,  daughter  of  Bartolomeo 
Moiiis  de  Perestrello,  an  Italian  cavalier,  lately  deceased,  who 
had  been  one  of  the  most  distinguished  navigators  under  Prince 
Henry,  and  had  colonized  and  governed  the  Island  of  Porto 
Santo.  The  acquaintance  soon  ripened  into  attachment,  and 
ended  in  marriage.  It  appears  to  have  been  a  match  of  mere 
affection,  as  the  lady  was  destitute  of  fortune. 


1  Hist,  del  Almirante,  cap.  3.     Las  Casas,  Hist.  lud.,  lib.  i.  cap.  2, 

2  lllt-Bcas,  Uist.  Poiitilical,  lib.  vi. 


MS. 


30  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBIA 

The  newly  married  couple  resided  with  the  mother  of  the 
bride.  The  latter,  perceiving  the  interest  which  Columbus  took 
in  all  matters  concerning  the  sea,  related  to  him  all  she  knew 
of  the  voyages  and  exi>fditions  of  her  lute  huslt:iinl,  and  brought 
him  all  his  pa|H-rs.  charts,  journals,  and  memorandums.1  In  this 
way  he  became  acquainted  with  the  routes  of  the  1'ortuirues.-. 
their  plans  and  conceptions  ;  and  having,  by  his  marriage  and 
residence,  become  naturalized  in  1'ortu^al,  he  sailed  occasion- 
ally  in  the  expeditions  to  the  coast  of  Guinea.  When  on  shore, 
he  supported  his  family  by  making  maps  and  charts.  His  narrow 
circumstances  obliged  him  to  observe  a  strict  economy  ;  yet  we 
are  told  that  he  appropriated  a  part  of  his  scanty  means  to  the- 
succor  of  his  aged  father  at  Genoa,2  and  to  the  education  of  his 
younger  brothers.* 

The  construction  of  a  correct  map  or  chart,  in  those  days, 
required  a  degree  of  knowledge  and  experience  sufficient  to 
entitle  the  possessor  to  distinction.  Geography  was  but  just 
emerging  from  the  darkness  which  had  enveloped  it  for  n 
Ptolemy  was  still  a  standard  authority.  The  maps  of  the  fif- 
teenth century  display  a  mixture  of  truth  and  error,  in  which 
facts  handed  down  from  antiquity,  and  others  revealed  by  recent 
discoveries,  are  confused  with  popular  fables  and  extravagant 
conjectures.  At  such  a  period,  when  the  passion  for  maritime 
discovery  was  seeking  every  aid  to  facilitate  its  enterprises,  the 
knowledge  and  skill  of  an  able  cosmographer  like  Columbus 
would  be  properly  appreciated,  and  the  superior  correctness  of 
his  maps  and  charts  would  give  him  notoriety  among  men  of 
science.4  We  accordingly  find  him,  at  an  earl}'  period  of  his 
residence  in  Lisbon,  in  correspondence  with  Paulo  Toscanelli. 
of  Florence,  one  of  the  most  scientific  men  of  the  day,  whose 
communications  had  great  influence  in  inspiriting  him  to  his 
subsequent  undertakings. 

While  his  geographical  labors  thus  elevated  him  to  a  commu- 


i  Oviodo,  Cronica  de  las  India*,  lib.  ii.  cap.  2. 

>  Ibid. 

•  Munnz  Hi«t.  Xuevo  Mundo,  lib.  Ii. 

4  Th--  importance  which  began  to  be  attached  to  coxmographlcal  knowledge  io  evident 
from  the  distinction  which  Mauro,  an  Italian  friar,  obtained  from  having  projected  an 
universal  map,  esteemed  the  mo»t  accurate  of  the  time.  A  fao-»imile  of  thU  map,  upon 
the  same  scale  a*  the  original,  in  now  deponited  in  the  Briti-h  Mu -turn,  and  it  ha*  U-.-n 
published,  with  a  geographical  commentary,  l>y  tin-  learned  /.urla.  The  Venetians  struck 
a  medal  In  honor  of  him,  on  which  they  denominated  him  Coxmographugincomparabllis 
(Colllne  del  Busaol.  Naut.  p.  2,  c.  5).  Yet  Katnunio,  who  bad  «een  ihi-  map  in  the 
monastery  of  San  Micholedc  Mu ratio,  considers  it  merely  an  improved  copy  of  a  map 
brought  from  Cathay  by  Marco  Polo  (Ramusln,  t.  ii.  p.  17,  Kd.  Venet.  lt>0ri).  We  are 
told  thitt  Amerieiis  Ve«pucius  paid  one  hundred  and  thirty  ducal*  (equivalent  to  five 
hundred  and  fifty  I'm-  dollars  in  our  time)  for  a  map  of  sea  and  land,  made  at  Mailorca, 
in  143U,  by  Uabriel  de  Valaeca  (Barros,  D.  1. 1.  c.  lo.  Ix-rroto  por  Tolinu,  lutrod.  p.  i".). 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER    COLUMBUS.  31 

nion  with  the  learned,  they  were  peculiarly  calculated  to  foster 
a  train  of  thoughts  favorable  to  nautical  enterprise.  From  con- 
stantly comparing  maps  and  charts,  and  noting  the  progress 
and  direction  of  discovery,  he  was  led  to  perceive  how  much 
of  the  world  remained  unknown,  and  to  meditate  on  the  means 
of  exploring  it.  His  domestic  concerns,  and  the  connections 
he  had  formed  by  marriage,  were  all  in  unison  with  this  vein 
of  speculation.  He  resided  for  some  time  at  the  recently  dis- 
covered island  of  Porto  Santo,  where  his  wife 'had  inherited 
some  property,  and  during  his  residence  there  she  bore  him  a 
son,  whom  he  named  Diego.  This  residence  brought  him,  as  it 
were,  on  the  very  frontier  of  discovery.  His  wife's  sister  was 
married  to  Pedro  Correo,  a  navigator  of  note,  who  had  at  one 
time  been  governor  of  Porto  Santo.  Being  frequently  together 
in  the  familiar  intercourse  of  domestic  life,  their  conversation 
naturally  turned  upon  the  discoveries  prosecuting  in  their  vicinity 
along  the  African  coasts  ;  upon  the  long  sought  for  route  to 
India  ;  and  upon  the  possibility  of  some  unknown  lands  existing 
in  the  west. 

In  their  island  residence,  too,  they  must  have  been  frequently 
visited  by  the  voyagers  going  to  and  from  Guinea.  Living 
thus,  surrounded  by  the  stir  and  bustle  of  discovery,  commun- 
ing with  persons  who  had  risen  by  it  to  fortune  and  honor,  and 
voyaging  in  the  very  tracks  of  its  recent  triumphs,  the  ardent 
mind  of  Columbus  kindled  up  to  enthusiasm  in  the  cause.  It 
was  a  period  of  general  excitement  to  all  who  were  connected 
w:''i  maritime  life,  or  who  resided  in  the  vicinity  of  the  ocean. 
Tl>e  recent  discoveries  had  inflamed  their  imaginations,  and  had 
filled  them  with  visions  of  other  islands,  of  greater  wealth  and 
beauty,  yet  to  be  discovered  in  the  boundless  wastes  of  the 
Atlantic.  The  opinions  and  fancies  of  the  ancients  on  the  sub- 
ject were  again  put  in  circulation.  The  story  of  Autilla,  a 
great  island  in  the  ocean,  discovered  by  the  Carthaginians,  was 
frequently  cited,  and  Plato's  imaginary  Atalantis  once  more 
found  firm  believers.  Many  thought  that  the  Canaries  and 
Azores  were  but  wrecks  which  had  survived  its  submersion, 
and  that  other  and  larger  fragments  of  that  drowned  land  might 
yet  exist,  in  remoter  parts  of  the  Atlantic. 

One  of  the  strongest  symptoms  of  the  excited  state  of  the 
popular  mind  at  this  eventful  era,  was  the  prevalence  of  rumors 
respecting  unknown  islands  casually  seen  in  the  ocean.  Many 
of  these  were  mere  fables,  fabricated  to  feed  the  predominant 
humor  of  the  public  ;  many  had  their  origin  in  the  heated  imagi- 
nations of  voyagers,  beholding  islands  in  those  summer  clouds 


32  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

which  lie  along  the  horizon,  and  often  beguile  the  suilor  witli  the 
idea  of  (list:int  lands. 

( )n  such  airy  basis,  most  probably,  was  founded  the  story 
told  to  Columbus  by  one  Antonio  Leone,  an  inhabitant  of  Ma- 
deira, who  allirmed  that  sailing  thence  westward  one  hundred 
leagues,  lie  had  seen   three  islands  at  a  distance.      Hut  the  tales 
of  the  kind  most  i>ositivcly  advanced  and  zealously  maintained, 
u.-if  those  related  by  the  people  of  the  Canaries,  who  were  long 
under  a  singular  optical  delusion.     They  imagined  that,  from 
time  to  time,  they  beheld  a  vast  island  to  the  westward,  with 
lofty  mountains  and  deep  valleys.     Nor  was  it  seen  in  cloudy 
and  dubious  weather,  but  in  those  clear  days  common  to  tropical 
climates,  and  with  all  the  distinctness  with  which  distant  objects 
may  be  discerned  in  their  pure,  transparent  atmosphere.     The 
island,  it  is  true,  was  only  seen  at  intervals  ;  while  at  other  times, 
and  in  the  clearest  weather,  not  a  vestige  of  it  was  to  be  descried. 
"When  it  did  appear,  however,  it  was  always  in  the  same  T  ' 
and  under  the  same  form.      So  persuaded  were  the  inhal 
of  the  Canaries  of  its  reality,  that  application  was  made 
King  of  IV-tugal  for  permission  to  discover  and  take  possession 
of  it;  and  it  actually  became  the  object  of  several  expeditions. 
The  island,  however,  was  never  to  be  found,  though  it  still  con- 
tinued occasionally  to  cheat  the  eye.     There  were  all  kinds  of 
wild  and  fantastic  notions  concerning  this  imaginary  land.     ' 
supposed  it  to  be  the  Antilla  mentioned  by  Aristotle  ;  other 
Island  of  S»'\eii  Cities,  so  called  from  an  ancient  legend  of  s  ^' 
bishops,  who,  with  a  multitude  of  followers,  fled  from  Spa.\ 
the  time  of  its  conquest  by  the  Moors,  and.  guided  by  H« 
to  some  unknown  island  in  the  ocean,  founded  on  it  seven  s 
did  cities.     While  some  considered  it  another  legendary  island, 
on  which,  it  was  said,  a  Scottish   priest  of   the   name  of   St. 
Hrandan,  had  landed   in  the  sixth  century.      This  last  legend 

•d  into  current  belief.  The  fancied  island  was  called  by 
the  name  of  St.  Hrandan,  or  St.  Horondon,  and  long  continued 
to  lie  actually  laid  down  in  maps  far  to  the  west  of  the  Canaries.1 
The  same  was  done  with  the  fabulous  island  of  Antilla;  and 
the<e  erroneous  maps  and  phantom  islands  have  given  rise  at 
various  times  to  assertions  that  the  New  World  had  been  known 
prior  to  the  period  of  its  generally  reputed  discovery. 

'umbus.  however,  considers  all  these  appearances  of  land 
as  mere  illusions.  He  supposes  that  they  may  have  been  caused 
by  rocks  lying  in  the  ocean,  which,  seen  at  a  distance,  under 

1  See  illustration*,  article  "  Inland  of  St.  Brandau." 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  88 

certain  atmospherical  influences  may  have  assumed  the  appear- 
ance of  islands  ;  or  that  they  may  have  been  floating  islands, 
such  as  are  mentioned  by  Pliny  and  Seneca  and  others,  formed 
by  twisted  roots,  or  of  a  light  and  porous  stone,  and  covered 
with  trees,  and  which  may  have  been  driven  about  the  ocean  by 
the  winds. 

The  islands  of  St.  Brandan,  of  Antilla,  and  of  the  Seven 
Cities,  have  long  since  proved  to  be  fabulous  tales  or  atmos- 
pherical delusions.  Yet  the  rumors  concerning  them  derive 
interest,  from  showing  the  state  of  public  thought  with  respect 
to  the  Atlantic,  while  its  western  regions  were  yet  unknown. 
They  were  all  noted  down  with  curious  care  by  Columbus,  and 
may  have  have  had  some  influence  over  his  imagination.  Still, 
though  of  a  visionary  spirit,  his  penetrating  genius  sought  in 
deeper  sources  for  the  aliment  of  its  meditations.  Aroused  by 
the  impulse  of  passing  events,  he  turned  anew,  says  his  son 
Fi-nuindo,  to  study  the  geographical  authors  which  he  had  read 
jn(i  <e,  and  to  consider  the  astronomical  reasons  which  might 
jr  >orate  the  theory  gradually  forming  in  his  mind.  He 
made  himself  acquainted  with  all  that  had  been  written  by  the 
ancients,  or  discovered  by  the  moderns,  relative  to  geography. 
His  own  voyages  enabled  him  to  correct  many  of  their  errors, 
and  appreciate  many  of  their  theories.  His  genius  having  thus 
t'lk-'a  its  decided  bent,  it  is  interesting  to  notice  from  what  a 
mi*  .  of  acknowledged  facts,  rational  hypotheses,  fanciful  nar- 
W;  -ns,  and  popular  rumors,  his  grand  project  of  discovery  was 
w;-  ight  out  by  the  stroug  workings  of  a  vigorous  mind. 
Tl- 


CHAPTER  V. 

GROUNDS    ON    WHICH     COLUMBUS     FOUNDED     HIS     BELIEF     OF     TH 
EXISTENCE    OF    UNDISCOVERED    LANDS    IN    THE    WEST. 

IT  has  been  attempted,  in  the  preceding  chapters,  to  show 
how  Columbus  was  gradually  kindled  up  to  his  grand  design  by 
the  spirit  and  events  of  the  times  in  which  he  lived.  His  sou 
Fernando,  however,  undertakes  to  furnish  the  precise  data  on 
which  his  father's  plan  of  discovery  was  founded.1  "  He  does 
this,"  he  observes,  "  to  show  from  what  slender  argument  so 
great  a  scheme  was  fabricated  and  brought  to  light ;  and  for 

i  Hist,  del  Almiiaute,  cap.  6,  7,  8. 


34  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER 

the  purpose  of  satisfying  those  who  may  desire  to  know  dis- 
tinctly tin-  circumstances  and  motives  which  led  his  father  to 
undertake  this  enterprise. 

As  this  statement  was  formed  from  notes  and  documents 
found  amoiii:  his  father's  papers,  it  is  too  curious  and  intnv-t- 
ing  n<>t  to  deserve  particular  mention.  In  this  memorandum  lie 
arranged  the  foundation  of  his  father's  theory  under  three  heads  : 
1.  The  nature  of  things.  2.  The  authority  of  learned  writers. 
3.  The  reports  of  navigators. 

I  "nder  the  first  head  he  set  down  as  a  fundamental  principle 
that  the  earth  was  a  terraqueous  sphere  or  globe,  which  mid  it 
be  travelled  round  from  east  to  west,  and  that  men  stood  foot 
to  foot  when  on  opposite  points.  The  circumference  from  east 
to  west,  at  the  equator,  Columbus  divided,  according  to  Ptole- 
my, into  twenty-fours  hours  of  fifteen  degrees  each,  making 
three  hundred  and  sixty  degrees.  Of  these  he  imagined,  com- 
paring the  globe  of  Ptolemy  with  the  earlier  map  of  Marinus  of 
Tyre,  that  fifteen  hours  had  been  known  to  the  ancients, 
extending  from  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar,  or  rather  from  the 
Canary  Islands,  to  the  city  of  Thinse  in  Asia,  a  place  set  down 
as  at  the  eastern  limits  of  the  known  world.  The  Portuguese 
had  advanced  the  western  frontier  one  hour  more  by  the  dis- 
covery of  the  Azores  and  Cape  de  Verde  Islands.  There 
remained,  then,  according  to  the  estimation  of  Columbus,  eight 
hours,  or  one  third  of  the  circumference  of  the  earth,  unknown 
and  unexplored.  This  space  might,  in  a  great  measure,  be 
filled  up  by  the  eastern  regions  of  Asia,  which  might  extend  so 
far  as  nearly  to  surround  the  globe,  and  to  approach  the  western 
shores  of  Europe  and  Africa.  The  tract  of  ocean  intervening 
between  these  countries,  he  observes,  would  be  less  than  might 
at  first  l>e  supposed,  if  the  opinion  of  Alfraganus,  the  Arabian, 
were  admitted,  who,  by  diminishing  the  size  of  the  degrees,  gave 
to  the  earth  a  smaller  circumference  than  did  other  cosmograph- 
ers ;  a  theory  to  which  Columbus  seems  at  times  to  have  given 
faith.  Granting  these  premises,  it  was  manifest  that,  by  pur- 
suing a  direct  course  from  east  to  west,  a  navigator  would  arrive 
at  the  extremity  of  Asia,  and  discover  any  intervening  land. 

I  "nder  the  second  head  are  named  the  authors  whose  writings 
had  weight  in  convincing  him  that  the  intervening  ocean  could 
be  but  of  moderate  expanse,  and  easy  to  be  traversed.  Among 
these.,  he  cites  the  opinion  of  Aristotle.  Seneca,  and  Pliny,  that 
one  might  pass  from  Cadiz  to  the  Indies  in  a  few  days;  of 
Strain),  also,  who  observes,  that  the  ocean  surrounds  the  earth, 
bathing  on  the  east  the  shores  of  India  ;  on  the  west,  the  coa.-ts 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER    COLUMBUS.  35 

of  Spain  and  Mauritania ;  so  that  it  is  easy  to  navigate  from 
one  to  the  other  on  the  same  parallel.1 

In  corroboration  of  the  idea  that  Asia,  or,  as  he  always  terms 
it,  India,  stretched  far  to  the  east,  so  as  to  occupy  the  greater 
part  of  the  unexplored  space,  the  narratives  are  cited  of  Marco 
Polo  and  John  Mandeville.  These  travellers  had  visited,  in  the 
thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries,  the  remote  parts  of  Asia,  far 
beyond  the  regions  laid  down  by  Ptolemy  ;  and  their  accounts 
of  the  extent  of  that  continent  to  the  eastward  had  a  great  effect 
in  convincing  Columbus  that  a  voyage  to  the  west,  of  no  long 
duration,  would  bring  him  to  its  shores,  or  to  the  extensive  and 
wealthy  islands  which  lie  adjacent.  The  information  concern- 
ing Marco  Polo  is  probably  derived  from  Paolo  Toscanelli,  a 
celebrated  doctor  of  Florence  already  mentioned,  with  whom 
Columbus  corresponded  in  1474,  and  who  transmitted  to  him 
a  copy  of  a  letter  which  he  had  previously  written  to  Fer- 
nando Martinez,  a  learned  canon  of  Lisbon.  This  letter  main- 
tains the  facility  of  arriving  at  India  by  a  western  course, 
asserting  the  distance  to  be  but  four  thousand  miles,  in  a  direct 
line  from  Lisbon  to  the  province  of  Mangi,  near  Cathay,  since 
determined  to  be  the  northern  coast  of  China.  Of  this  country 
he  gives  a  magnificent  description,  drawn  from  the  work  of 
Marco  Polo.  He  adds,  that  in  the  route  lay  the  islands  of  An- 
tilla  and  Cipango,  distant  from  each  other  only  two  hundred  and 
twenty-five  leagues,  abounding  in  riches,  and  offering  conven- 
ient places  for  ships  to  touch  at,  and  obtain  supplies  on  the 
voyage. 

Under  the  third  head  are  enumerated  various  indications  of 
land  in  the  west,  which  had  floated  to  the  shores  of  the  known 
world.  It  is  curious  to  observe,  how,  when  once  the  mind  of 
Columbus  had  become  heated  in  the  inquiry,  it  attracted  to  it 
every  corroborating  circumstance,  however  vague  and  trivial. 
He  appears  to  have  been  particularly  attentive  to  the  gleams  of 
information  derived  from  veteran  mariners,  who  had  been  em- 
ployed in  the  recent  voyages  to  the  African  coasts;  and  also 
from  the  inhabitants  of  lately  discovered  islands,  placed,  in  a 
manner,  on  the  frontier  posts  of  geographical  knowledge.  All 
these  are  carefully  noted  down  among  his  memorandums,  to  be 
collocated  with  the  facts  and  opinions  already  stored  up  in  his 
mind. 

Such,  for  instance,  is  the  circumstance  related  to  him  by  Mar- 
tin Vicenti,  a  pilot  in  the  service  of  the  King  of  Portugal ;  that, 

1  Strab.  Cos.,  lib.  i.  ii. 


36  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

after  sailing  four  hundred  :ind  fifty  leagues  to  the  west  of  Cape 
St.  Vincent,  lie  had  taken  from  the  water  a  piece  of  carved 
wood,  which  evidently  had  not  been  labored  with  an  iron  instru- 
ment. As  the  winds  had  drifted  it  from  the  west,  it  might  have 
come  from  some  unknown  land  in  that  direction. 

IVdro  Correo,  brother-in-law  of  C'olumbus,  is  likewise  cited 
as  having  seen,  on  the  island  of  Porto  Santo,  a  similar  piece  o 
wood,  which  had  drifted  from  the  same  quarter.      He  had  hear 
also  from  the  King  of  Portugal,  that  reeds  of  an  immense  siz 
had  floated  to  some  of  those  islands  from  the  west,  in  the  de- 
scription of  which.  C'olumbus  thought  he  recognized  the  im- 
mense reeds  said  by  Ptolemy  to  grow  in  India. 

Information  is  likewise  noted,  given  him  by  the  inhabitants  of 
the  A /.ores,  of  trunks  of  huge  pine  trees,  of  a  kind  that  did  not 
grow  upon  any  of  the  islands,  wafted  to  their  shores  by  the 
westerly  winds;  but  especially  of  the  bodies  of  two  dead  men, 
upon  the  island  of  Flores,  whose  features  differed  from 
those  of  any  known  race  of  people. 

To  these  is  added  the  report  of  a  mariner  of  the  port  of  St. 
Mary,  who  asserted  that,  in  the  course  of  a  voyage  to  Ireland, 
he  had  seen  land  to  the  west,  which  the  ship's  company  took 
for  some  extreme  part  of  Tartary.  Other  stories,  of  a  similar 
kind,  are  noted,  as  well  as  rumors  concerning  the  fancied  islands 
of  St.  Brandan,  and  of  the  Seven  Cities,  to  which,  as  has  al- 
ready been  observed,  Columbus  gave  but  little  faith. 

Such  is  an  abstract  of  the  grounds,  on  which,  according  to 
Fernando,  his  father  proceeded  from  one  position  to  another 
until  he  came  to  the  conclusion  that  there  was  undiscovered 
land  in  the  western  part  of  the  ocean;  that  it  was  attainable; 
that  it  was  fertile  ;  and  finally,  that  it  was  inhabited. 

It  is  evident  that  several  of  the  facts  herein  enumerated  must 
have  become  known  to  C'olumbus  after  he  had  formed  his  opin- 
ion, and  merely  served  to  strengthen  it;  still,  every  thing  thai 
throws  any  light  upon  the  process  of  thought,  which  led  to  s< 
great  an  event,  is  of  the  highest  interest;  and  the  chain  ot 
deductions  here  furnished,  though  not  perhaps  the  most  logical 
in  its  concatenation,  yet.  being  i-xtracted  from  the  papers  of 
Columbus  himself,  remains  one  of  the  most  interesting  docu- 
ments in  the  history  of  the  human  mind. 

On  considering  the  statement  attentively,  it  is  apparent  that 
the  grand  argument  which  induced  Columbus  to  his  enterprise 
was  that  placed  under  the  lirst  head,  namely,  that  the  most 
ea-tern  part  of  Asia  known  to  the  ancients  could  not  be  separ- 
ated from  the  Azores  by  more  than  a  third  of  the  circumference 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  37 

of  the  globe  ;  that  the  intervening  space  must,  in  a  great  meas- 
ure, be  tilled  up  by  the  unknown  residue  of  Asia ;  and  that,  if 
the  circumference  of  the  world  was,  as  he  believed,  less  than 
was  generally  supposed,  the  Asiatic  shores  could  easily  be  at- 
tained by  a  moderate  voyage  to  the  west. 

It  is  singular  how  much  the  success  of  this  great  undertaking 
depended  upon  two  happy  errors,  the  imaginary  extent  of  Asia 
to  the  east,  and  the  supposed  smalluess  of  the  earth ;  both 
errors  of  the  most  learned  and  profound  philosophers,  but  with- 
out which  Columbus  would  hardly  have  ventured  upon  his  en- 
terprise. As  to  the  idea  of  finding  land  by  sailing  directly  to 
the  west,  it  is  at  present  so  familiar  to  our  minds,  as  in  some 
measure  to  diminish  the  merits  of  the  first  conception,  and  the 
hardihood  of  the  first  attempt ;  but  in  those  days,  as  has  been 
observed,  the  circumference  of  the  earth  was  yet  unknown  ;  no 
one  could  tell  whether  the  ocean  were  not  of  immense  extent, 
impossible  to  be  traversed  ;  nor  were  the  laws  of  specific  gravity 
and  of  central  gravitation  ascertained,  by  which,  granting  the 
rotundity  of  the  earth,  the  possibility  of  making  the  tour  of  it 
would  be  manifest.1  The  practicability,  therefore,  of  finding 
land  by  sailing  to  the  west,  was  one  of  those  mysteries  of  nature 
which  are  considered  incredible  while  matters  of  mere  specula- 
tion, but  the  simplest  things  imaginable  when  they  have  once 
been  ascertained. 

When  Columbus  had  formed  his  theory,  it  became  fixed  in 
his  mind  with  singular  firmness,  and  influenced  his  entire  char- 
acter and  conduct.  He  never  spoke  in  doubt  or  hesitation,  but 
with  as  much  certainty  as  if  his  eyes  had  beheld  the  promised 
land.  No  trial  nor  disappointment  could  divert  him  from  the 
steady  pursuit  of  his  object.  A  deep  religious  sentiment 
mingled  with  his  meditations,  and  gave  them  at  times  a  tinge 
of  superstition,  but  it  was  of  a  sublime  and  lofty  kind  ;  he  looked 
upon  himself  as  standing  in  the  hand  of  Heaven,  chosen  from 
among  men  for  the  accomplishment  of  its  high  purpose  ;  he  read, 
as  he  supposed,  his  contemplated  discovery  foretold  in  Holy 
Writ,  and  shadowed  forth  darkly  in  the  mystic  revelations  of 
the  prophets.  The  ends  of  the  earth  were  to  be  brought  to- 
gether, and  all  nations  and  tongues  and  languages  united  under 
the  banners  of  the  Redeemer.  This  was  to  be  the  triumphant 
consummation  of  his  enterprise,  bringing  the  remote  and  un-j 
known  regions  of  the  earth  into  communion  with  Christian 
Europe  ;  carrying  the  light  of  the  true  faith  into  benighted  and 

1  Malte-Brun,  Geographic  Uiiiverselle,  torn.  iiv.  Note  sur  le  Deeouvwrte  de 
I'Ameilque. 


38  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

pa  nan  lands,  ami  gathering  their  countless  nations  under  the 
Imly  dominion  of  the  church. 

The  enthusiastic  nature  of  his  conceptions  gave  an  elevation 
to  Ins  spirit,  and  a  dignity  and  loftiness  to  his  whole  demeanor. 
lie  conferred  with  sovereigns  almost  with  a  feeling  of  equality. 
His  views  were  princely  and  nnl>oimdcd  ;  his  proposed  discovery 
was  of  empires  ;  his  conditions  were  proportionally  magnificent  : 
nor  would  he  ever,  even  after  long  delays,  repeated  disappoint- 
ments, and  under  the  pressure  of  actual  penury,  abate  what 
appeared  to  be  extravagant  demands  for  a  mere  possible 
discovery. 

Those  who  could  not  conceive  how  an  ardent  and  comprehen- 
sive genius  could  arrive,  by  presumptive  evidence,  at  so  firm 
a  conviction,  sought  for  other  modes  of  accounting  for  it.  When 
the  glorious  result  had  established  the  correctness  of  the  opinion 
of  (  olumbus,  attempts  were  made  to  prove  that  he  had  obtained 
previous  information  of  the  lands  which  he  pretended  to  dis- 
cover. Among  these  was  an  idle  tale  of  a  tern  pest- tossed  pilot, 
said  to  have  died  in  his  house,  bequeathing  him  written  accounts 
of  an  unknown  land  in  the  west,  upon  which  he  had  been  driven 
by  adverse  winds.  This  story,  according  to  Fernando  Colum- 
bus, had  no  other  foundation  than  one  of  the  popular  tales 
about  the  shadowy  island  of  St.  Brandan,  which  a  Portuguese 
captain,  returning  from  Guinea,  fancied  he  had  beheld  beyond 
Madeira.  It  circulated  for  a  time  in  idle  rumor,  altered  and 
shaped  to  suit  their  purposes,  by  such  as  sought  to  tarnish  the 
glory  of  Columbus.  At  length  it  found  its  way  into  print,  and 
has  been  echoed  by  various  historians,  varying  with  every  nar- 
ration, and  full  of  contradictions  and  Improbabilities.1 

An  assertion  has  also  been  made,  that  Columbus  was  pre- 
ceded in  his  discoveries  by  Martin  Behem,  a  contemporary  cos- 
inognipher,  who,  it  was  said,  had  landed  accidentally  on  the 
coast  of  South  America,  in  the  course  of  an  African  expedition  ; 
and  that  it  was  with  the  assistance  of  a  map  or  glol>e,  projected 
by  Behem,  on  which  was  laid  down  the  newly-discovered  coun- 
try that  Columbus  made  his  voyage.  This  rumor  originated 
in  an  absurd  misconstruction  of  a  Latin  manuscript,  and  was 
unsupported  by  any  documents  ;  yet  it  has  had  its  circulation, 
and  has  even  been  revived  not  many  years  since,  with  more  /eal 
than  discretion  :  but  is  now  completely  refuted  and  put  to  rest. 
The  land  visited  by  Behcm  was  the  coast  of  Africa  beyond  the 
equator;  the  globe  he-  projected  was  finished  in  1  1!'2,  while  Col- 

'•  illuHlruliuuB,  article  "  Uuwor  coucerniiig  the  Pilot  who  died  in  the  liou»o  of 
Columbus." 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  39 

umbus  was  absent  on  his  first  voyage :  it  contains  no  trace  of 
the  New  World,  and  thus  furnishes  conclusive  proof  that  its 
existence  was  yet  unknown  to  Behera.1 

There  is  a  certain  meddlesome  spirit,  which,  in  the  garb  of 
learned  research,  goes  prying  about  the  traces  of  history,  cast- 
ing down  its  monuments,  and  marring  and  mutilating  its  fairest 
trophies.  Care  should  be  taken  to  vindicate  great  names  from 
such  pernicious  erudition.  It  defeats  one  of  the  most  sal- 
utary purposes  of  history,  that  of  furnishing  examples  of  what 
human  genius  and  lauable  enterprise  may  accomplish.  For  this 
purpose  some  pains  have  been  taken  in  the  preceding  chapters 
to  trace  the  rise  and  progress  of  this  grand  idea  in  the  mind  of 
Columbus  ;  to  show  that  it  was  the  conception  of  his  genius, 
quickened  by  the  impulse  of  the  age,  and  aided  by  those  scat- 
tered gleams  of  knowledge  which  fell  ineffectually  upon  ordinary 
minds. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

CORRESPONDENCE      OF      COLUMBUS      WITH      PAULO     TOSCANELLI    

EVENTS    IN  PORTUGAL  RELATIVE  TO    DISCOVERIES PROPOSITION 

OF    COLUMBUS    TO   THE    PORTUGUESE    COURT DEPARTURE    FROM 

PORTUGAL. 

IT  is  impossible  to  determine  the  precise  time  when  Columbus 
first  conceived  the  design  of  seeking  a  western  route  to  India. 
It  is  certain,  however,  that  he  meditated  it  as  early  as  the  year 
1474,  though  as  yet  it  lay  crude  and  unmatured  in  his  mind. 
This  fact,  which  is  of  some  importance,  is  sufficiently  established 
by  the  correspondence  already  mentioned  with  the  learned  Tos- 
canelli  of  Florence,  which  took  place  in  the  summer  of  that 
year.  The  letter  of  Toscanelli  is  in  reply  to  one  from  Colum- 
bus, and  applauds  the  design  which  he  had  expressed  of  making 
a  voyage  to  the  west.  To  demonstrate  more  clearly  the  facility 
of  arriving  at  India  in  that  direction,  he  sent  him  a  map  pro- 
jected partly  according  to  Ptolemy,  and  partly  according  to  the 
description  of  Marco  Polo,  the  Venetian.  The  eastern  coast  of 
Asia  was  depicted  in  front  of  the  western  coasts  of  Africa  and 
Europe,  with  a  moderate  space  of  ocean  between  them,  in  which 
were  placed  at  convenient  distances  Cipango,  Antilla,  and  the 

1  See  illustrations,  article  "  Behem." 


40  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

other  islan.ls.1  Columbus  was  greatly  animated  by  tlio  letter 
and  chart  of  Toscanelli,  who  was  considered  one  of  tin-  al-lr-t 
cosmographers  of  the  day.  He  appears  to  have  procured  the 
work  of  Marco  Polo,  which  had  been  translated  into  various 
laminates,  and  existed  in  manuscript  in  most  libraries.  The 
author  uivcs  marvellous  accounts  of  the  riches  of  the  realms  of 
Cathay  and  Mangi,  or  Mangu,  since  ascertained  to  he  Northern 
and  Southern  China,  on  the  coast  of  which,  according  to  the 
map  of  Toscanelli,  a  voyager  sailing  directly  west  would  be  sure 
to  arrive.  He  describes  in  unmeasured  terms  the  power  and 
grandeur  of  the  sovereign  of  these  countries,  the  Great  Khan  of 
Tartary.  and  the  splendor  and  magnitude  of  his  capitals  of  Cam- 
baln  and  (Juinsai.  and  the  wonders  of  the  island  of  Cipango  or 
Zipangi,  supposed  to  be  Japan.  This  island  he  places  opposite 
Cathav,  live  hundred  leagues  in  the  ocean.  He  represents  it  as 
abounding  in  gold,  precious  stones,  and  other  choice  objects  of 
commerce,  with  a  monarch  whose  palace  was  roofed  with  plates 
of  gold  instead  of  lead.  The  narrations  of  this  traveller  were 
by  many  considered  fabulous;  but  though  full  of  what  appear 
to  be  splendid  exaggerations,  they  have  since  been  found  sub- 
stantially correct.  They  are  thus  particularly  noted,  from  the 
influence  they  had  over  the  imagination  of  Columbus.  The 
work  of  Marco  Polo  is  a  key  to  many  parts  of  his  history.  In 
his  applications  to  the  various  courts,  he  represented  the  coun- 
tries he  expected  to  discover  as  those  regions  of  inexhaustible 
wealth  which  the  Venetian  had  described.  The  territories  of 
the  (ire.it  Khan  were  the  objects  of  inquiry  in  all  his  voyages; 
and  in  his  cruisings  among  the  Antilles  he  was  continually  flat- 
tering himself  with  the  hopes  of  arriving  at  the  opulent  island 
of  Cipango,  and  the  coasts  of  Mangi  and  Cathay.2 

While  the  design  of  attempting  the  discovery  in  the  west 
was  maturing  in  the  mind  of  Columbus,  he  made  a  voyage  to 
the  north  of  Europe.  Of  this  we  have  no  other  memorial  than 
the  following  passage,  extracted  by  his  son  from  one  of  his  let- 
ters: "In  the  year  1477,  in  February,  I  navigated  one  hundred 
leagues  beyond  Thule,  the  southern  part  of  which  is  seventy- 
three  degrees  distant  from  the  equator,  and  not  sixty-three,  as 
some  pretend  ;  neither  is  it  situated  within  the  line  which  in- 


1  This  map,  by  which  Columbus  nailed  on  hi*  first  voyage  of  discovery,  Las  Caftan, 

(1lt>.  i.  cap  12)  nay*  hr  had  in  hi*   pouwm-ion  at  the  time  of   writing  his  hi-tory.     It   i-t 
Krt'iitly  t'>  IK-  n-tftvttfil  that  MI  i'llcn-nting  a  document  ohould  be  lout.     It  may  yi-t  i-xi*t 
i  '.In-   rhimtir   lumber  of  th»- Sjiani-h  archivi-w.     Few  documents  of  mure  curiosity 
won i.l  IM-  more  prrcinus. 

1  A  more  particular  account  of  Marco  Polo  and  bin  writings  l»  given  among  the 
illu-lrulion*. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  41 

eludes  the  west  of  Ptolemy,  but  is  much  more  westerly.  The 
English,  principally  those  of  Bristol,  go  with  their  merchandise 
to  this  island,  which  is  as  large  as  England.  When  I  was  there 
the  sea  was  not  frozen,  and  the  tides  were  so  great  as  to  rise 
and  fall  twenty-six  fathom."  * 

The  island  thus  mentioned  is  generally  supposed  to  have  been 
Iceland,  which  is  far  to  the  west  of  the  Ultima  Thule  of  the 
.mcients,  as  laid  down  in  the  map  of  Ptolemy. 

Several  more  years  elapsed,  without  any  decided  efforts  on 
the  part  of  Columbus  to  carry  his  design  into  execution.  He 
was  too  poor  to  fit  out  the  armament  necessary  for  so  important 
an  expedition.  Indeed  it  was  an  enterprise  only  to  be  under- 
taken in  the  employ  of  some  sovereign  state,  which  could 
assume  dominion  over  the  territories  he  might  discover,  and 
reward  him  with  dignities  and  privileges  commensurate  to  his 
services.  It  is  asserted  that  he  at  one  time  endeavored  to  en- 
gage his  native  country,  Genoa,  in  the  undertaking,  but  with- 
out success.  No  record  remains  of  such  an  attempt,  though  it 
is  generally  believed,  and  has  strong  probability  in  its  favor. 
His  residence  in  Portugal  placed  him  at  hand  to  solicit  the 
patronage  of  that  power,  but  Alphonso,  who  was  then  on  the 
throne,  was  too  much  engrossed  in  the  latter  part  of  his  reign 
with  a  war  with  Spain,  for  the  succession  of  the  Princess  Juana 
to  the  crown  of  Castile,  to  engage  in  peaceful  enterprises  of  an 
expensive  nature.  The  public  mind,  also,  was  not  prepared  for 
so  perilous  an  undertaking.  Notwithstanding  the  many  recent 
voyages  to  the  coast  of  Africa  and  the  adjacent  islands,  and  the 
introduction  of  the  compass  into  more  general  use,  navigation 
was  still  shackled  with  impediments,  and  the  mariner  rarely 
ventured  far  out  of  sight  of  land. 

Discovery  advanced  slowly  along  the  coasts  of  Africa,  and 
the  mariners  feared  to  cruise  far  into  the  southern  hemisphere, 
with  the  stars  of  which  they  were  totally  unacquainted.  To 
such  men,  the  project  of  a  voyage  directly  westward,  into  the 
midst  of  that  boundless  waste,  to  seek  some  visionary  land, 
appeared  as  extravagant  as  it  would  be  at  the  present  day  to 
launch  forth  in  a  balloon  into  the  regions  of  space  in  quest  of 
some  distant  star. 

The  time,  however,  was  at  hand,  that  was  to  extend  the 
sphere  of  navigation.  The  era  was  propitious  to  the  quick  ad- 
vancement of  knowledge.  The  recent  invention  of  the  art  of 
printing  enabled  men  to  communicate  rapidly  and  extensively 

1  lli.st.  del  Almirante,  cap.  4. 


42  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS. 

their  ideas  find  discoveries.  It  drew  forth  learning  from  libra- 
ries and  convents,  ami  brought  it  familiarly  to  the  reading-desk 
of  the  student.  Volumes  of  information,  which  before  had 
existed  only  in  costly  manuscripts,  carefully  treasured  up,  and 
kept  out  of  the  reach  of  the  indigent  scholar  and  obscure  ar- 
tist, were  now  in  every  hand.  There  was  henceforth  to  be  no 
retrogression  in  knowledge,  nor  any  pause  in  its  career.  Every 
step  in  advance  was  immediately,  and  simultaneously,  and 
widely  promulgated,  recorded  in  a  thousand  forms,  and  fixed 
forever.  There  could  never  again  l>e  a  dark  age;  nations 
iiii^lit  shut  their  eyes  to  the  light,  and  sit  in  wilful  darkness, 
but  they  could  not  trample  it  out;  it  would  still  shine  on,  dis- 
pensed to  happier  parts  of  the  world,  by  the  diffusive  powers 
of  the  press. 

At  this  juncture,  in  1481,  a  monarch  ascended  the  throne  of 
Portugal,  of  different  ambition  from  Alphonso.  John  II.,  then 
in  the  twenty-fifth  year  of  his  age,  had  imbibed  the  passion  for 
discovery  from  his  grand-uncle,  Prince  Henry,  and  with  his 
reign  all  its  activity  revived.  His  first  care  was  to  build  a  fort 
at  St.  George  de  la  Mina,  on  the  coast  of  Guinea,  to  protect 
trade  carried  on  in  that  neighborhood  for  gold  dust,  ivory,  and 
slaves. 

The  African  discoveries  had  conferred  great  glory  upon 
Portugal,  but  as  yet  they  had  been  expensive  rather  than  prof- 
itable. The  accomplishment  of  the  route  to  India,  however, 
it  was  expected  would  repay  all  cost  and  toil,  and  open  a  source 
of  incalculable  wealth  to  the  nation.  The  project  of  Prince 
Henry,  which  had  now  been  tardily  prosecuted  for  half  a  cen- 
tury, had  excited  a  curiosity  about  the  remote  parts  of  Asia, 
and  revived  all  the  accounts,  true  and  fabulous,  of  travellers. 

'  Besides  the  work  of  Marco  Polo,  already  mentioned,  there 
was  the  narrative  of  Rabbi  Benjamin  ben  Jonah,  of  Tudela,  a 
Spanish  Jew,  who  set  out  from  Saragossa  in  1173,  to  visit  the 
scattered  remnants  of  the  Hebrew  tribes.  Wandering  with 
unwearied  zeal  on  this  pious  errand,  over  most  parts  of  the 
known  world,  he  penetrated  China,  and  passed  thence  to  the 
southern  islands  of  Asia.1  There  were  also  the  narratives  of 
Carpini  and  Ascelin,  two  friars,  despatched,  the  one  in  124(>,  the 
other  in  1247,  by  Pope  Innocent  IV.,  as  apostolic  ambassadors, 
for  the  purpose  of  converting  the  Grand  Khan  of  Tartary  ;  and 
the  journal  of  William  Kubruquis  (or  Kuysbroek),  a  celebrated 

1  licritiTnn,  Voyages  en  Asie,  torn.  I.  The  work  of  Benjamin  of  Ttidela,  originally 
written  in  llrlnvw,  wan  HO  much  in  n-putr,  thai  the  traimlatioii  weut  through  sixteen 
editiuuH.  Amliv.-,  Hint.  H.  Let.,  11.  cap.  0. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  43 

Cordelier,  sent  on  a  similar  errand  in  1253,  by  Louis  IX.,  of 
France,  then  on  his  unfortunate  crusade  into  Palestine.  These 
pious  but  chimerical  missions  had  proved  abortive;  but  the 
narratives  of  them  being  revived  in  the  fifteenth  century, 
served  to  inflame  the  public  curiosity  respecting  the  remote 
parts  of  Asia. 

In  these  narratives  we  first  find  mention  made  of  the  re- 
nowned Prester  John,  a  Christian  king,  said  to  hold  sway  in  a 
remote  part  of  the  East,  who  was  long  an  object  of  curiosity 
and  research,  but  whose  kingdom  seemed  to  shift  its  situation 
in  the  tale  of  every  traveller,  and  to  vanish  from  the  search  as 
effectually  as  the  unsubstantial  island  of  St.  Brandan.  All  the 
speculations  concerning  this  potentate  and  his  Oriental  realm 
were  again  put  in  circulation.  It  was  fancied  that  traces  of 
his  empire  were  discovered  in  the  interior  of  Africa,  to  the 
east  of  Benin,  where  there  was  a  powerful  prince,  who  used  a 
cross  among  the  insignia  of  royalty.  John  II.  partook  largely 
of  the  popular  excitement  produced  by  these  narrations.  In 
the  early  part  of  his  reign  he  actually  sent  missions  in  quest  of 
Prester  John,  to  visit  whose  dominions  became  the  romantic 
desire  of  many  a  religious  enthusiast.1  The  magnificent  idea 
he  had  formed  of  the  remote  parts  of  the  East  made  him  ex- 
tremely anxious  that  the  splendid  project  of  Prince  Henry 
should  be  realized,  and  the  Portuguese  flag  penetrate  to  the 
Indian  seas.  Impatient  of  the  slowness  with  which  his  dis- 
coveries advanced  along  the  coast  of  Africa,  and  of  the  impedi- 
ments which  every  cape  and  promontory  presented  to  nautical 
enterprise,  he  called  in  the  aid  of  science  to  devise  some  means 
by  which  greater  scope  and  certainty  might  be  given  to  navi- 
gation. His  two  physicians,  Roderigo  and  Joseph,  the  latter  a 
Jew,  the  most  able  astronomers  and  cosmographers  of  his  king- 
dom, together  with  the  celebrated  Martin  Beheru,  entered  into 
a  learned  consultation  on  the  subject.  The  result  of  their 
conferences  and  labors  was  the  application  of  the  astrolabe  to 
navigation,  enabling  the  seaman,  by  the  altitude  of  the  sun,  to 
ascertain  his  distance  from  the  equator.2  This  instrument  has 
since  been  improved  and  modified  into  the  modern  quadrant, 
of  which,  even  at  its  first  introduction,  it  possessed  all  the  es- 
sential advantages. 

It  is  impossible  to  describe  the  effect  produced  upon  naviga- 
tion by  this  invention.  It  cast  it  loose  at  once  from  its  long 
bondage  to  the  land,  and  set  it  free  to  rove  the  deep.  The 

1  Soe  illustrations,  article  "  Prester  John." 

1  Ban-on,  ducad.  1,  lib.  iv.  cap.  '2.    Jlaffei,  lib.  vi.  p.  6  and  7. 


44  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMIWS. 

in:irim-r  now,  instead  of  coasting  the  shores  like  the  ancient 
navigators.  :ui(|.  if  driven  from  the  hind,  groping  his  way  hack 
in  doubt  and  apprehension  by  the  uncertain  guidance  of  the 
stars,  might  adventure  boldly  into  unknown  seas,  contident  of 
being  able  t<>  trace  his  course  by  means  of  the  compass  and  the 
astrolabe. 

It  was  shortly  after  this  event,  which  had  prepared  guides 
for  discovery  across  the  trackless  ocean,  that  Columbus  made 
the  tirst  attempt,  of  which  we  have  any  clear  and  indisputable 
record,  to  procure  royal  patronage  for  his  enterprise.  The 
court  of  Portugal  had  shown  extraordinary  liberality  in  reward- 
ing nautical  discovery.  Most  of  those  who  had  succeeded  in 
her  service  had  been  appointed  to  the  government  of  the  islands 
and  countries  they  had  discovered,  although  many  of  them  were 
foreigners  by  birth.  Encouraged  by  this  liberality,  and  by  the 
anxiety  evinced  by  King  John  II.  to  accomplish  a  passage  by 
sea  to  India,  Columbus  obtained  an  audience  of  that  monarch, 
and  proposed,  in  case  the  king  would  furnish  him  with  ships  and 
men,  to  undertake  a  shorter  and  more  direct  route  than  that 
along  the  coast  of  Africa.  His  plan  was  to  strike  directly  to 
the  west,  across  the  Atlantic.  He  then  unfolded  his  hypothesis 
with  respect  to  the  extent  of  Asia,  describing  also  the  immense 
riches  of  the  island  of  Cipan^o,  the  first  land  at  which  he  ex- 
pected to  arrive.  Of  this  audience  we  have  two  accounts, 
written  in  somewhat  of  an  opposite  spirit ;  one  by  his  oon  Fer- 
nando, the  other  by  Joam  de  Barros.  the  Portuguese  histori- 
ographer. It  is  curious  to  notice  the  different  views  taken  of  the 
same  transaction  by  the  enthusiastic  son,  and  by  the  cool,  per- 
haps prejudiced,  historian. 

The  king,  according  to  Fernando,  listened  to  his  father  with 
great  attention,  but  was  discouraged  from  engaging  in  any  new 
scheme  of  the  kind,  by  the  cost  and  trouble  already  sustained 
in  exploring  the  route  by  the  African  coast,  which  as  yet  re- 
mained unaccomplished.  His  father,  however,  supported  his 
proposition  by  such  excellent  reasons,  that  the  king  was  induced 
to  give  his  consent.  The  only  difficulty  that  remained  was  the 
terms;  for  Columbus,  being  a  man  of  lofty  and  noble  sentiments, 
demanded  high  and  honorable  titles  and  rewards,  to  the  end, 
says  Fernando,  that  he  might  leave  behind  him  a  name  and 
family  worthy  of  his  deeds  and  merits.1 

Barros,  on  the  other  hand,  attributes  the  seeming  acquiescence 
of  the  king,  merely  to  the  importunities  of  Columbus.  He  con- 

1  Hist,  del  Ahnirautu,  cup.  10. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER    COLUMBUS.  45 

sidered  him,  says  the  historian,  a  vainglorious  man,  fond  of 
displaying  his  abilities,  and  given  to  fantastic  fancies,  such  as 
that  respecting  the  island  of  Cipango.1  But  in  fact,  this  idea 
of  Columbus  being  vain,  was  taken  up  by  the  Portuguese  writers 
in  after  years  ;  and  as  to  the  island  of  Cipango,  it  was  far  from 
being  considered  chimerical  by  the  king,  who,  as  has  been  shown 
by  his  mission  in  search  of  Prester  John,  was  a  ready  believer 
in  these  travellers'  tales  concerning  the  East.  The  reasoning 
of  Columbus  must  have  produced  an  effect  on  the  mind  of  the 
monarch,  since  it  is  certain  that  he  referred  the  proposition  to  a 
learned  junto,  charged  with  all  matters  relating  to  maritime 
discovery. 

This  junto  was  composed  of  two  able  cosmographers,  mas- 
ters Roderigo  and  Joseph,  and  the  king's  confessor,  Diego  Ortiz 
de  Cazadilla,  bishop  of  Ceuta,  a  man  greatly  reputed  for  his 
learning,  a  Castilian  by  birth,  and  generally  called  Cazadilla, 
from  the  name  of  his  native  place.  This  scientitic  body  treated 
the  project  as  extravagant  and  visionary. 

Still  the  king  does  not  appear  to  have  been  satisfied.  Accord- 
ing to  his  historian  Vasconcelos,2  he  convoked  his  council, 
composed  of  prelates  and  persons  of  the  greatest  learning  in 
the  kingdom,  and  asked  their  advice,  whether  to  adopt  this  new 
route  of  discovery,  or  to  pursue  that  which  they  had  already 
opened. 

It  may  not  be  deemed  superfluous  to  notice  briefly  the  dis- 
cussion of  the  council  on  this  great  question.  Vasconcelos 
reports  a  speech  of  the  Bishop  of  Ceuta,  in  which  he  not  only 
objected  to  the  proposed  enterprise,  as  destitute  of  reason,  but 
even  discountenanced  any  further  prosecution  of  the  African 
discoveries.  "  They  tended,"  he  said,  "  to  distract  the  atten- 
tion, drain  the  resources,  and  divide  the  power  of  the  nation, 
already  too  much  weakened  by  recent  war  and  pestilence. 
While  their  forces  were  thus  scattered  abroad  on  remote  and 
unprofitable  expeditions,  they  exposed  themselves  to  attack  from 
their  active  enemy  the  King  of  Castile.  The  greatness  of  mon- 
archs,"  he  continued,  "did  not  arise  so  much  from  the  extent 
of  their  dominions,  as  from  the  wisdom  and  ability  with  which 
they  governed.  In  the  Portuguese  nation  it  would  be  madness 
to  launch  into  enterprises  without  first  considering  them  in  con- 
nection with  its  means.  The  king  had  already  sufficient  under- 
takings in  hand  of  certain  advantage,  without  engaging  in  others 
of  a  wild,  chimerical  nature.  If  he  wished  employment  for  the 

1  TJarroH,  Asia,  decad.  1,  lib.  iii.  cap.  2. 

2  VascouctioH,  Villa  del  Hey  L)ou  jua.i  II.,  lib.  iv. 


46  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

active  valor  of  the  nation,  the  war  in  which  he  was  engaged 
against  tin-  Moors  of  l»arb:ir\  was  sulliciciit.  wherein  his  triumphs 
were  of  solid  advantage,  tending  to  cripple  and  enfeeble  those 
neighlKH'ing  foes,  who  had  proved  themselves  so  dangerous 
when  ixjssessed  of  power." 

This  cool  and  cautious  speech  of  the  Bishop  of  Ceuta,  directed 
against  enterprises  which  were  the  glory  of  the  Portuguese, 
touched  the  national  pride  of  Don  Pedro  de  Meneses,  Count  of 
Villa  Heal,  and  drew  from  him  a  lofty  and  patriotic  reply.  It 
has  been  said  by  an  historian  that  this  reply  was  in  support  of 
the  proposition  of  Columbus  ;  but  that  does  not  clearly  appear. 
He  may  have  treated  the  proposal  with  respect,  but  his  eloquence 
was  employed  for  those  enterprises  in  which  the  Portuguese 
were  already  engaged. 

"  Portugal,"  he  ol>served,  "  was  not  in  its  infancy,  nor  were 
its  princes  so  poor  as  to  lack  means  to  engage  in  discoveries. 
Even  granting  that  those  proposed  by  Columbus  were  conjec- 
tural, why  should  they  abandon  those  commenced  by  their  late 
Prince  Henry,  on  such  solid  foundations,  and  prosecuted  with 
such  happy  prospects ?  Crowns,"  heobserved,  "  enriched  them- 
selves by  commerce,  fortified  themselves  by  alliance,  and 
acquired  empires  by  conquest.  The  views  of  a  nation  could 
not  always  be  the  same;  they  extended  with  its  opulence  and 
prosi>erity.  Portugal  was  at  peace  with  all  the  princes  of 
Europe.  It  had  nothing  to  fear  from  engaging  in  an  extensive 
enterprise.  It  would  be  the  greatest  glory  for  Portuguese  valor 
to  penetrate  into  the  secrets  and  horrors  of  the  ocean  sea.  so 
formidable  to  the  other  nations  of  the  world.  Thus  occupied,  it 
would  escape  the  idleness  engendered  in  a  long  interval  of  peace 
—  idleness,  that  source  of  vice,  that  silent  file,  which,  little  by 
little,  wore  away  the  strength  and  valor  of  a  nation.  It  was 
an  affront,"  he  added,  "to  the  Portuguese  name  to  menace  it 
with  imaginary  perils,  when  it  had  proved  itself  so  intrepid  in 
encountering  those  which  were  most  certain  and  tremendous. 
Great  souls  were  formed  for  great  enterprises.  He  wondered 
much  that  a  prelate,  so  religious  as  the  Bishop  of  Centa.  should 
oppose  this  undertaking;  the  ultimate  object  of  which  was  to 
augment  the  Catholic  faith,  and  spread  it  from  )x>le  to  pole ; 
i ell. -ding  glory  on  the  Portuguese  nation,  and  yielding  empire 
and  lasting  fame  to  its  princes."  He  concluded  by  declaring 
that,  "although  a  soldier,  he  dared  to  prognosticate,  with  a 
\oi.-c  and  spirit  as  if  from  heaven,  to  whatever  prince  should 
achieve  this  enterprise,  more  happy  success  and  durable  renown 
than  had  ever  been  obtained  by  sovereign  the  most  valorous  and 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER    COLUMBUS.  47 

fortunate."1  The  warm  and  generous  eloquence  of  the  count 
overpowered  the  cold-spirited  reasonings  of  the  bishop  as  far  as 
the  project  of  circumnavigating  Africa  was  concerned,  which 
was  prosecuted  with  new  ardor  and  triumphant  success  :  the 
proposition  of  Columbus,  however,  was  generally  condemned  by 
the  council. 

Seeing  that  King  John  still  manifested  an  inclination  for  the 
enterprise,  it  was  suggested  to  him  by  the  Bishop  of  Ceuta  that 
Columbus  might  be  kept  in  suspense  while  a  vessel  secretly 
despatched  in  the  direction  he  should  point  out  might  ascertain 
whether  there  were  any  foundation  for  his  theory.  By  this 
means  all  its  advantages  might  be  secured,  without  committing 
the  dignity  of  the  crown  by  formal  negotiations  about  what 
might  prove  a  mere  chimera.  King  John,  in  an  evil  hour,  had 
the  weakness  to  permit  a  stratagem  so  inconsistent  with  his 
usual  justice  and  magnanimity.  Columbus  was  required  to 
furnish  for  the  consideration  of  the  council  a  detailed  plan  of 
his  proposed  voyage,  with  the  charts  and  documents  according 
to  which  he  intended  to  shape  his  course.  These  being  pro- 
cured, a  caravel  was  despatched  with  the  ostensible  design  of 
carrying  provisions  to  the  Cape  de  Verde  islands,  but  with  pri- 
vate instructions  to  pursue  the  designated  route.  Departing 
from  those  islands  the  caravel  stood  westward  for  several  days, 
until  the  weather  became  stormy  ;  when  the  pilots,  seeing  noth- 
ing but  an  immeasurable  waste  of  wild,  tumbling  waves  still 
extending  before  them,  lost  all  courage  and  put  back,  ridiculing 
the  project  of  Columbus  as  extravagant  and  irrational.2 

This  unworthy  attempt  to  defraud  him  of  his  enterprise 
roused  the  indignation  of  Columbus,  and  he  declined  all  offers 
of  King  John  to  renew  the  negotiation.  The  death  of  his  wife, 
which  had  occurred  some  time  previously,  had  dissolved  the 
domestic  tie  which  bound  him  to  Portugal ;  he  determined,  there- 
fore, to  abandon  a  country  where  he  had  been  treated  with  so 
little  faith,  and  to  look  elsewhere  for  patronage.  Before  his 
departure,  he  engaged  his  brother  Bartholomew  to  carry  pro- 
posals to  the  King  of  England,  though  he  does  not  appear  to 
have  entertained  great  hope  from  that  quarter ;  England  by  no 
means  possessing  at  the  time  the  spirit  of  nauticul  enterprise 
which  has  since  distinguished  her.  The  great  reliance  of  Co- 
lumbus was  on  his  own  personal  exertions. 

It  was  toward  the  end  of  1484  that  he  left  Lisbon,  taking  with 
him  his  son  Diego.  His  departure  had  to  be  conducted  with 

1  Vasconcelow,  lib.  iv.     La  Clede,  Hint.  Portugal,  lib.  xiii.  torn.  iii. 

2  Hist,  del  Aliuiraute,  cap.  8.    ilerrera,  decad.  1,  lib.  i.  cap.  7. 


48  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

secrecy,  lest,  as  some  assert,  it  should  be  prevented  by  King 
John  :  but  lest,  as  others  surmise,  it  should  be  prevented  by  his 
creditors.1  Like  many  other  great  projectors,  while  enured 
upon  schemes  of  vast  benefit  to  mankind,  he  had  suffered  his 
own  affairs  to  go  to  ruin,  and  was  reduced  to  struggle  hard 
with  poverty  ;  nor  is  it  one  of  the  least  interesting  cijrcuntttancea 
in  his  eventful  life,  that  he  had,  in  a  manner,  to  beg  his  w:iy 
from  court  to  court,  to  offer  to  princes  the  discovery  of  a  world. 

1  Thin  Rurmixe  is  founded  on  a  letter  from  King  John  to  Columbus,  written  some 
iflerwiird,  inviting  him  to  return  lo  Portugal,  and  iiiMiiini:  him  aiMinxt  arrest  on 
account  of  any  procesit,  civil  or  ciimiual,  which  might  be  peudhig  ugaiubt  him.     bee 
KavarreU-,  Collec.  torn.  ii.  due.  3. 


BOOK    II. 


CHAPTER  I. 

PROCEEDINGS     OF     COLUMBUS     AFTER     LEAVING     PORTUGAL — HIS 

APPLICATIONS     IN     SPAIN CHARACTERS      OF      FERDINAND      AND 

ISABELLA. 

[1485.] 

THE  immediate  movements  of  Columbus  on  leaving  Portugal 
are  involved  in  uncertainty.  Jt  is  said  that  about  this  time 
he  made  a  proposition  of  his  enterprise,  in  person,  as  he  had 
formerly  done  by  letter,  to  the  government  of  Genoa.  The 
republic,  however,  was  in  a  languishing  decline,  and  embar- 
rassed by  a  foreign  war.  Caffa,  her  great  deposit  in  the  Cri- 
mea, had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Turks,  and  her  flag  was  on 
the  point  of  being  driven  from  the  Archipelago.  Her  spirit 
was  broken  with  her  fortunes  ;  for  with  nations,  as  with  individ- 
uals, enterprise  is  the  child  of  prosperity,  and  is  apt  to  languish 
in  evil  days  when  there  is  most  need  of  its  exertion.  Thus 
Genoa,  disheartened  by  her  reverses,  shut  her  ears  to  the  prop- 
osition of  Columbus,  which  might  have  elevated  her  to  tenfold 
splendor,  and  perpetuated  within  her  grasp  the  golden  wand  of 
commerce.  While  at  Genoa,  Columbus  is  said  to  have  made 
arrangements  out  of  his  scanty  means  for  the  comfort  of  his 
aged  father.  Tt  is  also  affirmed  that  about  this  time  he  carried 
his  proposal  to  Venice,  where  it  was  declined  on  account  of  the 
critical  state  of  national  affairs.  This,  however,  is  merely 
traditional,  and  unsupported  by  documentary  evidence.  The 
first  firm  and  indisputable  trace  we  have  of  Columbus  after  leav- 
ing Portugal  is  in  the  south  of  Spain,  in  1485,  where  we  find 
him  seeking  his  fortune  among  the  Spanish  nobles,  several  of 
whom  had  vast  possessions,  and  exercised  almost  independent 
sovereignty  in  their  domains. 

Foremost  among  these  were  the  dukes  of  Medina  Sidonia 
and  Medina  Cell,  who  had  estates  like  principalities  lying  along 

49 


50  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

the  seacoast,  with  ports  and  shipping  and  hosts  of  retainers  at 
tlirir  command.  They  served  the  crown  in  its  Moorish  wars 
more  us  allied  princes  than  as  vassals,  bringing  armies  into  the 
Held  led  by  themselves,  or  by  captains  of  their  own  appoint- 
ment. Their  domestic  establishments  were  on  almost  a  regal 
scale;  their  palaces  were  lilled  with  persons  of  merit,  and  young 
cavaliers  of  noble  birth,  to  be  reared  under  their  auspices,  in 
the  exercise  of  arts  and  arms. 

Columbus  had  many  interviews  with  the  Duke  of  Medina 
Sidonia,  who  was  tempted  for  a  time  by  the  splendid  prospects 
held  out ;  but  their  very  splendor  threw  a  coloring  of  improba- 
bility over  the  enterprise,  and  he  finally  rejected  it  as  the  dream 
of  an  Italian  visionary. 

The  Duke  of  Medina  Celi  was  likewise  favorable  at  the  outset. 
He  entertained  Columbus  for  some  time  in  his  house,  and  was 
actually  on  the  point  of  granting  him  three  or  four  caravels 
which  lay  ready  for  sea  in  his  harbor  of  Port  St.  Mary,  oppo- 
site Cadiz,  when  he  suddenly  changed  his  mind,  deterred  by  the 
consideration  that  the  enterprise,  if  successful,  would  involve 
discoveries  too  important  to  be  grasped  by  any  but  a  sovereign 
power,  and  that  the  Spanish  government  might  be  displeased  at 
his  undertaking  it  on  his  own  account.  Finding,  however,  that 
Columbus  intended  to  make  his  next  application  to  the  King  of 
France,  and  loath  that  an  enterprise  of  such  importance  should 
be  lost  to  Spain,  the  duke  wrote  to  Queen  Isabella  recommend- 
ing it  strongly  to  her  attention.  The  queen  made  a  favorable 
reply,  and  requested  that  Columbus  might  be  sent  to  her.  He 
accordingly  set  out  for  the  Spanish  court,  then  at  Cordova, 
bearing  a  letter  to  the  queen  from  the  duke,  soliciting  that,  in 
case  the  expedition  should  be  carried  into  effect,  he  might  have 
a  share  in  it,  and  the  fitting  out  of  the  armament  from  his  port 
of  St.  Mary,  as  a  recompense  for  having  waived  the  enterprise 
in  favor  of  the  crown."  l 

The  time  when  Columbus  thus  sought  his  fortunes  at  the 
court  of  Spain  coincided  with  one  of  the  most  brilliant  periods 
of  the  Spanish  monarchy.  The  union  of  the  kingdoms  of  Arra- 
gon  and  Castile,  by  the  marriage  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  had 
consolidated  the  Christian  power  in  the  Peninsula,  and  put  an 

1  Letter  of  the  Duke  of  Medina  Celi  to  the  grand  cardinal.    Navarrete,  Collect,  vol. 

u.  ]..  'JO. 

N.H. — In  the  previous  editions  of  this  work,  the  first  trace  we  have  of  Columbus  in 
Spain  in  at  the  ijate  of  the  convent  of  La  Itahida,  in  Amlaluxia.  Subsequent  inve-tiiM- 
ticiiiH  have  induced  me  to  conform  to  the  opinion  of  the  Indefatigable  and  accurate 
Navarrete,  uiven  in  hi«  third  volume  of  documents,  that  lh<;  tir-t  trace  of  ('nlumUis  in 
Spain  was  his  applicali.in  lo  tin-  Mukes  of  Medina  Sido'iia  and  Mediua  Celi,  and  that  hi* 
»iuit  to  the  convent  of  La  Ituuidu  wan  some  few  yearn  subsequent. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  51 

end  to  those  internal  feuds  which  had  so  long  distracted  the 
country,  and  insured  the  domination  of  the  Moslems.  The 
whole  force  of  united  Spain  was  now  exerted  in  the  chivalrous 
enterprise  of  the  Moorish  conquest.  The  Moors,  who  had  once 
spread  over  the  whole  country  like  an  inundation,  were  now  pent 
up  within  the  mountain  boundaries  of  the  kingdom  of  Granada. 
The  victorious  armies  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  were  continu- 
ally advancing,  and  pressing  this  fierce1  people  within  narrower 
limits.  Under  these  sovereigns,  the  various  petty  kingdoms  of 
Spain  began  to  feel  and  act  as  one  nation,  and  to  rise  to  eminence 
in  arts  as  well  as  arms.  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  it  has  been  re 
marked,  lived  together  not  like  man  and  wife,  whose  estates  ar* 
common,  under  the  orders  of  the  husband,  but  like  two  monaicha 
strictly  allied. l  They  had  separate  claims  to  sovereignty  in  vir- 
tue of  their  respective  kingdoms  ;  they  had  separate  councils,  and 
were  often  distant  from  each  other  in  different  parts  of  their  em- 
pire, each  exercising  the  royal  authority.  Yet  they  were  so  hap- 
pily united  by  common  views,  common  interests,  and  a  great 
deference  for  each  other,  that  this  double  administration  never 
prevented  a  unity  of  purpose  and  of  action.  All  acts  of  sover- 
eignty were  executed  in  both  their  names  ;  all  public  writings 
were  subscribed  with  both  their  signatures  ;  their  likenesses  were 
stamped  together  on  the  public  coin  ;  and  the  royal  seal  dis- 
played the  united  arms  of  Castile  and  Arragon. 

Ferdinand  was  of  the  middle  stature,  well  proportioned,  and 
hardy  and  active  from  athletic  exercise.  His  carriage  was  free, 
erect,  and  majestic:  He  had  a  clear^  serene  forehead,  which 
appeared  more  lofty  from  his  head  being  partly  bald.  His  eye- 
brows were  large  and  parted,  and,  like  his  hair,  of  a  bright 
chestnut ;  his  eyes  were  clear  and  animated ;  his  complexion 
was  somewhat  ruddy,  and  scorched  by  the  toils  of  war ;  his 
mouth  moderate,  well  formed,  and  gracious  in  its  expression  ; 
his  teeth  white,  though  small  and  irregular ;  his  voice  sharp  ; 
his  speech  quick  and  fluent.  His  genius  was  clear  and  compre- 
hensive ;  his  judgment  grave  and  certain.  He  was  simple  in 
dress  and  diet,  equable  in  his  temper,  devout  in  his  re- 
ligion, and  so  indefatigable  in  business,  that  it  was  said  he 
seemed  to  repose  himself  by  working.  He  was  a  great  observer 
and  judge  of  men,  and  unparalleled  in  the  science  of  the  cabi- 
net. Such  is  the  picture  given  of  him  by  the  Spanish  historians 
of  his  time.  It  has  been  added,  however,  that  he  had  more  of 
bigotry  than  religion  ;  that  his  ambition  was  craving  rather  than 

1  Voltaire,  Essai  sur  les  Moeurs,  etc. 


52  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

magnanimous ;  that  he  made  war  less  like  a  paladin  than  a 
prince,  less  for  glory  than  for  mere  dominion  ;  and  that  his 
policy  was  cold,  selfish,  and  artful.  He  was  called  the  wise 
and  prudent  in  Spain;  in  Italy,  the  pious;  in  France  and  K up- 
land, the  ambitious  and  perfidious.1  He  certainly  was  one  of 
the  most  subtle  statesmen,  but  one  of  the  most  thorough  egotists 
that  ever  sat  upon  a  throne. 

While  giving  his  picture,  it  may  not  l>e  deemed  impertinent 
to  sketch  the  fortunes  of  a  monarch  whose  policy  had  such 
an  effect  upon  the  history  of  Columbus  and  the  destinies  of 
the  New  World.  Success  attended  all  his  measures.  Though 
a  younger  son,  he  had  ascended  the  throne  of  Arragon  by  in- 
heritance ;  Castile  he  obtained  by  marriage ;  Granada  and 
Naples  by  conquest;  and  he  seized  upon  Navarre  as  appertain- 
ing to  any  one  who  could  take  possession  of  it,  when  Tope  Ju- 
lius II.  excommunicated  its  sovereigns,  Juan  and  Catalina.  and 
gave  their  throne  to  the  first  occupant.2  He  sent  his  forces 
into  Africa,  and  subjugated  or  reduced  to  vassalage  Tunis, 
Tripoli,  Algiers,  and  most  of  the  Barbary  powers.  A  new 
world  was  also  given  to  him,  without  cost,  by  the  discoveries 
of  Columbus,  for  the  expense  of  the  enterprise  was  borne  exclu- 
sively by  his  consort  Isabella.  He  had  three  objects  at  heart 
from  the  commencement  of  his  reign,  which  he  pursued  with 
bigoted  and  persecuting  zeal :  the  conquest  of  the  Moors,  the 
expulsion  of  the  Jews,  and  the  establishment  of  the  Inquisition 
in  his  dominions.  He  accomplished  them  all.  and  was  re- 
warded by  Pope  Innocent  VIII.  with  the  appellation  of  Most 
Catholic  Majesty  —  a  title  which  his  successors  have  tenaciously 
retained. 

Contemporary  writers  have  been  enthusiastic  in  their  descrip- 
tions of  Isabella,  but  time  has  sanctioned  their  eulogies.  She  is 
one  of  the  purest  and  most  beautiful  characters  in  the  pages  of 
history.  She  was  well  formed,  of  the  middle  size,  with  great 
dignity  and  gracefulness  of  deportment,  and  a  mingled  gravity 
and  sweetnessof  demeanor.  Her  complexion  was  fair;  her  hair 
auburn,  inclining  to  red  ;  her  eyes  were  of  a  clear  blue,  with  a 
benign  expression,  and  there  was  a  singular  modesty  in  her 
countenance,  gracing,  as  it  did,  a  wonderful  firmness  of  purpose 
and  earnestness  of  spirit.  Though  strongly  attached  to  her  hus- 
band and  studious  of  his  fame,  yet  she  always  maintained  her 
distinct  rights  as  an  allied  prince.  She  exceeded  him  in  beauty, 

1  Voltaire,  E»«ai  «ir  les  Mceurs,  etc.,  ch.14. 

*  I'edro  Salazar  di  Mendoza,  Monarq.  de  E«p.  lib.  iti.  cap,  S.  (Madrid,  17*0,  torn 
i.  p.  40-J.)  Uonzulo  do  llleacaa,  IIUi.  IVif  if.,  lib.  vi.  cap.  23,  §  3. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  53 

in  personal  dignity,  in  acuteness  of  genius,  and  in  grandeur  of 
soul.1  Combining  the  active  and  resolute  qualities  of  man  with 
the  softer  charities  of  woman,  she  mingled  in  the  warlike  coun- 
cils of  her  husband,  engaged  personally  in  his  enterprises,2  and 
in  some  instances  surpassed  him  in  the  firmness  and  intrepidity 
of  her  measures  ;  while,  being  inspired  with  a  truer  idea  of 
glory,  she  infused  a  more  lofty  and  generous  temper  into  his 
3tibtle  and  calculating  policy. 

It  is  in  the  civil  history  of  their  reign,  however,  that  the  char- 
acter of  Isabella  shines  most  illustrious.  Her  fostering  and 
maternal  care  was  continually  directed  to  reform  the  laws,  and 
heal  the  ills  engendered  by  a  long  course  of  internal  wars.  !She 
loved  her  people,  and  while  diligently  seeking  their  good,  she 
mitigated,  as  much  as  possible,  the  harsh  measures  of  her  hus- 
band, directed  to  the  same  end,  but  inflamed  by  a  mistaken 
zeal.  Thus,. though  almost  bigoted  in  her  piety,  and  perhaps 
too  much  under  the  influence  of  ghostly  advisers,  still  she  was 
hostile  to  every  measure  calculated  to  advance  religion  at  the 
expense  of  humanity.  She  strenuously  opposed  the  expulsion  of 
the  Jews  and  the  establishment  of  the  Inquisition,  though,  unfor- 
tunately for  Spain,  her  repugnance  was  slowly  vanquished  by 
her  confessors.  She  was  always  an  advocate  for  clemency  to  the 
Moors,  although  she  was  the  soul  of  the  war  against  Granada. 
She  considered  that  war  essential  to  protect  the  Christian  faith, 
and  to  relieve  her  subjects  from  fierce  and  formidable  enemies. 
While  all  her  public  thoughts  and  acts  were  princely  and  august, 
her  private  habits  were  simple,  frugal,  and  unostentatious.  In 
the  intervals  of  state  business,  she  assembled  round  her  the 
ablest  men  in  literature  and  science,  and  directed  herself  by 
their  counsels,  in  promoting  letters  and  arts.  Through  her  pat- 
ronage, Salamanca  rose  to  that  height  which  it  assumed  among 
the  learned  institutions  of  the  age.  She  promoted  the  distribu- 
tion of  honors  and  rewards  for  the  promulgation  of  knowledge  ; 
she  fostered  the  art  of  printing  recently  invented,  and  encour- 
aged the  establishment  of  presses  in  every  part  of  the  kingdom  ; 
books  were  admitted  free  of  all  duty,  and  more,  we  are  told, 
were  printed  in  Spain,  at  that  early  period  of  the  art,  than  in 
the  present  literary  age.8 

It  is  wonderful  how  much  the  destinies  of  countries  depend 
at  times  upon  the  virtues  of  individuals,  and  how  it  is  given  to 

1  Garibay,  Hist,  de  Espana,  torn.  ii.  lib.  xviii.  cap.  I. 

*  Several  suits  of  armor  ciip-a-pie,  worn  by  Isabella,  and  still  preserved  in  thi 
royal  arsenal  at  Madrid,  show  that  she  was  exposed  to  personal  danger  iu  her  cam- 
paigns. 

3  Elo;;io  de  la  ReiuaCatholica,  por  Diego  C'leiueueiu.    Madrid,  1821. 


64  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

great  spirits  by  combining,  exciting,  and  directing  the  latent 
powers  of  :i  nation,  to  stamp  it,  as  it  were,  with  their  own  great- 
IK--.S.  Such  brings  realize  the  idea  of  guardian  angels,  appointed 
liy  Heaven  to  watch  over  the  destinies  of  empires.  Sueli  had 
been  Prince  Henry  for  the  kingdom  of  Portugal ;  and  such  was 
now  for  Spain  the  illustrious  Isabella. 


CHAPTER  II. 

COLUMBUS    AT   THE   COURT    OF    SPAIN. 

Columbus  arrived  at  Cordova  he  was  given  in  charge 
to  Alonzo  de  (^uintanilla,  comptroller  of  the  treasury  of  Cas- 
tile, but  was  disappointed  in  his  expectation  of  receiving  im- 
mediate audience  from  the  queen.  He  found  the'city  in  all  the 
bustle  of  military  preparation.  It  was  a  critical  juncture  of 
the  war.  The  rival  kings  of  Granada,  Muley,  Boalxlil  the 
uncle,  and  Mohammed  Boalxlil  the  nephew,  had  just  formed  a 
coalition,  and  their  league  called  for  prompt  and  vigorous 
measures. 

All  the  chivalry  of  Spain  had  been  summoned  to  the  field  ; 
the  streets  of  Cordova  echoed  to  the  tramp  of  steed  and  sound 
of  trumpet,  as  day  by  day  the  nobles  arrived  with  their  re- 
tainers, vying  with  each  other  in  the  number  of  their  troops 
and  the  splendor  of  their  appointments.  The  court  was  like  a 
military  camp ;  the  king  and  queen  were  surrounded  by  the 
flower  of  Spanish  chivalry;  by  those  veteran  cavaliers  who  had 
distinguished  themselves  in  so  many  hardy  conflicts  with  the 
Moors,  and  by  the  prelates  and  friars  who  mingled  in  martial 
council,  and  took  deep  interest  and  agency  in  this  war  of  the 
Faith. 

This  was  an  unpropitious  moment  to  urge  a  suit  like  that  of 
Columbus.  In  fact  the  sovereigns  had  not  a  moment  of  leisure 
throughout  this  eventful  year.  Early  in  the  spring,  the  king 
marched  off  to  lay  siege  to  the  Moorish  city  of  Loxa  ;  and 
though  the  queen  remained  at  Cordova,  she  was  continually 
employed  in  forwarding  troops  and  supplies  to  the  army,  and, 
at  the  same  time,  attending  to  the  multiplied  exigencies  of 
civil  government.  On  the  12th  of  June  she  repaired  to  the 
camp,  then  engaged  in  the  siege  of  Moclin,  and  l>oth  sovereigns 
remained  for  some  time  in  the  Vega  of  Granada,  prosecuting 
the  war  with  unremitting  vigor.  They  had  barely  returned  t3 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  55 

Cordova  to  celebrate  their  victories  by  public  rejoicings,  when 
they  were  obliged  to  set  out  for  Gallicia,  to  suppress  a  rebel- 
lion of  the  Count  of  Lemos.  Thence  they  repaired  to  Sala- 
manca for  the  winter. 

During  the  summer  and  autumn  of  this  year  Columbus  re- 
mained at  Cordova,  a  guest  in  the  house  of  Alonzo  de  Quinta- 
nilla,  who  proved  a  warm  advocate  of  his  theory.  Through 
his  means  he  became  acquainted  with  Antonio  Geraldini,  the 
pope's  nuncio,  and  his  brother  Alexander  Geraldini,  precep- 
tor to  the  younger  children  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella ;  both 
valuable  friends  about  court.  Wherever  he  obtained  a  candid 
hearing  from  intelligent  auditors,  the  dignity  of  his  manners, 
his  earnest  sincerity,  the  elevation  of  his  views,  and  the  practi- 
cal shrewdness  of  his  demonstrations,  commanded  respect  even 
where  they  failed  to  produce  conviction. 

While  thus  lingering  in  idle  suspense  in  Cordova,  he  became 
attached  to  a  lady  of  the  city,  Beatrix  Euriquez  by  name,  of 
a  noble  family,  though  in  reduced  circumstances.  Their  con- 
nection was  not  sanctioned  by  marriage ;  yet  he  cherished 
sentiments  of  respect  and  tenderness  for  her  to  his  dying  day. 
She  was  the  mother  of  his  second  son,  Fernando,  born  in  the 
following  year  (1487),  whom  he  always  treated  on  terms  of  per- 
fect equality  with  his  legitimate  son  Diego,  and  who,  after  his 
death,  became  his  historian. 

In  the  winter  Columbus  followed  the  court  to  Salamanca. 
Here  his  zealous  friend,  Alonzo  de  Quintanilla,  exerted  his  in- 
fluence to  obtain  for  him  the  countenance  of  the  celebrated 
Pedro  Gonzalez  de  Mendoza,  Archbishop  of  Toledo,  and  Grand 
Cardinal  of  Spain.  This  was  the  most  important  personage 
about  the  court ;  and  was  facetiously  called  by  Peter  Martyr, 
the  "  third  king  of  Spain."  The  king  and  queen  had  him  al- 
waysv  by  their  side  in  peace  and  war.  He  accompanied  them 
in  their  campaigns,  and  they  never  took  any  measure  of  con- 
sequence without  consulting  him.  He  was  a  man  of  sound 
judgment  and  quick  intellect,  eloquent  in  conversation,  and 
able  in  the  despatch  of  business.  His  appearance  was  lofty  and 
venerable  ;  he  was  simple  yet  curiously  nice  in  his  apparel,  and 
of  gracious  and  gentle  deportment.  Though  an  elegant  scholar, 
yet,  like  many  learned  men  of  his  day,  he  was  but  little  skilled 
in  cosmography.  When  the  theory  of  Columbus  was  first 
mentioned  to  him,  it  struck  him  as  involving  heterodox  opin- 
ions, incompatible  with  the  form  of  the  earth  as  described  in 
the  Sacred  Scriptures.  Further  explanations  had  their  force 
with  a  man  of  his  quick  apprehension  and  sound  sense.  He 


56  LIFE   OF  CllIUSTOPIIER   COLUMBUS. 

perceived  Hint  :it  any  rate  there  could  be  nothing  irreligious  in 
attempting  to  extend  the  hounds  of  human  knowledge,  and  to 
a-.vrtain  tin'  works  of  creation  :  his  scruples  once  removed.  In' 
permitted  Columbus  to  be  introduced  to  him,  and  gave  him  a 
courteous  reception.  The  latter  knew  the  importance  of  his 
auditor,  and  that  a  conference  with  the  grand  cardinal  was  al- 
most equivalent  to  a  communication  with  the  throne ;  he 
exerted  himself  to  the  utmost,  therefore,  to  explain  and  demon- 
strate his  proposition.  The  clear-headed  cardinal  listened  with 
profound  attention.  He  was  pleased  with  the  noble  and  earnest 
mnuner  of  Columbus,  which  showed  him  to  be  no  common 
schemer ;  he  felt  the  grandeur,  and,  at  the  same  time,  the  sim- 
plicity of  his  theory,  and  the  force  of  many  of  the  arguments 
by  which  it  was  supported.  He  determined  that  it  was  a  mat- 
ter highly  worthy  of  the  consideration  of  the  sovereigns,  and 
through  his  representations  Columbus  at  length  obtained  ad- 
mission to  the  royal  presence.1 

We  have  but  scanty  particulars  of  this  audience,  nor  can  we 
ascertain  whether  (Juecn  Isabella  was  present  on  the  occasion; 
the  contrary  seems  to  be  most  probably  the  case.  Columbus 
appeared  in  the  royal  presence  with  modesty,  yet  self-possession, 
neither  dazzled  nor  daunted  by  the  splendor  of  the  court  or  the  aw- 
ful majesty  of  the  throne.  He  unfolded  his  plan  with  eloquence 
and  zeal,  for  he  felt  himself,  as  he  afterward  declared,  kindled 
as  with  a  fire  from  on  high,  and  considered  himself  the  agent 
chosen  by  Heaven  to  accomplish  its  grand  designs.2 

Ferdinand  was  too  keen  a  judge  of  men  not  to  appreciate  the 
character  of  Columbus.  He  perceived  that,  however  soaring 
miidit  be  his  imagination,  and  vast  and  visionary  his  views,  his 
scheme  had  scientific  and  practh-al  foundation.  His  ambition 
was  excited  by  the  possibility  of  discoveries  far  more  important 
than  those  which  had  shed  such  glory  upon  Portugal ;  and  per- 
haps it  was  not  the  least  recommendation  of  the  entcrprisv  to 
this  subtle  and  grasping  monarch,  that,  if  successful,  it  would 
enable  him  to  forestall  that  rival  nation  in  the  fruits  of  their 
long  and  arduous  struggle,  and  by  opening  a  direct  course  to 
India  across  the  ocean,  to  bear  off  from  them  the  monopoly  Of 
Oriental  commerce. 

Still  as  usual.  Ferdinand  was  cool  and  wary,  and  would  not 
trust  his  own  judgment  in  a  matter  that  involved  so  many 
principles  of  science.  He  determined  to  take  the  opinion  of  the 
most  learned  men  in  the  kingdom,  and  to  be  guided  by  their 

«  Ovit-clo,  lili.  il.  cap.  4.    Salaznr,  Cron.  O.  Cardinal,  lib.  1.  cap.  O'J. 
*  Letter  to  the  Sovereigns  iu  1501. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  57 

decision.  Fernando  de  Talavera,  prior  of  the  monastery  of 
Prado  and  confessor  of  the  queen,  one  of  the  most  erudite  men 
of  Spain,  and  high  in  the  royal  confidence,  was  commanded  to 
assemble  the  most  learned  astronomers  and  cosmographers  for 
the  purpose  of  holding  a  conference  with  Columbus,  and  examin- 
ing him  as  to  the  grounds  on  which  he  founded  his  proposition. 
After  they  had  informed  themselves  fully  on  the  subject,  they 
rvere  to  consult  together  and  make  a  report  to  the  sovereign  of 
iheir  collective  opinion.1 


CHAPTER  III. 

COLUMBUS    BEFORE   THE   COUNCIL  AT   SALAMANCA. 

[1480.] 

THE  interesting  conference  relative  to  the  proposition  of 
Columbus  took  place  in  Salamanca,  the  great  seat  of  learning  in 
Spain.  Jt  was  held  in  the  Dominican  convent  of  St.  Stephen, 
in  which  he  was  lodged  and  entertained  with  great  hospitality 
during  the  course  of  the  examination.2 

Religion  and  science  were  at  that  time,  and  more  especially  in 
that  country,  closely  associated.  The  treasures  of  learning  were 
immured  in  monasteries,  and  the  professors'  chairs  were  exclu- 
sively filled  from  the  cloister.  The  domination  of  the  clergy 
extended  over  the  state  as  well  as  the  church,  and  posts  of  honor 
and  influence  at  court,  with  the  exception  of  hereditary  nobles, 
were  almost  entirely  confined  to  ecclesiastics.  It  was  even  com- 
mon to  find  cardinals  and  bishops  in  helm  and  corselet  at  the 
head  of  armies  ;  for  the  crosier  had  been  occasionally  thrown  by 
for  the  lance,  during  the  holy  war  against  the  Moors.  The  era 
was  distinguished  for  the  revival  of  learning,  but  still  more  for 
the  prevalence  of  religious  zeal,  and  Spain  surpassed  all  other 
countries  in  Christendom  in  the  fervor  of  her  devotion.  The 
Inquisition  had  just  been  established  in  that  kingdom,  and  every 
opinion  that  savored  of  heresy  made  its  owner  obnoxious  to 
odium  and  persecution. 

Such  was  the  period  when  a  council  of  clerical  sages  was 
convened  in  the  collegiate  convent  of  St.  Stephen,  to  investigate 
the  new  theory  of  Columbus.  It  was  composed  of  professors 

1  Hist,  del  Almiraute,  cap.  xi.          2  Hist,  de  Chiapa  por  Remesaf,  lib.  5.  cap,  27. 


58  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

of  astronomy,  geography,  mathematics,  and  other  branches  of 
seiemv,  together  with  various  dignitaries  of  the  church,  and 
learned  friars.  Before  this  erudite  assembly.  Columbus  pre- 
sented himself  to  propound  and  defend  his  conclusions.  He 
Had  been  scoffed  at  as  a  visionary  by  the  vulgar  and  the  ignorant  ; 
but  he  was  convinced  that  he  only  required  a  body  of  enlightened 
men  to  listen  dispassionately  to  his  reasonings,  to  insure  tri- 
umphant conviction. 

The  greater  part  of  this  learned  junto,  it  is  very  probable, 
came  prepossessed  against  him,  as  men  in  place  and  dignity  are 
apt  to  be  against  poor  applicants.  There  is  always  a  proneness 
to  consider  a  man  under  examination  as  a  kind  of  delinquent,  or 
impostor,  whose  faults  and  errors  are  to  be  detected  and  ex- 
posed. Columbus,  too,  appeared  in  a  most  unfavorable  light 
before  a  scholastic  body :  an  obscure  navigator,  a  member  of  no 
learned  institution,  destitute  of  all  the  trappings  and  circum- 
stances which  sometimes  give  oracular  authority  to  dulness,  and 
depending  upon  the  mere  force  of  natural  genius.  Some  of  the 
junto  entertained  the  popular  notion  that  he  was  an  adventurer, 
or  at  best  a  visionary  ;  and  others  had  that  morbid  impatience  of 
any  innovation  upon  established  doctrine,  which  is  apt  to  grow 
upon  dull  and  pedantic  men  in  cloistered  life. 

What  a  striking  spectacle  must  the  hall  of  the  old  convent 
have  presented  at  this  memorable  conference  !  A  simple  mari- 
ner, standing  forth  in  the  midst  of  an  imposing  array  of  pro- 
fessors, friars,  and  dignitaries  of  the  church ;  maintaining  his 
theory  with  natural  eloquence,  and,  as  it  were,  pleading  the 
cause  of  the  New  World.  We  are  told  that  when  he  began  to  state 
the  grounds  of  his  belief,  the  friars  of  St.  Stephen  alone  paid  at- 
tention to  him  ;J  that  convent  being  more  learned  in  the  sciences 
than  the  rest  of  the  university.  The  others  appear  to  have 
intrenched  themselves  behind  one  dogged  position:  thai,  after 
so  many  profound  philosophers  and  cosmographers  had  been 
studying  the  form  of  the  world,  and  so  many  able  navigators 
had  been  sailing  about  it  for  several  thousand  years,  it  was  great 
presumption  in  an  ordinary  man  to  suppose  that  there  remained 
such  a  vast  discovery  for  him  to  make/] 

Several  of  the  objections  proposed  t5y  this  learned  body  have 
been  handed  down  to  us,  and  have  provoked  many  a  sneer  at  the 
expense  of  the  univensity  of  Salamanca  ;  but  they  are  proofs,  not 
BO  much  of  the  peculiar  deficiency  of  that  institution,  as  of  the 
imperfect  state  of  science  at  the  time,  and  the  manner  in  which 

1  Ilemesal,  Hist,  de  Chiapa,  lib.  \i.  cap.  7. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  59 

knowledge,  though  rapidly  extending,  was  still  impeded  in  its 
progress  by  monastic  bigotry.  All  subjects  were  still  contem- 
plated through  the  obscure  medium  of  those  ages  when  the  lights 
of  antiquity  were  trampled  out  and  faith  was  left  to  fill  the  place 
of  inquiry.  Bewildered  in  a  maze  of  religious  controversy,  man- 
kind had  retraced  their  steps,  and  receded  from  the  boundary 
line  of  ancient  knowledge.  Thus,  at  the  very  threshold  of  the 
discussion,  instead  of  geographical  objections,  Columbus  was 
assailed  with  citations  from  the  Bible  and  the  Testament :  the 
book  of  Genesis,  the  psalms  of  David,  the  prophets,  the 
epistles,  and  the  gospels.  To  these  were  added  the  expositions 
of  various  saints  and  reverend  commentators  :  St.  Chrysostom 
and  St.  Augustine,  St.  Jerome  and  St.  Gregory,  St.  Basil  and  St. 
Ambrose,  and  Lactantius  Firmianus,  a  redoubted  champion  of 
the  faith.  Doctrinal  points  were  mixed  up  with  philosophical 
discussions,  and  a  mathematical  demonstration  was  allowed  no 
weight,  if  it  appeared  to  clash  with_a  text  of  Scripture  or  a  com- 
mentary of  one  of  the  fathers.  Thus  the  possibility  of  antip- 
odes, in  the  southern  hemisphere,  an  opinion  so  generally 
maintained  by  the  wisest  of  the  ancients  as  to  be  pronounced  by 
Pliny  the  great  contest  between  the  learned  and  the  ignorant, 
became  a  stumbling-block  with  some  of  the  sages  of  Salamanca. 
Several  of  them  stoutly  contradicted  this  fundamental  position 
of  Columbus,  supporting  themselves  by  quotations  from  Lactan- 
tius and  St.  Augustine,  who  were  considered  in  those  days  as 
almost  evangelical  authority.^  But,  though  these  writers  were 
men  of  consummate  erudition,  and  two  of  the  greatest  luminaries 
of  what  has  been  called,  the  golden  age  of  ecclesiastical  learning, 
yet  their  writings  were  calculated  to  perpetuate  darkness  in 
respect  to  the  sciences. 

The  passage  cited  from  Lactantius  to  confute  Columbus  is  in 
a  strain  of  gross  ridicule,  unworthy  of  so  grave  a  theologian. 
"  Is  there  any  one  so  foolish,"  he  asks,  "  as  to  believe  that  there 
are  antipodes  with  their  feet  opposite  to  ours  :  people  who  walk 
with  their  heels  upward,  and  their  heads  hanging  down  ?  That 
there  is  a  part  of  the  world  in  which  all  things  are  topsy-turvy ; 
where  the  trees  grow  with  their  branches  downward,  and  where  it 
rains,  hails,  and  snows  upward  ?  The  idea  of  the  roundness 
of  the  earth,"  he  adds,  "  was  the  cause  of  inventing  this  fable 
of  the  antipodes,  with  their  heels  in  the  air  ;  for  these  philoso- 
phers, having  once  erred,  go  on  in  their  absurdities,  defending 
one  with  another." 

Objections  of  a  graver  nature  were  advanced  on  the  authority 
of  St.  Augustine.  He  pronounces  the  doctrine  of  antipodes 


CO  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

to  he  incompatible  with  the  historical  foundations  of  onr  faith  ; 
since,  to  assert  that  there  were  inhabited  lands  on  the  opposite 
side  of  the  globe  would  be  to  maintain  that  then-  were  nations 
not  descended  from  Adam,  it  being  impossible  for  them  to  have 
passed  the  intervening  ocean.  This  would  be,  therefore,  to 
discredit  the  Bible,  which  expressly  declares  that  all  men  are 
descended  from  one  common  parent. 

Such  were  the  unlocked  for  prejudices  which  Columbus  had 
to  encounter  at  the  very  outset  of  his  conference,  and  whk-h 
certainly  relish  more  of  the  convent  then  the  university.  To 
his- simplest  proposition,  the  spherical  form  of  the  earth,  were 
opposed  figurative  texts  of  Scripture.  They  observed  that  in 
the  Psalms  the  heavens  are  said  to  be  extended  like  a  hide,1 
that  is,  according  to  commentators,  the  curtain  or  covering  of 
a  tent,  which,  among  the  ancient  pastoral  nations,  was  formed 
of  the  hides  of  animals  ;  and  that  St.  Paul,  in  his  Epistle  to 
the  Hebrews,  compares  the  heavens  to  a  tabernacle,  or  tent,  ex- 
tended over  the  earth,  which  they  thence  inferred  must  be  flat. 

Columbus,  who  was  a  devoutly  religious  man,  found  that  he 
was  in  danger  of  being  convicted  not  merely  of  error,  but  of 
heterodox}'.  Others  more  versed  in  science  admitted  the  glob- 
ular form  of  the  earth,  and  the  possibility  of  an  opposite  and 
habitable  hemisphere  ;  but  they  brought  up  the  chimera  of  the 
ancients,  and  maintained  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  arrive 
there,  in  consequence  of  the  insupportable  heat  of  the  torrid 
zone.  Even  granting  this  could  be  passed,  they  ol>serve  that 
the  circumference  of  the  earth  must  l«  so  great  as  to  require 
at  least  three  years  to  the  voyage,  and  those  who  should  under- 
take it  must  perish  of  hunger  and  thirst,  from  the  impossibility 
of  carrying  provisions  for  so  long  a  period.  He  was  told,  on 
the  authority  of  Epicurus,  that,  admitting  the  earth  to  be 
spherical,  it  was  only  inhabitable  in  the  northern  hemisphere, 
and  in  that  section  only  was  canopied  by  the  heavens  ;  that  the 
opposite  half  was  a  chaos,  a  gulf,  or  a  mere  waste  of  water. 
Not  the  least  absurd  objection  advanced  was,  that  should  a  ship 
even  succeed  in  reaching,  in  this  way,  the  extremity  of  India, 
she  could  never  get  back  again  ;  for  the  rotundity  of  the  glolxj 
would  present  a  kind  of  mountain,  up  which  it  would  l>e  im- 
possible for  her  to  sail  with  the  most  favorable  winds.  - 

Such  are  specimens  of  the  errors  and  prejudices,  the  mingled 
ignorance  and  erudition,  and  the  pedantic  bigotry,  with  which 


1  Ex  tendons  ccelum  sicut  pellem.    Psalm  103.    In  the  English  tranaUUou  it   is  Psalm 
104.  ver.  3. 

'  iliBt.  del  Almirante.  cap.  11. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  61 

Columbus  had  to  contend  throughout  the  examination  of  his 
theory.  Can  we  wonder  at  the  difficulties  and  delays  which  he 
experienced  at  courts,  when  such  vague  and  crude  notions  were 
entertained  by  the  learned  men  of  a  university  ?  We  must  not 
suppose,  however,  because  the  objections  here  cited  are  all 
which  remain  on  record,  that  they  are  all  which  were  advanced  ; 
these  only  have  been  perpetuated  on  account  of  their  superior 
absurdity.  They  were  probably  advanced  by  but  few,  and  those 
persons  immersed  in  theological  studies,  in  cloistered  retirement, 
wliere  the  erroneous  opinions  derived  from  books  had  little 
opportunity  of  being  corrected  by  the  experience  of  the  day. 

There  were  no  doubt  objections  advanced  more  cogent  in 
their  nature,  and  more  worthy  of  that  distinguished  university. 
It  is  but  justice  to  add,  also,  that  the  replies  of  Columbus  had 
great  weight  with  many  of  his  learned  examiners.  In  answer 
to  the  scriptural  objections,  he  submitted  that  the  inspired 
writers  were  not  speaking  technically  as  cosmographers,  but 
figuratively,  in  language  addressed  to  all  comprehensions.  The 
commentaries  of  the  fathers  he  treated  with  deference  as  pious 
homilies,  but  not  as  philosophical  propositions  which  it?  was 
necessary  either  to  admit  or  refute.  The  objections  drawn 
from  ancient  philosophers  he  met  boldly  and  ably  upon  equal 
terms  ;  for  he  was  deeply  studied  on  all  points  of  cosmography. 
He  showed  that  the  most  illustrious  of  those  sages  believed 
both  hemispheres  to  be  inhabitable,  though  they  imagined  that 
the  torrid  zone  precluded  communications  ;  and  he  obviated  con- 
clusively that  difficult}7,  for  he  had  voyaged  to  St.  George  la 
Mina  in  Guinea,  almost  under  the  equinoctial  line,  and  had 
found  that  region  not  merely  traversable,  but  abounding  in 
populatiop,  in  fruits  and  pasUirage. 

When  Columbus  took  his  stand  before  this  learned  body,  he 
had  appeared  the  plain  and  simple  navigator  ;  somewhat  daunted, 
perhaps,  by  the  greatness  of  his  task  and  the  august  nature  of 
his  auditory.  But  he  had  a  degree  of  religious  feeling  which 
gave  him  a  confidence  in  the  execution  of  what  he  conceived 
his  great  errand,  and  he  was  of  an  ardent  temperament  that 
became  heated  in  action  by  its  own  generous  fires.  Las  Casas, 
and  others  of  his  contemporaries,  have  spoken  of  his  command- 
ing person,  his  elevated  demeanor,  his  air  of  authority,  his 
kindling  eye,  and  the  persuasive  intonations  of  his  voice.  How 
must  they  have  given  majesty  and  force  to  his  words,  as, 
casting  aside  his  maps  and  charts,  and  discarding  for  a  time  his 
practical  and  scientific  lore,  his  visionary  spirit  took  fire  at  the 
doctrinal  objections  of  his  opponents,  and  he  met  them  upon 


62  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

their  own  ground,  pouring  forth  those  magnificent  texts  of 
Seripture,  ami  those-  mysterious  predictions  of  the  prophets, 
which,  in  his  enthusiastic  moments,  he  considered  as  types  and 
annunciations  of  the  sublime  discovery  which  he  pressed  ! 

Among  the  numl>er  who  were  convinced  by  the  reasoning, 
and  wanned  by  the  eloquence  of  Columbus,  was  Diego  de 
De/.a,  a  worthy  and  learned  friar  of  the  order  of  St.  DominSek, 
at  that  time  professor  of  theology  at  the  convent  of  St.  Stephen, 
but  who  became  afterward  Archbishop  of  Seville,  the  second 
ecclesiastical  dignitary  of  Spain.  This  able  and  erudite  divine 
was  a  man  whose  mind  was  above  the  narrow  bigotry  of  lxx>k- 
ish  lore ;  one  who  could  appreciate  the  value  of  wisdom  even 
when  uttered  by  unlearned  lips.  He  was  not  a  mere  passive 
auditor :  he  took  a  generous  interest  in  the  cause,  and  by  sec- 
onding Columbus  with  all  his  powers,  calmed  the  blind  zeal  of 
his  more  bigoted  brethren  so  as  to  obtain  for  him  a  dispassion- 
ate, if  not  an  unprejudiced,  hearing.  By  their  united  efforts,  it 
is  said,  they  brought  over  the  most  learned  men  of  the  schools.1 
One  great  difficulty  was  to  reconcile  the  plan  of  Columbus  with 
the  cosmography  of  Ptolemy,  to  which  all  scholars  yielded  im- 
plicit faith.  How  would  the  most  enlightened  of  those  I 
have  been  astonished,  had  any  one  apprised  them  that  the  man, 
Copernicus,  was  then  in  existence,  whose  solar  system  should 
reverse  the  grand  theory  of  Ptolemy,  which  stationed  the  earth 
in  the  centre  of  the  universe  ! 

Notwithstanding  every  exertion,  however,  there  was  a  pre- 
ponderating mass  of  inert  bigotry  and  learned  pride  in  this 
erudite  body,  which  refused  to  yield  to  the  demonstrations  of 
an  obscure  foreigner,  without  fortune  or  connections,  or  any 
academic  honors.  "  It  was  requisite,"  says  Las  Casas.  '•  before 
Columbus  could  make  his  solutions  and  reasonings  understood, 
that  he  should  remove  from  his  auditors  those  erroneous  prin- 
ciples on  which  their  objections  were  founded;  a  task  always 
more  difficult  than  that  of  teaching  the  doctrine."  Occasional 
conferences  took  place,  but  without  producing  any  decision. 
The  ignorant,  or  what  is  worse,  the  prejudiced,  remained  obsti- 
nate in  their  opjmsition,  with  the  dogged  perseverance  of  dull 
men;  the  more  liberal  and  intelligent  felt  little  interest  in  dis- 
cussions wearisome  in  themselves,  and  foreign  to  their  ordinary 
pursuits;  even  those  who  listened  with  approbation  to  the  plan, 
regarded  it  only  as  a  delightful  vision,  full  of  probability  and 
promise,  but  one  which  never  could  be  realized.  Fernando  de 

»  Remeeal,  Hist,  de  Chiapa,  lib.  xi.  cap.  7. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER    COLUMBUS.  63 

Talavera,  to  whom  the  matter  was  especially  intrusted,  had  too 
little  esteem  for  it,  and  was  too  much  occupied  with  the  stir 
and  bustle  of  public  concerns,  to  press  it  to  a  conclusion  ;  and 
thus  the  inquiry  experienced  continual  procrastination  and 

neglect. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

FURTHER    APPLICATIONS    AT   THE    COURT     OF     CASTILE COLUMBUS 

FOLLOWS   THE   COURT   IN   ITS    CAMPAIGNS. 

THE  Castilian  court  departed  from  Salamanca  early  in  the 
spring  of  1487  and  repaired  to  Cordova,  to  prepare  for  the 
memorable  campaign  against  Malaga.  Fernando  de  Talavera, 
now  Bishop  of  Avila,  accompanied  the  queen  as  her  confessor, 
and  as  one  of  her  spiritual  counsellors  in  the  concerns  of  the 
war.  The  consultations  of  the  board  at  Salamanca  were  inter- 
rupted by  this  event,  before  that  learned  body  could  come  to  a 
decision,  and  for  a  long  time  Columbus  was  kept  in  suspense, 
vainly  awaiting  the  report  that  was  to  decide  the  fate  of  his 
application. 

It  has  generally  been  supposed  that  the  several  years  which 
he  wasted  in  irksome  solicitation  were  spent  in  the  drowsy  and 
monotonous  attendance  of  ante-chambers  ;  but  it  appears,  on  the 
contrary,  that  they  were  often  passed  amid  scenes  of  peril  and 
adventure,  and  that,  in. following  up  his  suit,  he  was  led  into 
some  of  the  most  striking  situations  of  this  wild,  rugged,  and 
mountainous  war.  Several  times  he  was  summoned  to  attend 
conferences  in  the  vicinity  of  the  sovereigns,  when  besieging 
cities  in  the  very  heart  of  the  Moorish  dominions  ;  but  the  tern- 
pest  of  warlike  affairs  which  hurried  the  court  from  place  to 
place  and  gave  it  all  the  bustle  and  confusion  of  a  camp,  pre- 
vented those  conferences  from  taking  place,  and  swept  away 
all  concerns  that  were  not  immediately  connected  with  the 
war.  Whenever  the  court  had  an  interval  of  leisure  and 
repose,  there  would  again  be  manifested  a  disposition  to  con- 
sider his  proposal,  but  the  hurry  and  tempest  would  again 
return  and  the  question  be  again  swept  away. 

The  spring  campaign  of  1487,  which  took  place  shortly  after 
the  conference  at  Salamanca,  was  full  of  incident  and  peril. 
King  Ferdinand  had  nearly  been  surprised  and  cut  off  by  the 
old  Moorish  monarch  before  Velez  Malaga,  and  the  queen  and 


64  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

all  the  court  at  Cordova  were  for  a  time  in  an  agony  of  terror 
and  suspense  until  assured  of  his  safety. 

When  the  sovereigns  were  subsequently  encamped  before  the 
city  of  Malaga,  pressing  its  memorable  siege,  Columluis  was 
summoned  to  the  court.  He  found  it  drawn  up  in  it.s  .silken 
pavilions  on  a  rising  ground,  commanding  the  fertile  valley  of 
Malaga;  the  encampments  of  the  warlike  nobility  of  Spain 
extended  in  a  semicircle  on  each  side,  to  the  shores  of  the  >t  a. 
strongly  fortilied,  glittering  with  the  martial  pomp  of  that 
chivalrous  age  and  nation,  and  closely  investing  that  important 
city. 

The  siege  was  protracted  for  several  months,  but  the  vigorous 
defence  of  the  Moors,  their  numerous  stratagems,  and  tierce 
and  frequent  sallies,  allowed  but  little  leisure  in  the  camp.  Jn 
the  course  of  this  siege,  the  application  of  Columbus  to  the 
sovereigns  was  nearly  brought  to  a  violent  close ;  a  fanatic 
Moor  having  attempted  to  assassinate  Ferdinand  and  Isalx-lla. 
Mistaking  one  of  the  gorgeous  pavilions  of  the  nobility  for  the 
royal  tent,  he  attacked  Don  Alvaro  de  Portugal,  and  Dona 
Beatrix  de  Bobadilla,  Marchioness  of  Moya,  instead  of  the  king 
and  queen.  After  wounding  Don  Alvaro  dangerously,  he  was 
foiled  in  a  blow  aimed  at  the  marchioness,  and  immediately  cut 
to  pieces  by  the  attendants.1  The  lady  here  mentioned  was  of 
extraordinary  merit  and  force  of  character.  She  eventually 
took  a  great  interest  in  the  suit  of  Columbus,  ami  had  much 
influence  in  recommending  it  to  the  queen,  with  whom  she  was 
a  particular  favorite.2 

Malaga  surrendered  on  the  18th  of  August,  1487.  There  ap- 
pears to  have  been  no  time  during  its  stormy  siege  to  attend  to 
the  question  of  Columbus,  though  Fernando  de  Talavera,  the 
Bishop  of  Avila,  was  present,  as  appears  by  his  entering  the 
captured  city  in  solemn  and  religious  triumph.  The  campaign 
being  ended,  the  court  returned  to  Cordova,  but  was  almost 
immediately  driven  from  that  city  by  the  pestilence. 

For  upward  of  a  year  the  court  was  in  a  state  of  continual 
migration  ;  part  of  the  time  in  Saragossa,  part  of  the  time  in- 
vading the  Moorish  territories  by  the  way  of  Murcia,  and  part 
of  the  time  in  Valladolid  and  Medina  del  Campo.  Columbus 
attended  it  in  some  of  its  movements,  but  it  was  vain  to  seek  a 
quiet  and  attentive  hearing  from  a  court  surrounded  by  the  din 
of  arms  and  continually  on  the  march.  Wearied  and  discour- 
aged by  these  delays,  he  began  to  think  of  applying  elsewhere 

1  Pulgar,  Croiiica,  cap.  87.    P.  Martyr.      *  Kciralo  del  Buen  Vaoaallo,  lib.  II.  cap.  16. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  65 

foi  patronage,  and  appears  to  have  commenced  negotiations 
with  King  John  II.  for  a  return  to  Portugal.  He  wrote  to  that 
monarch  on  the  subject,  and  received  a  letter  in  reply  dated 
20th  of  March,  1488,  inviting  him  to  return  to  his  court,  and 
assuring  him  of  protection  from  any  suits  of  either  a  civil  or 
criminal  nature,  that  might  be  pending  against  him.  He 
received  also  a  letter  from  Henry  VII.  of  England,  inviting 
him  to  that  country,  and  holding  out  promises  of  encourage- 
ment. 

There  must  have  been  strong  hopes,  authorized  about  this 
time  by  the  conduct  of  the  Spanish  sovereigns,  to  induce  Colum- 
bus to  neglect  these  invitations  ;  and  we  find  ground  for  such  a 
supposition  in  a  memorandum  of  a  sum  of  money  paid  to  him 
by  the  treasurer  Gonzalez,  to  enable  him  to  comply  with  a 
summons  to  attend  the  Castilian  court.  By  the  date  of  this 
memorandum,  the  payment  must  have  been  made  immediately 
after  Columbus  had  received  the  letter  of  the  King  of  Portugal. 
It  would  seem  to  have  been  the  aim  of  King  Ferdinand  to  pre- 
vent his  carrying  his  proposition  to  another  and  a  rival  mon- 
arch, and  to  keep  the  matter  in  suspense,  until  he  should  have 
leisure  to  examine  it,  and,  if  advisable,  to  carry  it  into  opera- 
tion. 

In  the  spring  of  1489  the  long-adjourned  investigation  ap- 
peared to  be  on  the  eve  of  taking  place.  Columbus  was  sum- 
moned to  attend  a  conference  of  learned  men,  to  be  held  in  the 
city  of  Seville  ;  a  royal  order  was  issued  for  lodgings  to  be  pro- 
vided for  him  there  ;  and  the  magistrates  of  all  cities  and  towns 
through  which  he  might  pass,  on  his  way,  were  commanded  to 
furnish  accommodations  gratis  for  himself  and  his  attendants. 
A  provision  of  the  kind  was  necessary  in  those  days,  when  even 
the  present  wretched  establishments,  called  Posadas,  for  the 
reception  of  travellers,  were  scarcely  known. 

The  city  of  Seville  complied  with  the  royal  command,  but  as 
usual  the  appointed  conference  was  postponed,  being  interrupted 
by  the  opening  of  a  campaign,  "  in  which.,"  says  an  old  chron- 
icler of  the  place,  "  the  same  Columbus  was  found  fighting, 
giving  proofs  of  the  distinguished  valor  which  accompanied  his 
wisdom  and  his  lofty  desires."  1 

The  campaign  in  which  Columbus  is  here  said  to  have  borne 
so  honorable  a  part  was  one  of  the  most  glorious  of  the  war  of 
Granada.  Queen  Isabella  attended  with  all  her  court,  including 
as  usual  a  stately  train  of  prelates  and  friars,  among  whom  is 

1  Diego  Ortiz  do  Zuuiga.    Ann.  de  Sevilla,  lib.  xii.,  auno  1489,  p.  404. 


<;•;  Lire  OF  cuiiisrni'HKit  COUM/ /;rs. 

particularly  mentioned  tin-  procrastinatin'.:  arbiter  of  the  preten- 
sions Of  Colombo*,  Fernando  dc  Talavera.  Much  of  tin-  BOOC6M 
of  tin-  campaiirii  is  aserilted  to  the  presence  ami  counsel  of 
;la.  Tin-  city  of  I'.a/a,  which  was  closely  besieged  and 
ha<l  resided  valiantly  for  upward  of  six  months,  surrendered 
soon  after  her  arrival;  ami  on  the  22d  of  December,  Columbus 
In-held  Muley  Hoabdil,  the  elder  of  the  two  rival  kings  of  (Jni- 
na.la.  siinvnd'.'r  in  j>erson  all  his  remaining  possessions,  and  his 
right  to  tin-  »TO\VIK  to  the  Spanish  sovereigns. 

Diii-ini:  this  siege  a  circumstance  took  place  which  api>ears  to 
have  made  a  deep  impression  on  the  devout  and  enthusiastic 
spirit  of  Columbus.  Two  reverend  friars  arrived  one  day  at 
the  Spanish  camp,  and  requested  admission  to  the  sovereigns 
on  business  of  ureat  moment.  They  were  two  of  the  brethren 
of  the  convent  established  at  the  holy  sepulchre  at  Jerusalem. 
They  brought  a  message  from  the  Grand  Soldan  of  Egypt, 
threatening  to  put  to  death  all  the  Christians  in  his  dominion, 
to  lay  w:uste  their  (-(invents  and  churches,  and  to  destroy  the 
sepulchre,  if  the  sovereigns  did  not  desist  from  the  war  against 
(iranada.  The-  menace  had  no  effect  in  altering  the  purpose  of 
tin-  sovereigns,  but  Isabella  granted  a  yearly  and  perpetual  sum 
of  one  thousand  ducats  in  gold.1  for  the  support  of  the  monks 
who  had  charge  of  the  sepulchre  ;  and  sent  a  veil  embroidered 
with  her  own  hands  to  be  hung  up  at  its  shrine.2 

The  representations  of  these  f rial's  of  the  sufferings  and  in- 
diirnities  to  which  Christians  were  subjected  in  the  Holy  Land, 
her  with  the  arrogant  threat  of  the  Soldan,  roused  the 
pious  indignation  of  the  Spanish  cavaliers,  and  many  burned 
with  ardent  /eai  once  more  to  revive  the  contests  of  the  faith 
on  the  sacred  plains  of  1'alestine.  It  was  probably  from  con- 
versation with  these  friars,  and  from  the  pious  and  chivalrous 
/<-al  thus  awakened  in  the  warrior  throng  around  him,  that  Col- 
umbus tirst  conceived  an  enthusiastic  idea,  or  rather  made  a 
kind  of  mental  vow.  which  remained  more  or  less  present  to  his 
mind  until  the  very  day  of  his  death.  He  determined  that, 
should  his  projected  enterprise  U-  successful,  he  would  devote 
the  profits  arising  from  his  anticipated  discoveries  to  a  crusade 
for  the  i  the-  holv  sepulchre  from  the  power  of  the 

in  I'M 

If  the  bustle  and  turmoil  of  this  campaign  prevented  the 
intended  conference,  the  concerns  of  Columbus  fared  no  better 
during  the  sul»'-quciit  rejoicings.  Ferdinand  and  Isabella 

1  Or  1,12'.  ilollnrx.  ci|iiiv.i1piit  in  l.-v,  i  ,lnl|jir«  in  our  time. 
iii.  cup.  M. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  67 

entered  Seville  in  February,  1490,  with  great  pomp  and  tri- 
umph. There  were  then  preparations  made  for  the  marriage 
of  their  eldest  daughter,  the  princess  Isabella,  with  the  Prince\ 
Don  Alonzo,  heir  apparent  of  Portugal.  The  nuptials  were 
celebrated  in  the  month  of  April,  with  extraordinary  splendor. 
Throughout  the  whole  winter  and  spring  the  court  was  in  a  con- 
tinual tumult  of  parade  and  pleasure,  and  nothing  was  to  be 
seen  at  Seville  but  feasts,  tournaments,  and  torchlight  proces- 
sions. What  chance  had  Columbus  of  being  heard  amid  these 
alternate  uproars  of  war  and  festivity? 

During  this  long  course  of  solicitation  he  supported  himself, 
in  part,  by  making  maps  and  charts,  and  was  occasionally 
assisted  by  the  purse  of  the  worthy  friar  Diego  de  Deza.  It  is 
due  to  the  sovereigns  to  say,  also,  that  whenever  he  was  sum- 
moned to  follow  the  movements  of  the  court,  or  to  attend  any 
appointed  consultation,  he  was  attached  to  the  royal  suite,  and 
lodgings  were  provided  for  him  and  sums  issued  to  defray  his 
expenses.  Memorandums  of  several  of  these  sums  still  exist 
in  the  book  of  accounts  of  the  royal  treasurer,  Francisco  Gon- 
zalez, of  Seville,  which  has  lately  been  found  in  the  archives  of 
Simancas ;  and  it  is  from  these  minutes  that  we  have  been 
enabled,  in  some  degree,  to  follow  the  movements  of  Columbus 
during  his  attendance  upon  this  rambling  and  warlike  court. 

During  all  this  time  he  was  exposed  to  continual  scoffs  and 
indignities,  being  ridiculed  by  the  light  and  ignorant  as  a  mere 
dreamer,  and  stigmatized  by  the  illiberal  as  an  adventurer.  The 
very  children,  it  is  said,  pointed  to  their  foreheads  as  he  passed, 
being  taught  to  regard  him  as  a  kind  of  madman. 

The  summer  of  1490  passed  away,  but  still  Columbus  was 
kept  in  tantalizing  and  tormenting  suspense.  The  subsequent 
winter  was  not  more  propitious.  He  was  lingering  at  Cordova 
in  a  state  of  irritating  anxiety,  when  he  learnt  that  the  sover- 
eigns were  preparing  to  depart  on  a  campaign  in  the  Vega  of 
Granada,  with  a  determination  never  to  raise  their  camp  from 
before  that  city  until  their  victorious  banners  should  float  upon 
its  towers. 

Columbus  was  aware  that  when  once  the  campaign  was 
opened  and  the  sovereigns  were  in  the  field,  it  would  be  in  vain 
to  expect  any  attention  to  his  suit.  He  was  wearied,  if  not 
incensed,  at  the  repeated  postponements  he  had  experienced,  by 
which  several  years  had  been  consumed.  He  now  pressed  for 
a  decisive  reply  with  an  earnestness  that  would  -not  admit  of 
evasion.  Fernando  de  Talavera,  therefore,  was  called  upon  by 
the  sovereigns  to  hold  a  definitive  conference  with  the  scientific 


t'.-i  /./FA'   OF  rillUSTOrilKl!    COLl'MBUS. 

men  to  whom  the  project  had  been  referred,  and  to  make  a 
•t  of  their  decision.  Tin-  bishop  tardily  complied,  and  at 
Icn-th  rc|x>rted  to  tht'ir  majesties,  as  the  general  opinion  of  the 
Junto,  that  the  proposed  scheme  was  vain  and  impOwiUe,  and 
th:it  it  did  not  In-come  such  great  princes  to  engage  in  an  enter- 

of  the  kind  on  such  weak  grounds  as  had  been  advanced.1 
Notwithstanding  this  unfavorable  report,  the  sovereigns  were 
unwilling  t..  <•!<»«•  the  door  upon  a  project  which  might  be  pro- 
ductive of  stu-h   iin|x>rlant  advantages.     Many  of  the   learned 
memU-rs  of  the  Junto  also  were  in  its  favor,  particularly  Fray 

.  <lc  I)e/a.  tutor  to  Prince  Juan,  who  from  his  situation 
ami  clerical  character  had  access  to  the  royal  ear,  and  exerted 
himself  strenuously  in  counteracting  the  decision  of  the  board. 
A  •  !<•_'!.  e  of  consideration,  also,  had  gradually  grown  up  at 
court  for  the  enterprise,  and  many  men,  distinguished  for  rank 
and  merit,  had  In-come  its  advocates.  Fernando  de  Talavera. 
then-fore,  was  commanded  to  inform  Columbus,  who  was  still 
at  Cordova,  that  the  great  cares  and  expenses  of  the  wars  ren- 
dered it  im|K»sil»le  for  the  sovereigns  to  engage  in  any  new 
enterprise  :  luit  that  when  the  war  was  concluded  they  would 
have  Initli  time  and  inclination  to  treat  with  him  about  what  he 

•ed.f 

Tins  was  but  a  starved  reply  to  receive  after  so  many  days 
of  weary  attendance,  anxious  expectations,  and  deferred  hope; 
Columbus  was  unwilling  to  receive  it  at  second  hand,  and  re- 
paired to  the  court  at  Seville  to  learn  his  fate  from  the  lips  of 
the  sovereigns.  Their  reply  was  virtually  the  same,  declining 
to  cn_M'_re  in  the  enterprise  for  the  present,  but  holding  out 
hopes  of  patronage  when  relieved  from  the  cares  and  expenses 
of  the  war. 

i  luinhus  looked  upon  this  indefinite  postponement  as  a  mere 
courtly  mode  of  evading  his  im|»ortunity,  and  sup[>osed  that  the 
f -mil-able  dispositions  of  the  sovereigns  had  been  counteracted 
by  the  objections  of  the  ignorant  and  bigoted.  Renouncing  all 
further  confidence,  therefore,  in  vague  promises,  which  had  so 
often  led  to  disappointment,  and  giving  up  all  ho|x.»s  of  coun- 
tenance from  the  throne,  he  turned  his  back  upon  .Seville,  in- 
dignant at  the  thoughts  of  having  been  beguiled  out  of  so  many 
pie.-ious  years  of  waning  existence. 

»  Ili»t.  del.  Almlrmnlc,  cap.  ?  *  IH,U  del  Ahnirauie,  cap.  2 


LIFE  OF  CUEISTOPUER   COLUMBUS.  69 

CHAPTER  V. 

COLUMBUS    AT   THE    CONVENT   OF   LA   RABIDA. 

ABOUT  half  a  league  from  the  little  seaport  of  Palos  deMoguer 
in  Andalusia  there  stood,  and  continues  to  stand  at  the  present 
day,  an  ancient  convent  of  Franciscan  friars,  dedicated  to  Santa 
Maria  de  Kabida.  One  day  a  stranger  on  foot,  in  humble  guise 
but  of  a  distinguished  air,  accompanied  by  a  small  boy,  stopped 
at  the  gate  of  the  convent,  and  asked  of  the  porter  a  little  bread 
and  water  for  his  child.  While  receiving  this  humble  refresh- 
ment, the  prior  of  the  convent,  Juan  Perez  de  Marchena,  hap- 
pening to  pass  by,  was  struck  with  the  appearance  of  the 
stranger,  and  observing  from  his  air  and  accent  that  he  was  a 
foreigner,  entered  into  conversation  with  him,  and  soon  learned 
the  particulars  of  his  story.  That  stranger  was  Columbus.1 
He  was  on  his  way  to  the  neighboring  town  of  Huelva,  to  seek 
his  brother-in-law,  who  had  married  a  sister  of  his  deceased 
wife.2 

The  prior  was  a  man  of  extensive  information.  His  attention 
had  been  turned  in  some  measure  to  geographical  and  nautical 
science,  probably  from  his  vicinity  to  Palos,  the  inhabitants  of 
which  were  among  the  most  enterprising  navigators  of  .Spain, 
and  made  frequent  voyages  to  the  recently  discovered  islands 
and  countries  on  the  African  coast.  He  was  greatly  interested 
by  the  conversation  of  Columbus,  and  struck  with  the  grandeur 
of  his  views.  It  was  a  remarkable  occurrence  in  the  monoto- 
nous life  of  the  cloister,  to  have  a  man  of  such  singular 
character,  intent  on  so  extraordinary  an  enterprise,  applying 
for  bread  and  water  at  the  gate  of  his  convent. 

When  he  found,  however,  that  the  voyager  was  on  the  point 
of  abandoning  Spain  to  seek  patronage  in  the  court  of  France, 
and  that  so  important  an  enterprise  was  about  to  be  lost  forever 
to  the  country,  the  patriotism  of  the  good  friar  took  the  alarm. 
He  detained  Columbus  as  his  guest,  and,  diffident  of  his  own 
judgment,  sent  for  a  scientific  friend  to  converse  with  him. 

1  "  Lo  dicho  Almirante  Colon  veniendo  a  la  Rabida,  que  es  un  monast6rio  de  frailes 
en  esta  villa,  el  qual  demandu  a  la  porteria  que  le  diesen  para  aquel  nifiico,  que  era  nino, 
pan  i  agua  que  bebieoe."  The  testimony  of  Garcia  Fernandez  exists  in  manuscript 
among  the  rnullifariou*  writings  of  the  1'leito  or  lawsuit,  which  are  preserved  at  Seville. 
1  have  made  use  of  an  authenticated  extract,  copied  for  the  late  historian,  Juan  I.aut. 
Muiioz. 

1  Probably  Pedro  Correo,  already  mentioned,  from  whom  he  had  received  information 
of  signs  of  laud  in  the  weal,  observed  near  Puerto  Sauto. 


70  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMIil'S. 

That  friend  was  Garcia  Fernandez,  a  physician  resident  in 
Palos.  the  same  who  furnishes  this  interesting  testimony.  Fer- 
nandez was  equally  struck  with  the  appearance  and  conversation 
of  the  stranger;  several  conferences  took  place  at  the  convent, 
at  which  several  of  the  veteran  mariners  of  Palos  were  present. 
Among  these  was  Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon,  the  head  of  a  family 
of  wealthy  and  experienced  navigators  of  the  place,  celebrated 
for  their  adventurous  expeditions.  Facts  were  related  by  some 
of  these  navigators  in  support  of  the  theory  of  Columbus.  In 
a  word,  his  project  was  treated  with  a  deference  in  the  quiet 
cloisters  of  La  Rabida,  and  among  the  seafaring  men  of  Palos, 
which  had  been  sought  in  vain  among  the  sages  and  philosophers 
of  the  court.  Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon  especially  was  so  con- 
vinced of  its  feasibility  that  he  offered  to  engage  in  it  with  purse 
and  person,  and  to  bear  the  expenses  of  Columbus  in  a  renewed 
application  to  the  court. 

Friar  Juan  Perez  was  confirmed  in  his  faith  by  the  concur- 
rence of  those  learned  and  practical  councillors.  He  had  once 
been  confessor  to  the  queen,  and  knew  that  she  was  always 
accessible  to  persons  of  his  sacred  calling.  He  proposed  to 
write  to  her  immediately  on  the  subject,  and  entreated  Columbus 
to  delay  his  journey  until  an  answer  could  be  received.  The 
latter  was  easily  persuaded,  for  he  felt  as  if,  in  leaving  Spain, 
he  was  again  abandoning  his  home.  He  was  also  reluctant  to 
renew,  in  another  court,  the  vexatious  and  disappointments 
experienced  in  Spain  and  Portugal. 

The  little  council  at  the  convent  of  La  Rabida  now  cast  round 
their  eyes  for  an  ambassador  to  depart  upon  this  momentous 
mission.  They  chose  one  Sebastian  Rodriguez,  a  pilot  of  Lepe, 
one  of  the  most  shrewd  and  important  personages  in  this  mari- 
time neighborhood.  The  queen  was  at  this  time  at  Santa  Fe, 
the  military  city  which  had  been  built  in  the  Vega  before 
Granada,  after  the  conflagration  of  the  royal  camp.  The  honest 
pilot  acquitted  himself  faithfully,  expeditiously,  and  success- 
fully, in  his  embassy.  He  found  access  to  the  benignant 
princess,  and  delivered  the  epistle  of  the  friar.  Isabella  had 
always  been  favorably  disposed  to  the  proposition  of  Columbus. 
She  wrote  in  reply  to  Juan  Perez,  thanking  him  for  his  timely 
services,  and  requesting  that  he  would  repair  immediately  to  the 
court,  leaving  Christopher  Columbus  in  confident  hope  until  he 
should  hear  further  from  her.  This  royal  letter  was  brought 
back  by  the  pilot  at  the  end  of  fourteen  flays,  and  spread  great 
joy  in  the  little  junto  at  the  convent.  No  sooner  did  the  warm- 
hearted friar  receive  it,  th?iu  he  saddled  his  mule,  aud  departed 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  71 

privately,  before  midnight,  for  the  court.  He  journeyed  through 
the  conquered  countries  of  the  Moors,  and  rode  into  the  newly- 
erected  city  of  Santa  Fe,  where  the  sovereigns  were  superin- 
tending the  close  investment  of  the  capital  of  Granada. 

The  sacred  office  of  Juan  Perez  gained  him  a  ready  entrance 
in  a  court  distinguished  for  religious  zeal ;  and,  once  admitted 
to  the  presence  of  the  queen,  his  former  relation,  as  father 
confessor,  gave  him  great  freedom  of  counsel.  He  pleaded  the 
cause  of  Columbus  with  characteristic  enthusiasm,  speaking 
from  actual  knowledge  of  his  honorable  motives,  his  professional 
knowledge  and  experience,  and  his  perfect  capacity  to  fulfil  the 
undertaking  ;  he  represented  the  solid  principles  upon  which  the 
enterprise  was  founded,  the  advantage  that  must  attend  its 
success,  and  the  glory  it  must  shed  upon  the  Spanish  crown. 
It  is  probable  that  Isabella  had  never  heard  the  proposition 
urged  with  such  honest  zeal  and  impressive  eloquence.  Being 
naturally  more  sanguine  and  susceptible  than  the  king,  and 
more  open  to  warm  and  generous  impulses,  she  was  moved  by 
the  representations  of  Juan  Perez,  which  were  warmly  seconded 
by  her  favorite,  the  Marchioness  of  Moya,  who  entered  into  the 
affair  with  a  woman's  disinterested  enthusiasm.1  The  queen 
requested  that  Columbus  might  be  again  sent  to  her,  and,  with 
the  kind  considerateness  which  characterized  her,  bethinking 
herself  of  his  poverty,  and  his  humble  plight,  ordered  that 
twenty  thousand  maravedies2  in  florins  should  be  forwarded  to 
him,  to  bear  his  travelling  expenses,  to  provide  him  with  a  mule 
for  his  journey,  and  to  furnish  him  with  decent  raiment,  that  he 
might  make  a  respectable  appearance  at  the  court. 

The  worthy  friar  lost  no  time  in  communicating  the  result  of 
his  mission  ;  he  transmitted  the  money,  and  a  letter,  by  the 
hands  of  an  inhabitant  of  Palos,  to  the  physician  Garcia  Fer- 
nandez, who  delivered  them  to  Columbus.  The  latter  complied 
with  the  instructions  conveyed  in  the  epistle.  He  exchanged 
his  threadbare  garb  for  one  more  suited  to  the  sphere  of  a  court, 
and,  purchasing  a  mule,  set  out  once  more,  reanimated  by 
hopes,  for  the  camp  before  Granada.8 

1  Rctrato  del  Buen  Vassal  lo,  lib.  ii.  cap.  16. 

1  Or  72  dollars,  and  equivalent  to  216  dollars  of  the  present  day. 

3  Most  of  the  particulars  of  this  visit  of  Columbus  to  the  convent  of  La  Rabida  are 
from  the  testimony  rendered  by  Garcia  Keruaudez  ill  the  lawsuit  between.  Diego,  the  son 
of  Columbus,  and  the  crown. 


72  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

APPLICATION    TO    THE    COURT    AT    THE    TIME    OF    THE    SURRENDER 
OF   GRANADA. 

11492.] 

WHEN  Columbus  arrived  at  the  court,  he  experienced  a 
favorable  reception,  and  was  given  in  hospitable  charge  to  his 
steady  friend  Alouzo  de  Quintauilla,  the  accountant-general. 
The  moment,  however,  was  too  eventful  for  his  business  to 
receive  immediate  attention.  He  arrived  in  time  to  witness  the 
memorable  surrender  of  Granada  to  the  Spanish  arms.  He 
beheld  Boabdil,  the  last  of  the  Moorish  kings,  sally  forth  from 
the  Alhambra,  and  yield  up  the  keys  of  that  favorite  seat  of 
Moorish  power;  while  the  king  and  queen,  with  all  the  chivalry 
and  rank  ami  magnificence  of  Spain,  moved  forward  in  proud 
and  solemn  procession,  to  receive  this  token  of  submission.  It 
was  one  of  the  most  brilliant  triumphs  in  Spanish  history. 
After  near  eight  hundred  years  of  painful  struggle,  the  crescent 
was  completely  cast  down,  the  cross  exalted  in  its  place,  and 
the  standard  of  Spain  was  seen  floating  on  the  highest  tower  of 
the  Alhainhra.  The  whole  court  and  army  were  abandoned  to 
jubilee.  The  air  resounded  with  shouts  of  joy,  with  songs  of 
triumph,  and  hymns  of  thanksgiving.  On  every  side  were 
beheld  military  rejoicings  and  religious  oblations ;  for  it  was 
considered  a  triumph,  not  merely  of  arms,  but  of  Christianity. 
The  king  and  queen  moved  in  the  midst,  in  more  than  common 
magnificence,  while  every  eye  regarded  them  as  more  than 
mortal ;  as  if  sent  by  Heaven  for  the  salvation  and  building  up 
of  Spain.1  The  court  was  thronged  by  the  most  illustrious  of 
that  warlike  country,  and  stirring  era ;  by  the  flower  of  its 
nobility,  by  the  most  dignified  of  its  prelacy,  by  bards  and 
minstrels,  and  all  the  retinue  of  a  romantic  and  picturesque 
age.  There  was  nothing  but  the  glittering  of  arms,  the  rustling 
of  robes,  the  sound  of  music  and  festivity. 

Do  we  want  a  picture  of  our  navigator  during  this  brilliant 
and  triumphant  scene?  It  is  furnished  by  a  Spanish  writer. 
"A  man  obscure  and  but  little  known  followed  at  this  time  the 
court.  Confounded  in  the  crowd  of  importunate  applicants, 

>  Mariana,  Hint,  de  Espafia,  lib.  xxv.  oap.  18. 


LIFE  OF  CnitlS'fOPnER   COLUMBUS.  73 

feeding  his  imagination  in  the  corners  of  ante-chambers  with  the 
pompous  project  of  discovering  a  world,  melancholy  and  dejected 
in  the  midst  of  the  general  rejoicing,  he  beheld  with  indifference, 
and  almost  with  contempt,  the  conclusion  of  a  conquest  which 
swelled  nil  bosoms  with  jubilee,  and  seemed  to  have  reached 
the  utmost  bounds  of  desire.  That  man  was  Christopher 
Columbus."  * 

The  moment  had  now  arrived,  however,  when  the  monarchs 
stood  pledged  to  attend  to  his  proposals.  The  war  with  the 
Moors  was  at  an  end,  Spain  was  delivered  from  its  intruders, 
and  its  sovereigns  might  securely  turn  their  views  to  foreign 
enterprise.  They  kept  their  word  with  Columbus.  Persons  of 
confidence  were  appointed  to  negotiate  with  him,  among  whom 
was  Fernando  de  Talavera,  who,  by  the  recent  conquest,  had 
list  n  to  be  Archbishop  of  Granada.  At  the  very  outset  of 
their  negotiation,  however,  unexpected  difficulties  arose.  So 
fully  imbued  was  Columbus  with  the  grandeur  of  his  enterprise, 
that  he  would  listen  to  none  but  princely  conditions.  His  piin- 
cipal  stipulation  was,  that  he  should  be  invested  with  the  titles 
and  privileges  of  admiral  and  viceroy  over  the  countries  he 
should  discover,  with  one  tenth  of  all  gains,  either  by  trade  or 
conquest.  The  courtiers  who  treated  with  him  were  indignant 
nt  such  a  demand.  Their  pride  was  shocked  to  see  one,  whom 
they  had  considered  as  a  needy  adventurer,  aspiring  to  rank  and 
dignities  superior  to  their  own.  One  observed  with  a  sneer 
that  it  was  a  shrewd  arrangement  which  he  proposed,  whereby 
he  was  secure,  at  all  events,  of  the  honor  of  a  command,  and 
had  nothing  to  lose  in  case  of  failure..  To  this  Columbus 
promptly  replied,  by  offering  to  furnish  one  eighth  of  the  cost, 
on  condition  of  enjoying  an  eighth  of  the  profits.  To  do  this, 
he  no  doubt  calculated  on  the  proffered  assistance  of  Martin 
Alonzo  Piuzon,  the  wealthy  navigator  of  Palos. 

His  terms,  however,  were  pronounced  inadmissible.  Fer- 
nando de  Talavera  had  always  considered  Columbus  a  dream- 
ing speculator,  or  a  needy  applicant  for  bread  ;  but  to  see  this 
man,  who  had  for  years  been  an  indigent  and  threadbare  solici- 
tor in  his  ante-chamber,  assuming  so  lofty  a  tone,  and  claiming 
an  office  that  approached  to  the  awful  dignity  of  the  throne, 
excited  the  astonishment  as  well  as  the  indignation,  of  the  pre- 
late. He  represented  to  Isabella  that  it  would  l>e  degrading  to 
the  dignity  of  so  illustrious  a  crown  to  lavish  such  distinguished 
honors  upon  a  nameless  stranger.  Such  terms,  he  observed. 

1  Clement-ill,  Elogio  de  la  Heina  Catolica,  p.  20. 


74  .    LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

even  in  case  of  success,  would  be  exorbitant ;  but  in  case  of 
failure,  would  be  cited  with  ridicule,  as  evidence  of  the  gross 
credulity  of  the  Spanish  monarchs. 

Isabella  was  always  attentive  to  the  opinions  of  her  ghostly 
advisers,  and  the  archbishop  being  her  confessor,  had  peculiar 
influence.  His  suggestions  checked  her  dawning  favor.  She 
thought  the  proposed  advantages  might  be  purchased  at  too 
great  a  price.  More  moderate  conditions  were  offered  to  Colum- 
bus, and  such  as  appeared  highly  honorable  and  advantageous. 
It  was  all  in  vain  :  he  would  not  cede  one  point  of  his  demands, 
and  the  negotiation  was  broken  off. 

It  is  impossible  not  to  admire  the  great  constancy  of  purpose 
and  loftiness  of  spirit  displayed  by  Columbus,  ever  since  he 
had  conceived  the  sublime  idea  of  his  discovery.  More  than 
eighteen  years  had  elapsed  since  his  correspondence  with  Paulo 
Toscanelli  of  Florence,  wherein  he  had  announced  his  design. 
The  greatest  part  of  that  time  had  been  consumed  in  applica- 
tions at  various  courts.  During  that  period,  what  poverty, 
neglect,  ridicule,  contumely,  and  disappointment  had  he  not 
suffered  !  Nothing,  however,  could  shake  his  perseverance,  nor 
make  him  descend  to  terms  which  he  considered  beneath  the  dig- 
nity of  his  enterprise.  In  all  his  negotiations  he  forgot  his 
present  obscurity  ;  he  forgot  his  present  indigence ;  his  ardent 
imagination  realized  the  magnitude  of  his  contemplated  discov- 
eries, and  he  felt  himself  negotiating  about  empire. 

Though  so  large  a  portion  of  his  life  had  worn  away  in  fruit- 
less solicitings  ;  though  there  was  no  certainty  that  the  same 
weary  career  was  not* to  be  entered  upon  at  any  other  court ;  yet 
so  indignant  was  he  at  the  repented  disappointments  he  had 
experienced  in  Spain,  that  he  determined  to  abandon  it  forever, 
rather  than  compromise  his  demands.  Taking  leave  of  his 
friends,  therefore,  he  mounted  his  mule,  and  sallied  forth  from 
Santa  F6  in  the  beginning  of  February,  1492,  on  his  way  to 
Cordova,  whence  he  intended  to  depart  immediately  for  France. 

When  the  few  friends  who  were  zealous  believers  in  the  theory 
of  Columbus  saw  him  really  on  the  point  of  abandoning  the 
country,  they  were  filled  with  distress,  considering  his  departure 
an  irreparable  loss  to  the  nation.  Among  the  number  was  Luis 
de  St.  Angel,  receiver  of  the  ecclesiastical  revenues  in  Arragon. 
Determined  if  possible  to  avert  the  evil,  he  obtained  an  imme- 
diate audience  of  the  queen,  accompanied  by  Alonzo  de  Quin- 
tanilla.  The  exigency  of  the  moment  gave  him  courage  and 
eloquence.  He  did  not  confine  himself  to  entreaties,  but  almost 
mingled  reproaches,  expressing  astonishment  that  a  queen  who 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  75 

had  evin-ced  the  spirit  to  undertake  so  many  great  and  perilous 
enterprises,  should  hesitate  at  one  where  the  loss  could  be  so 
trilling,  while  the  gain  might  be  incaleulable.  He  reminded  her 
how  much  might  be  done  for  the  glory  of  God,  the  exaltation  of 
the  church,  and  the  extension  of  her  own  power  and  dominion. 
What  cause  of  regret  to  herself,  of  triumph  to  her  enemies,  of 
sorrow  to  her  friends,  should  this  enterprise,  thus  rejected  by 
her,  be  accomplished  by  some  other  power!  He  reminded  her 
what  fame  and  dominion  other  princes  had  acquired  by  their 
discoveries  ;  here  was  an  opportunity  to  surpass  them  all. 

He  entreated  her  majesty  not  to  be  misled  by  the  assertions 
of  learned  men,  that  the  project  was  the  dream  of  a  visionary. 
He  vindicated  the  judgment  of  Columbus,  and  the  soundness 
and  practicability  of  his  plans.  Neither  would  even  his  failure 
reflect  disgrace  upon  the  crown.  It  was  worth  the  trouble  and 
expense  to  clear  up  even  a  doubt  upon  a  matter  of  such  im- 
portance, for  it  belonged,  to  enlightened  and  magnanimous 
princes  to  investigate  questions  of  the  kind,  and  to  explore  the 
wonders  and  secrets  of  the  universe.  He  stated  the  liberal 
offer  of  Columbus  to  bear  an  eighth  of  the  expense,  and  in- 
formed her  that  all  the  requisites  for  this  great  enterprise  con- 
sisted but  of  two  vessels  and  about  three  thousand  crowns. 

These  and  many  more  arguments  were  urged  with  that  per- 
suasive power  which  honest  zeal  imparts,  and  it  is  said  the 
Marchioness  of  Moya,  who  was  present,  exerted  her  eloquence 
to  persuade  the  queen.  The  generous  spirit  of  Isabella  was 
enkindled.  It  seemed  as  if,  for  the  first  time,  the  subject  broke 
upon  her  mind  in  its  real  grandeur,  and  she  declared  her  reso- 
lution to  undertake  the  enterprise. 

There  was  still  a  moment's  hesitation.  The  king  looked 
coldly  on  the  affair,  and  the  royal  finances  were  absolutely 
drained  by  the  war.  Some  time  must  be  given  to  replenish 
them.  How  could  she  draw  on  an  exhausted  treasury  for  a 
measure  to  which  the  king  was  adverse !  St.  Angel  watched 
this  suspense  with  trembling  anxiety.  The  next  moment  reas- 
sured him.  With  an  enthusiasm  worthy  of  herself  and  of  the 
cause,  Isabella  exclaimed,  "  I  undertake  the  enterprise  for  my 
own  crown  of  Castile,  and  will  pledge  my  jewels  to  raise  the 
necessary  funds."  This  was  the  proudest  moment  in  the  life  of 
Isabella ;  it  stamped  her  renown  forever  as  the  patroness  of  the 
discovery  of  the  New  World. 

St.  Angel,  eager  to  secure  this  noble  impulse,  assured  her 
majesty  that  there  would  be  no  need  of  pledging  her  jewels,  as 
he  was  ready  to  advance  the  necessary  funds.  His  offer  was 


76  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

gladly  accepted  ;  the  funds  really  came  from  the  coffers  of 
A ri:ioon  ;  seventeen  thousand  florins  were  advanced  by  the 
accountant  of  St.  Angel  out  of  the  treasury  of  King  Ferdinand. 
That  prudent  monarch,  however,  took  care  to  have  his  kingdom 
indemnified  some  few  years  afterward  ;  for  in  remuneration  of 
this  loan,  a  part  of  the  first  gold  brought  by  Columbus  from  the 
New  World,  was  employed  in  gilding  the  vaults  and  ceilings  of 
the  royal  saloon  in  the  grand  palace  of  Saragoza,  in  Arragou, 
anciently  the  Aljaferia,  or  abode  of  the  Moorish  kings.1 

Columbus  had  pursued  his  lonely  journey  across  the  Vega 
and  reached  the  bridge  of  Finos,  about  two  leagues  from  Gra- 
nada, at  the  foot  of  the  mountain  of  Elvira,  a  pass  famous  in 
the  Moorish  wars  for  many  a  desperate  encounter  between  the 
Christians  and  infidels.  Here  he  was  overtaken  by  a  courier 
from  the  queen,  spurring  in  all  speed,  who  summoned  him  to 
return  to  Santa  Fe.  He  hesitated  for  a  moment,  being  loath 
to  subject  himself  again  to  the  delays  and  equivocations  of 
the  court ;  when  informed,  however,  of  the  sudden  zeal  for  the 
enterprise  excited  in  the  mind  of  the  queen,  and  the  positive 
promise  she  had  given  to  undertake  it,  he  no  longer  felt  a  doubt, 
but,  turning  the  reins  of  his  mule,  hastened  back  with  joyful 
alacrity  to  Santa  Fe",  confiding  in  the  noble  probity  of  that 
princess. 


CHAPTER  VIT. 

ARRANGEMENT   WITH    THE     SPANISH     SOVEREIGNS PREPARATIONS 

FOR   THE    EXPEDITION    AT   THE    POKT    OK    PAJLOS. 

[1492.] 

Ox  arriving  at  Santa  F£,  Columbus  had  an  immediate  audi- 
ence of  the  queen,  and  the  benignity  with  which  she  received 
him  atoned  for  all  past  neglect.  Through  deference  to  the  zeal 
she  thus  suddenly  displayed,  the  king  yielded  his  tardy  con- 
currence, but  Isabella  was  the  soul  of  this  grand  enterprise. 
She  was  prompted  by  lofty  and  generous  enthusiasm,  while  the 
king  proved  cold  and  calculating  in  this  as  in  all  his  other 
undertakings. 

A  perfect  understanding  being  thus  effected  with  the  sover- 

1  Argensola  Analet)  de  Arragon,  lib.  i.  cap.  10. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  11 

eigns,  articles  of  agreement  were  ordered  to  be  drawn  out  by 
Juan  de  Coloma,  the  royal  secretary.  They  were  to  the  follow- 
ing effect : 

1.  That  Columbus  should  have,  for  himself  during  his  life, 
and  his  heirs  and  successors  forever,  the  office  of  admiral  in  all 
the  lands  and  continents  which  he  might  discover  or  acquire  in 
the  ocean,  with  similar  honors  and  prerogatives  to  those  enjoyed 
by  the  high  admiral  of  Castile  in  his  district. 

2.  That  he  should  be  viceroy  and  governor-general  over  all 
the  said  lands  and  continents,  with  the  privilege  of  nominating 
three  candidates  for  the  government  of  each  island  or  province, 
one  of  whom  should  be  selected  by  the  sovereigns. 

3.  That  he  should  be  entitled  to  reserve  for  himself  one  tenth 
of  all  pearls,  precious  stones,  gold,  silver,  spices,  and  all  other 
articles  and  merchandises,  in  whatever  manner  found,  bought, 
bartered,  or  gained  within  his  admiralty,  the  costs  being  first 
deducted. 

4.  That  he,  or  his  lieutenant,  should  be  the  sole  judge  in  all 
causes  and  disputes  arising  out  of  traffic  between  those  coun- 
tries and  Spain,  provided  the  high  admiral  of  Castile  had  simi- 
lar jurisdiction  in  his  district. 

a.  That  he  might  then,  and  at  all  after  times,  contribute  an 
eighth  part  of  the  expense  in  fitting  out  vessels  to  sail  on  this 
enterprise,  and  receive  an  eighth  part  of  the  profits. 

The  last  stipulation,  which  admits  Columbus  to  bear  an  eighth 
of  the  enterprise,  was  made  in  consequence  of  his  indignant 
proffer,  on  being  reproached  with  demanding  ample  emoluments 
while  incurring  no  portion  of  the  charge.  He  fulfilled  this  en- 
gagement, through  the  assistance  of  the  Pinzons  of  Palos,  and 
added  a  third  vessel  to  the  armament.-  Thus  one  eighth  of  the 
expense  attendant  on  this  grand  expedition,  undertaken  by  a 
powerful  nation,  was  actually  borne  by  the  individual  who  con- 
ceived it,  and  who  likewise  risked  his  life  on  its  success. 

The  capitulations  were  signed  by  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  at 
the  city  of  Santa  F£,  in  the  Vega  or  plain  of  Granada,  on  the 
17th  of  April,  1492.  A  letter  of  privilege,  or  commission  to 
Columbus,  of  similar  purport,  was  drawn  out  in  form,  and 
issued  by  the  sovereigns  in  the  city  of  Granada,  on  the  thirtieth 
of  the  same  month.  In  this,  the  dignities  and  prerogatives  of 
viceroy  an  1  governor  were  made  hereditary  in  his  family  ;  and 
he  and  his  heirs  were  authorized  to  prefix  the  title  of  Don  to 
their  names  ;  a  distinction  accorded  in  those  days  only  to  per- 


78  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

sons  of  rank  and  estate,  though  it  has  since  lost  all  value,  from 
being  universally  used  in  Spain. 

All  the  royal  documents  issued  on  this  occasion  bore  equally 
the  signatures  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  but  her  separate 
crown  of  Castile  defrayed  all  the  expense  ;  and,  during  her  life, 
few  persons,  except  Castilians,  were  permitted  to  establish 
themselves  in  the  new  territories.1 

The  port  of  Palos  de  Moguer  was  fixed  upon  as  the  place 
where  the  armament  was  to  be  fitted  out,  Columbus  calculating, 
no  doubt,  on  the  co-operation  of  Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon,  resident 
there,  and  on  the  assistance  of  his  zealous  friend  the  prior  of 
the  'convent  of  La  Rabida.  Before  going  into  the  business 
details  of  this  great  enterprise,  it  is  due  to  the  character  of  the 
illustrious  man  who  conceived  and  conducted  it,  most  especially 
to  notice  the  elevated,  even  though  visionary,  spirit  by  which 
he  was  actuated.  One  of  his  principal  objects  was  undoubtedly 
the  propagation  of  the  Christian  faith.  He  expected  to  arrive 
at  the  extremity  of  Asia,  and  to  open  a  direct  and  easy  com- 
munication with  the  vast  and  magnificent  empire  of  the  Grand 
Khan.  The  conversion  of  that  heathen  potentate  had,  in 
former  times,  been  a  favorite  aim  of  various  pontiffs  and  pious 
sovereigns,  and  various  missions  had  been  sent  to  the  remote 
regions  of  the  East  for  that  purpose.  F  Columbus  now  consid- 
ered himself  about  to  effect  this  great  work  :  to  spread  the  light 
of  revelation  to  the  very  ends  of  the  earth,  and  thus  to  be  the 
instrument  of  accomplishing  one  of  the  sublime  predictions  of 
Holy  Writ.  Ferdinand  listened  with  complacency  to  these 
enthusiastic  anticipations.  With  him,  however,  religion  was 
subservient  to  interest ;  and  he  had  found,  in  the  recent  con- 
quest of  Granada,  that  extending  the  sway  of  the  church  might 
be  made  a  laudable  means  of  extending  his  own  dominions. 
According  to  the  doctrines  of  the  day,  every  nation  that  refused 
to  acknowledge  the  truths  of  Christianity,  was  fair  spoil  for  a 
Christian  invader ;  and  it  is  probable  that  Ferdinand  was  more 
stimulated  by  the  accounts  given  of  the  wealth  of  Mangi,  Cathay, 
and  other  provinces  belonging  to  the  Grand  Khan,  than  by  any 
anxiety  for  the  conversion  of  him  and  his  semi-barbarous  sub- 
jects. 

Isabella  had  nobler  inducements  :  she  was  filled  with  a  pious 
zeal  at  tne  idea  of  effecting  such  a  great  work  of  salvation. 
From  different  motives,  therefore,  both  of  the  sovereigns 
accorded  with  the  views  of  Columbus  in  this  particular,  and 


»  Charluvoix,  Hist.  S.  Domingo,  lib.  i.  p.  79. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  79 

when  he  afterward  departed  on  his  voyage,  letters  were  actually 
given  him  for  the  Grand  Khan  of  Tartary. 

The  ardent  enthusiasm  of  Columbus  did  not  stop  here.  An- 
ticipating boundless  wealth  from  his  disco veries7~hF  suggested 
that  the  treasures  thus  acquired  should  be  consecrated  to  the 
pious  purpose  of  rescuing  the  holy  sepulchre  of  Jerusalem  from 
the  power  of  the  infidels.  The  sovereigns  smiled  at  this  sally 
of  the  imagination,  but  expressed  themselves  well  pleased  with 
it,  and  assured  him  that  even  without  the  funds  he  anticipated, 
they  should  be  well  disposed  to  that  holy  undertaking.1  What 
the  king  and  queen,  however,  may  have  considered  a  mere 
sally  of  momentary  excitement,  was  a  deep  and  cherished 
design  of  Columbus.  It  is  a  curious  and  characteristic  fact, 
which  has  never  been  particularly  noticed,  that  the  recovery  of 
the  holy  sepulchre  was  one  of  the  great  objects  of  his  ambition, 
meditated  throughout  the  remainder  of  his  life,  and  solemnly 
provided  for  in  his  will.  In  fact,  he  subsequently  considered  it 
the  main  work  for  which  he  was  chosen  by  heaven  as  an  agent, 
and  that  his  great  discovery  was  but  a  preparatory  dispensation 
of  Providence  to  furnish  means  for  its  accomplishment. 

A  home-felt  mark  of  favor,  characteristic  of  the  kind  and  con- 
siderate heart  of  Isabella,  was  accorded  to  Columbus  before  his 
departure  from  the  court.  An  albala,  or  letter- patent,  was  is- 
sued by  the  queen  on  the  8th  of  May,  appointing  his  son  Diego 
page  to  Prince  Juan,  the  heir  apparent,  with  an  allowance  for 
his  support ;  an  honor  granted  only  to  the  sons  of  persons  of 
distinguished  rank.'2 

Thus  gratified  in  his  dearest  wishes,  after  a  course  of  delays 
and  disappointments  sufficient  to  have  reduced  any  ordinary 
man  to  despair,  Columbus  took  leave  of  the  court  on  the  12th  of 
May,  and  set  out  joyfully  for  Palos.  Let  those  who  are  disposed 
to  faint  under  difficulties,  in  the  prosecution  of  any  great  and 
worthy  undertaking,  remember  that  eighteen  years  elapsed  af- 
ter the  time  that  Columbus  conceived  his  enterprise,  before  he 
was  enabled  to  carry  it  into  effect ;  that  the  greater  part  of  that 
time  was  passed  in  almost  hopeless  solicitation,  amid  poverty, 
neglect,  and  taunting  ridicule ;  that  the  prime  of  his  life  had 
wasted  away  in  the  struggle,  and  that  when  his  perseverance 
was  finally  crowned  with  success,  he  was  about  in  his  fifty-sixth 
year.  His  example  should  encourage  the  enterprising  never  to 
despair. 

1  Protest^  a  vuestras  Altezas  que  toda  la  ganancia  dcsta  mi  einpre«a  se  gastase 
en  la  conqnista  <!(.•  Jerusalem,  y  vuestras  Altezas  tte  nitron,  y  dijeroii  quc  leu  placia, 
y  q\u-  «in  octc  tenian  a  quella  garaa.  I'riiner  Viage  de  Colou,  Navarretu,  torn.  i.  p.  117. 

*  Xavurrutc,  C'olcc.  de  Viages,  torn.  ii.  doc.  11. 


80  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

COLUMBUS    AT     THE     PORT   OF     PALOS  —  PREPARATIONS     FOR    THE 
VOYAGE   OF   DISCOVERY. 

ON  arriving  at  Palos,  Columbus  repaired  immediately  to  the 
neighboring  convent  of  La  Rabida,  where  he  was  received  with 
open  arms  by  the  worthy  prior,  Fray  Juan  Perez,  and  again  be- 
came his  guest.1  The  port  of  Palos,  for  some  misdemeanor,  hud 
been  condemned  by  the  royal  council  to  serve  the  crown  for  one 
year  with  two  armed  caravels ;  and  these  were  destined  to  form 
part  of  the  armament  of  Columbus,  who  was  furnished  with  the 
necessary  papers  and  vouchers  to  enforce  obedience  in  all  mat- 
ters necessary  for  his  expedition. 

On  the  following  morning,  the  23d  of  May,  Columbus,  accom- 
panied by  Fray  Juan  Perez,  whose  character  and  station  gave 
him  great  importance  in  the  neighborhood,  proceeded  to  the 
church  of  St.  George  in  Palos,  where  the  alcalde,  the  regidors, 
and  many  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  place  had  "been  notified  to 
attend.  Here,  in  presence  of  them  all,  in  the  porch  of  the  church, 
a  royal  order  was  read  by  a  notary  public,  commanding  the 
authorities  of  Palos  to  have  two  caravels  ready  for  sea  within 
ten  days  after  this  notice,  and  to  place  them  and  their  crews  at 
the  disposal  of  Columbus.  The  latter  was  likewise  empowered 
to  procure  and  fit  out  a  third  vessel.  The  crews  of  all  three 
were  to  receive  the  ordinary  wages  of  seamen  employed  in  armed 
vessels,  and  to  be  paid  four  months  in  advance.  They  were  to 
sail  in  such  direction  as  Columbus,  under  the  royal  authority, 
should  command,  and  were  to  obey  him  in  all  things,  with  merely 
one  stipulation,  that  neither  he  nor  they  were  to  go  to  St.  George 
la  Mina,  on  the  coast  of  Guinea,  nor  any  other  of  the  lately 
discovered  possessions  of  Portugal.  A  certificate  of  their  goo. I 
conduct,  signed  by  Columbus,  was  to  be  the  discharge  of  their 
obligation  to  the  crown.2 

Orders  were  likewise  read,  addressed  to  the  public  authorities, 
and  the  people  of  all  ranks  and  conditions,  in  the  maritime  bor- 
ders of  Andalusia,  commanding  them  to  send  supplies  and  as- 
sistance of  all  kinds,  at  reasonable  prices,  for  the  fitting  out  of 
the  vessels ;  and  penalties  were  denounced  on  such  as  should 
cause  any  impediment.  No  duties  were  to  be  exacted  for  any 

1  Oviedo,  Cronica  do  la*  India,  lib.  ii.  rap.  .">. 
1  iSavaiTulu,  Culuc.  do  ViugwB,  toui.  ii.  doc.  6. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  81 

articles  furnished  to  the  vessels ;  and  all  criminal  processes 
:i;_r:iinst  the  person  or  property  of  any  individual  engaged  in  the 
expedition  was  to  be  suspended  during  his  absence,  and  for  two 
months  after  his  return.1 

With  these  orders  the  authorities  promised  implicit  compli- 
ance ;  but  when  the  nature  of  the  intended  expedition  came  to 
be  known,  astonishment  and  dismay  fell  upon  the  little  com- 
munity. The  ships  and  crews  demanded  for  such  a  desperate 
service  were  regarded  in  the  light  of  sacrifices.  The  owners  of 
vessels  refused  to  furnish  them  ;  the  boldest  seamen  shrank  from 
such  a  wild  and  chimerical  cruise  into  the  wilderness  of  the 
ocean.  All  kinds  of  frightful  tales  and  fables  were  conjured  up 
concerning  the  unknown  regions  of  the  deep ;  and  nothing  can 
be  a  stronger  evidence  of  the  boldness  of  this  undertaking  than 
the  extreme  dread  of  it  in  a  community  composed  of  some 
of  the  most  adventurous  navigators  of  the  age. 

Weeks  elapsed  without  a  vessel  being  procured,  or  any  thing 
else  being  done  in  fulfilment  of  the  royal  orders.  Further  man- 
datrs  were  therefore  issued  by  the  sovereigns,  ordering  the 
magistrates  of  the  coast  of  Andalusia  to  press  into  the  service 
any  vessels  they  might  think  proper,  belonging  to  Spanish  sub- 
jects, and  to  oblige  the  masters  and  crews  to  sail  with  Colum- 
bus in  whatever  direction  he  should  be  sent  by  royal  command. 
Juan  de  IVnalosa,  an  officer  of  the  royal  household,  was  sent  to 
see  that  this  order  was  properly  complied  with,  receiving  two 
hundred  maravedis  a  day  as  long  as  he  was  occupied  in  the  busi- 
ness, which  sum,  together  with  other  penalties  expressed  in  the 
mandate,  was  to  be  exacted  from  such  as  should  be  disobedient 
and  delinquent.  This  letter  was  acted  upon  by  Columbus  in 
Palos  and  the  neighboring  town  of  Moguer,  but  apparently  with 
as  little  success  as  the  preceding.  The  communities  of  those 
places  were  thrown  into  complete  confusion  ;  tumults  took  place  : 
but  nothing  of  consequence  was  effected.  At  length  Martin 
Alonzo  Pinzon  stepped  forward,  with  his  brother  Vicente  Zaiiez 
Piuzon,  both  navigators  of  great  courage  and  ability,  owners  of 
vessels,  and  having  seamen  in  their  employ.  They  were  related, 
also,  to  many  of  the  seafaring  inhabitants  of  Palos  and  Moguer, 
and  had  great  influence  throughout  the  neighborhood.  They 
engaged  to  sail  on  the  expedition,  and  furnished  one  of  the 
vessels  required.  Others,  with  their  owners  and  crews,  were 
pressed  into  the  service  by  the  magistrates  under  the  arbitrary 
mandate  of  the  sovereigns  ;  and  it  is  a  striking  instance  of  the 

i  Ibid.,  doc.  8. 9. 


82  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

despotic  authority  exercised  over  commerce  in  those  times,  that 
respectable  individuals  should  thus  be  compelled  to  engage,  with 
persons  and  ships,  in  what  appeared  to  them  to  be  a  mad  and 
desperate  enterprise.  During  the  equipment  of  the  vessels, 
troubles  and  difficulties  arose  among  the  seamen  who  had  been 
compelled  to  embark.  These  were  fomented  and  kept  up  by 
Gomez  Rascon  and  Christoval  Quintero,  owners  of  the  Pinta, 
one  of  the  ships  pressed  into  the  servive.  All  kinds  of  obsta- 
cles were  thrown  in  the  way,  by  these  people  and  their  friends, 
to  retard  or  defeat  the  voyage.  The  calkers  employed  upon  the 
vessels  did  their  work  in  a  careless  and  imperfect  manner,  and 
on  being  commanded  to  do  it  over  again  absconded.1  Some  of 
the  seamen  who  had  enlisted  willingly  repented  of  their  hardi- 
hood, or  were  dissuaded  by  their  relatives,  and  sought  to  retract ; 
others  deserted  and  concealed  themselves.  Every  thing  had  to 
be  effected  by  the  most  harsh  and  arbitrary  measures,  and  in 
defiance  of  popular  prejudice  and  opposition. 

The  influence  and  example  of  the  Pinzons  had  a  great  effect 
in  allaying  this  opposition,  and  inducing  many  of  their  friends 
and  relatives  to  embark.  It  is  supposed  that  they  had  furnished 
Columbus  with  funds  to  pay  the  eighth  part  of  the  expense  which 
he  was  bound  to  advance.  It  is  also  said  that  Martin  Alonzo 
Pinzon  was  to  divide  with  him  his  share  of  the  profits.  As 
no  immediate  profit,  however,  resulted  from  this  expedition,  no 
claim  of  the  kind  was  ever  brought  forward.  It  is  certain, 
however,  that  the  assistance  of  the  Pinzons  was  all-important, 
if  not  indispensable,  in  fitting  out  and  launching  the  expedition.2 

After  the  great  difficulties  made  by  various  courts  in  patron- 
izing this  enterprise,  it  is  surprising  how  inconsiderable  an  ar- 
mament was  required.  It  is  evident  that  Columbus  had  reduced 
his  requisitions  to  the  narrowest  limits,  lest  any  great  expense 
should  cause  impediment.  Three  small  vessels  were  apparently 
all  that  he  had  requested.  Two  of  them  were  light  barks,  called 
caravels,  not  superior  to  river  and  coasting  craft  of  more  mod- 
ern days.  Representations  of  this  class  of  vessels  exist  in  old 
prints  and  paintings.3  They  are  delineated  as  open,  and  with- 
out deck  in  the  centre,  but  built  up  high  at  the  prow  and  stern, 
with  forcastles  and  cabins  for  the  accommodation  of  the  crew. 
Peter  Martyr,  the  learned  contemporary  of  Columbus,  says  that 
only  one  of  the  three  vessels  was  decked.  The  smallness  of  the 

i  Las  Cases,  TTist.  Ind.,  lib.  I.  cap.  77,  MS. 

-  Thi-si-  1,-ids  concerning  the  I'lnzon*  an-  mostly  taken  from  the  testimony  given,  many 
years  afterward,  in  a  Mill  between  Don  Diego,  the  sou  of  Columbus,  aud  tlie  crof/u. 
3  sec  il.uslialioua,  uniuie  '•  Ships  of  ColuuUius." 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  83 

vessels  was  considered  an  advantage  by  Columbus,  in  a  voyage 
of  discovery,  enabling  him  to  run  close  to  the  shores,  and  to 
enter  shallow  rivers  and  harbors.  In  his  third  voyage,  when 
coasting  the  Gulf  of  Paria,  he  complained  of  the  size  of  his 
ship,  being  nearly  a  hundred  tons  burden.  But  that  such  long 
and  perilous  expeditions,  into  unknown  seas,  should  be  under- 
taken in  vessels  without  decks,  and  that  they  should  live  through 
the  violent  tempests,  by  which  they  were  frequently  assailed,  re- 
main among  the  singular  circumstances  of  these  daring  voyages. 

At  length,  by  the  beginning  of  August,  every  difficulty  was 
vanquished,  and  the  vessels  were  ready  for  sea.  The  largest, 
which  had  been  prepared  expressly  for  the  voyage,  and  was. 
decked,  was  called  the  Santa  Maria ;  on  board  of  this  ship  Co- 
lumbus hoisted  his  flag.  The  second,  called  the  Pinta,  was  com- 
manded by  Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon,  accompanied  by  his  brother 
Francisco  Martin,  as  pilot.  The  third,  called  the  Nina,  had 
latine  sails,  and  was  commanded  by  the  third  of  the  brothers, 
Vicente  Yaiiez  Pinzon.  There  were  three  other  pilots,  Sancho 
Ruiz,  Pedro  Alonzo  Nino,  and  Bartolomeo  Roldan.  Roderigo 
Sanchez  of  Segovia  was  inspector-general  of  the  armament,  and 
Diego  de  Arana,  a  native  of  Cordova,  chief  alguazil.  Roderigo 
de  Escobar  went  as  a  royal  notary,  an  officer  always  sent  in  the 
armaments  of  the  crown,  to  take  official  notes  of  all  transac- 
tions. There  were  also  a  physician  and  a  surgeon,  together 
with  various  private  adventurers,  several  servants,  and  ninety 
mariners  ;  making  in  all  one  hundred  and  twenty  persons.1 

The  squadron  being  ready  to  put  to  sea,  Columbus,  impressed 
with  the  solemnity  of  his  undertaking,  confessed  himself  to  the 
Friar  Juan  Perez,  and  partook  of  the  sacrament  of  the  com- 
munion. His  example  was  followed  by  his  officers  and  crew, 
and  they  entered  upon  their  enterprise  full  of  awe,  and  with  the 
most  devout  and  affecting  ceremonials,  committing  themselves 
to  the  especial  guidance  and  protection  of  Heaven.  A  deep 
gloom  was  spread  over  the  whole  community  of  Palos  at  their 
departure,  for  almost  every  one  had  some  relative  or  friend  on 
board  of  the  squadron.  The  spirits  of  the  seamen,  already  de- 
pressed by  their  own  fears,  were  still  more  cast  down  at  the 
affliction  of  those  they  left  behind,  who  took  leave  of  them  with 
tears  and  lamentations  and  dismal  forebodings,  as  of  men  they 
were  never  to  behold  again.  , 

1  Cbarlevoix,  Hist.  St.  Domiugo,  lib.  i.    Munoz,  Uist.  Nuevo  Mundo,  lib.  ii. 


BOOK    III. 

CHAPTER   I. 

DEPARTURE    OF   COLUMBUS    ON   HIS    FIRST   VOYAGE. 
[1492.] 

WHEN  Columbus  set  sail  on  this  memorable  voyage,  he  com- 
menced a  regular  journal,  intended  for  the  inspection  of  the 
Spanish  sovereigns.  Like  all  his  other  transactions,  it  evinces 
how  deeply  he  was  impressed  with  the  grandeur  and  solemnity 
of  his  enterprise.  He  proposed  to  keep  it,  as  he  afterward  ob- 
served, in  the  manner  of  the  Commentaries  of  Caesar.  It  opened 
with  a  stately  prologue,  wherein,  in  the  following  words,  were 
set  forth  the  motives  and  views  which  led  to  his  expedition. 

"In  nomine  D.  N.  Jesu  Christi.  Whereas  most  Christian, 
most  high,  most  excellent  and  most  powerful  princes,  king  and 
queen  of  the  Spains,  and  of  the  islands  of  the  sea,  our  sover- 
eigns, in  the  present  year  of  1492,  after  your  highnesses  had  put 
an  end  to  the  war  with  the  Moors  who  ruled  in  Europe,  and  had 
concluded  that  warfare  in  the  great  city  of  Granada,  where,  on 
the  second  of  January,  of  this  present  year,  I  saw  the  royal  ban- 
ners of  your  highnesses  placed  by  force  of  arms  on  the  towers 
of  the  Alhambra,  which  is  the  fortress  of  that  city,  and  beheld 
the  Moorish  king  sally  forth  from  the  gates  of  the  city,  and  kiss 
the  royal  hand  of  your  highnesses  and  of  my  lord  the  prince  ; 
and  immediately  in  that  same  month,  in  consequence  of  the 
information  which  I  had  given  to  your  highnesses  of  the  lands 
of  India,  and  of  a  prince  who  is  called  the  Grand  Khan,  which 
is  to  say  in  our  language,  king  of  kings  ;  how  that  many  times 
he  and  his  predecessors  had  sent  to  Rome  to  entreat  for  doctors 
of  our  holy  faith,  to  instruct  him  in  the  same  ;  and  that  the  holy 
father  had  never  provided  him  with  them,  and  thus  so  many 
people  were  lost,  believing  in  idolatries,  and  imbibing  doctrines 
of  perdition  ;  therefore  your  highnesses,  as  Catholic  Christians 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  85 

and  princes,  lovers  and  promoters  of  the  holy  Christian  faith, 
and  enemies  of  the  sect  of  Mahomet,  and  of  all  idolatries  and 
heresies,  determined  to  send  me,  Christopher  Columbus,  to  the 
said  parts  of  India,  to  see  the  said  princes,  and  the  people  and 
lands,  and  discover  the  nature  and  disposition  of  them  all,  and 
the  means  to  be  taken  for  the  conversion  of  them  to  our  holy 
faith  ;  and  ordered  that  I  should  not  go  by  land  to  the  east,  by 
which  it  is  the  custom  to  go,  but  by  a  voyage  to  the  west,  by 
which  course,  unto  the  present  time,  we  do  not  know  for  certain 
that  any  one  hath  passed.  Your  highnesses,  therefore,  after  hav- 
ing expelled  all  the  Jews  from  your  kingdoms  and  territories, 
commanded  me,  in  the  same  month  of  January,  to  proceed  with 
a  sufficient  armament  to  the  said  parts  of  India ;  and  for  this 
purpose  bestowed  great  favors  upon  me,  ennobling  me,  that 
thenceforward  I  might  style  myself  Don,  appointing  me  high 
admiral  of  the  Ocean  sea,  and  perpetual  viceroy  and  governor 
of  all  the  islands  and  continents  I  should  discover  and  gain, 
and  which  henceforward  may  be  discovered  and  gained  in  the 
Ocean  sea  ;  and  that  my  eldest  son  should  succeed  me,  and  so  on 
from  generation  to  generation  and  forever.  I  departed,  there- 
fore, from  the  city  of  Granada,  on  Saturday,  the  12th  of  May,  of 
the  same  year  1492,  to  Palos,  a  seaport,  where  I  armed  three 
ships,  well  calculated  for  such  service,  and  sailed  from  that  port 
well  furnished  with  provisions  and  with  many  seamen,  on  Friday, 
the  third  of  August,  of  the  same  year,  half  an  hour  before  sun- 
rise, and  took  the  route  for  the  Canary  Islands  of  your  high- 
nesses to  steer  my  course  thence,  and  navigate  until  I  should 
arrive  at  the  Indies,  and  deliver  the  embassy  of  your  highnesses 
to  those  princes,  and  accomplish  that  which  you  had  commanded. 
For  this  purpose  I  intend  to  write  during  this  voyage,  very 
punctually  from  day  to  day,  all  that  I  may  do,  and  see,  and 
experience,  as  will  hereafter  be  seen.  Also,  my  sovereign 
princes,  besides  describing  each  night  all  that  has  occurred  in 
the  day,  and  in  the  day  the  navigation  of  the  night,  I  propose 
to  make  a  chart  in  which  I  will  set  down  the  waters  and  lands 
of  the  Ocean  sea  in  their  proper  situations  under  their  bearings  ; 
and  further,  to  compose  a  book,  and  illustrate  the  whole  in  pic- 
ture by  latitude  from  the  equinoctial,  and  longitude  from  the 
west ;  and  upon  the  whole  it  will  be  essential  that  I  should  forget 
sleep  and  attend  closely  to  the  navigation  to  accomplish  these 
things,  which  will  be  a  great  labor."  1 

Thus  are  formally  and  expressly  stated  by  Columbus  the  ol> 

1  Navarretc,  Colec.  Viag.,  torn.  i.  p.  1. 


86  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

jects  of  this  extraordinary  voyage.  The  material  facts  still 
extant  of  his  journal  will  be  found  in  the  present  work.1 

Jt  was  on  Friday,  the  3d  of  August,  14'J2,  early  in  the  morn- 
ing, that  Columbus  set  sail  from  the  bar  of  Saltes,  a  small  island 
formed  by  the  arms  of  the  Odiel,  in  front  of  the  town  of  Huelva, 
steering  in  a  south-westerly  direction  for  the  Canary  Islands, 
whence  it  was  his  intention  to  strike  due  west.  As  a  guide  by 
which  to  sail,  he  had  prepared  a  map  or  chart,  improved  upon 
that  sent  him  by  Paulo  Toscanelli.  Neither  of  these  now  exists, 
but  the  globe  or  planisphere  finished  by  Martin  Behen  in  this 
year  of  the  admiral's  first  voyage  is  still  extant,  and  furnishes 
an  idea  of  what  the  chart  of  Columbus  must  have  been.  It 
exhibits  the  coasts  of  Europe  and  Africa  from  the  south  of 
Ireland  to  the  end  of  Guinea,  and  opposite  to  them,  on  the  other 
side  of  the  Atlantic,  the  extremity  of  Asia,  or,  as  it  was  termed, 
India.  Between  them  is  placed  the  island  of  Cipango,  or  Japan, 
which,  according  to  Marco  Polo,  lay  fifteen  hundred  miles  dis- 
tant from  the  Asiatic  coast/  In  his  computations  Columbus 
advanced  this  island  about  a  thousand  leagues  too  much  to  the 
east,  supposing  it  to  lye  about  the  situation  of  Florida  ;2  and  at 
this  island  he  hoped  first  to  arrive. 

The  exultation  of  Columbus  at  finding  himself,  after  so  many 
years  of  baffled  hope,  fairly  launched  on  his  grand  enterprise, 
was  checked  by  his  want  of  confidence  in  the  resolution  and 
peiseverance  of  his  crews.  As  long  as  he  remained  within 
reach  of  Europe,  there  was  no  security  that,  in  a  moment  of 
repentance  and  alarm,  they  might  not  renounce  the  prosecution 
of  the  voyage,  and  insist  on  a  return.  Symptoms  soon  appeared 
to  warrant  his  apprehensions.  On  the  third  day  the  Pinta  made 
signal  of  distress  ;  her  rudder  was  discovered  to  be  broken  and 
unhung.  This  Columbus  surmised  to  be  done  through  the 
contrivance  of  the  owners  of  the  caravel,  Gomez  Rascon  and 
Christoval  Quintero,  to  disable  their  vessel,  and  cause  her  to  be 
left  behind.  As  has  already  been  observed,  they  had  been 
pressed  into  the  service  greatly  against  their  will,  and  their 

1  An  abstract  of  this  journal,  made  by  Las  Casas,  has  recently  been  discovered,  and 
IB  published  in  the  first  volume  of  the  collection  of  Senor  Navawete.  Many  passages  of 
thi.<  abstract  hud  lieen  previously  inserted  by  Las  Casas  in  his  History  of  the  Indies,  and 
the  same  journal  had  been  copiously  used  by  Fernando  Columbus  in  the  history  of  his 
father.  In  the  present  account  of  this  voyage,  the  author  has  made  use  of  the  journal 
contained  in  the  work  of  Senor  Navarrete,  the  manuscript  history  of  Las  Casas,  the  History 
of  the  Indies  by  Herrera,  the  Life  of  the  Adnrira.  by  his  son,  the  Chronicle  of  the  Indies  by 


iiltc- lirun,  Ueograph.  L'uiverselle,  torn.  ii.  p. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  87 

caravel  seized'  upon  for  the  expedition,  in  conformity  to  the 
royal  ordeix. 

Columbus  was  much  disturbed  at  this  occurrence.  It  gave 
him  a  foretaste  of  further  difficulties  to  be  apprehended  from 
crews  partly  enlisted  on  compulsion,  and  all  full  of  doubt  and 
foreboding.  Trivial  obstacles  might,  in  the  present  critical 
state  of  his  voyage,  spread  panic  and  mutiny  through  his  ships, 
and  entirely  defeat  the  expedition.  The  wind  was  blowing 
strongly  at  the  time,  so  that  he  could  not  render  assistance 
without  endangering  his  own  vessel.  Fortunately,  Martin  Al- 
onzo  Pinzon  commanded  the  Pinta,  and  being  an  adroit  and  able 
seaman,  succeeded  in  securing  the  rudd  erwith  cords,  so  as  to 
bring  the  vessel  into  management.  This,  however,  was  but  a 
temporary  and  inadequate  expedient ;  the  fastenings  gave  way 
again  on  the  following  day,  and  the  other  ships  were  obliged  to 
shorten  sail  until  the  rudder  could  be  secured. 

This  damaged  state  of  the  Pinta,  as  well  as  her  being  in  a 
leaky  condition,  determined  the  admiral  to  touch  at  the  Canary 
Islands,  and  seek  a  vessel  to  replace  her.  He  considered  him- 
self not  far  from  those  islands,  though  a  different  opinion  was 
entertained  by  the  pilots  of  the  squadron.  The  event  proved 
his  superiority  in  taking  observations  and  keeping  reckonings, 
for  they  came  in  sight  of  the  Canaries  on  the  morning  of  the 
9th. 

They  were  detained  upward  of  three  weeks  among  these 
islands,  seeking  in  vain  another  vessel.  They  were  obliged, 
therefore,  to  make  a  new  rudder  for  the  Pinta,  and  repair  her 
for  the  voyage.  The  latine  sails  of  the  Nina  were  also  altered 
into  square  sails,  that  she  might  work  more  steadily  and  securely, 
and  be  able  to  keep  company  with  the  other  vessels. 

While  sailing  among  these  islands,  the  crew  were  terrified 
at  beholding  the  loft}r  peak  of  Teneriffe  sending  forth  volumes 
of  flame  and  smoke,  being  ready  to  take  alarm  at  any  extraor- 
dinary phenomenon,  and  to  construe  it  into  a  disastrous  portent. 
Columbus  took  great  pains  to  dispel  their  apprehensions,  ex- 
plaining the  natural  causes  of  those  volcanic  fires,  and  verifying 
his  explanations  by  citing  Mount  Etna  and  other  well-known 
volcanoes. 

While  taking  in  wood  and  water  and  provisions  in  the  island 
of  Gomera,  a  vessel  arrived  from  Ferro,  which  reported  that 
three  Portuguese  caravels  had  been  seen  hovering  off  that 
island,  with  the  intention,  it  was  said,  of  capturing  Columbus. 
The  admiral  suspected  some  hostile  stratagem  on  the  part  of 
the  King  of  Portugal,  in  revenge  for  his  having  embarked  in  the 


88  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

service  of  Spain  ;  he  therefore  lost  no  time  in  'putting  to  sea, 
anxious  to  get  far  from  tliose  islands,  and  out  of  the  track  of 
navigation,  trembling  lest  something  might  occur  to  defeat  his 
expedition,  commenced  under  such  inauspicious  circumstances. 


CHAPTER  II. 

CONTINUATION    OF  THE  VOYAGE  —  FIRST  NOTICE  OF  THE  VARIATION 
IN    THE    NEEDLE. 

[1492.] 

EARLY  in  the  morning  of  the  Gth  of  September,  Columbus  set 
sail  from  the  island  of  Gomera,  and  now  might  be  said  first  to 
strike  into  the  region  of  discovery ;  taking  leave  of  these  fron- 
tier islands  of  the  Old  World,  and  steering  westward  for  the 
unknown  parts  of  the  Atlantic.  For  three  days,  however,  a 
profound  calm  kept  the  vessels  loitering  with  flagging  sails, 
within  a  short  distance  of  the  land.  This  was  a  tantalizing 
delay  to  Columbus,  who  was  impatient  to  find  himself  far  out 
of  sight  of  either  land  or  sail ;  which,  in  the  pure  atmospheres 
of  these  latitudes,  may  be  descried  at  an  immense  distance.  On 
the  following  Sunday,  the  9th  of  September,  at  daybreak,  he 
beheld  Ferro,  the  last  of  the  Canary  Islands,  about  nine  leagues 
distant.  This  was  the  island  whence  the  Portuguese  caravels 
had  been  seen  ;  he  was  therefore  in  the  very  neighborhood  of 
danger.  Fortunately,  a  breeze  sprang  up  with  the  sun,  their 
sails  were  once  more  filled,  and  in  the  course  of  the  day  the 
heights  of  Ferro  gradually  faded  from  the  horizon. 

On  losing  sight  of  this  last  trace  of  land,  the  hearts  of  the 
crews  failed  them.  They  seemed  literally  to  have  taken  leave 
of  the  world.  Behind  them  was  every  thing  dear  to  the  heart  of 
man  ;  country,  family,  friends,  life  itself ;  before  them  every 
thing  was  chaos,  mystery,  and  peril.  In  the  perturbation  of  the 
moment,  they  despaired  of  ever  more  seeing  their  homes.  Many 
of  the  rugged  seamen  shed  tears,  and  some  "broke  into  loud 
lamentations.  The  admiral  tried  in  every  way  to  soothe  their 
distress,  and  to  inspire  them  with  his  own  glorious  anticipations. 
He  described  to  them  the  magnificent  countries  to  which  he  was 
about  to  conduct  them  :  the  islands  of  the  Indian  seas  teeming 
with  gold  and  precious  stones  ;  the  regions  of  Mangi  and  Cathay, 
with  their  cities  of  unrivalled  wealth  and  splendor.  He  prom- 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  89 

isocl  them  land  and  riches,  and  every  thing  that  could  arouse 
their  cupidity  or  inflame  their  imaginations,  nor  were  these 
promises  made  for  purposes  of  mere  deception  ;  he  certainly 
believed  that  he  should  realize  them  all. 

He  now  issued  orders  to  the  commanders  of  the  other  vessels, 
that,  in  the  event  of  separation  by  any  accident,  they  should 
continue  directly  westward  ;  but  that  after  sailing  seven  hundred 
leagues,  they  should  lay  by  from  midnight  until  daylight,  as  at 
about  that  distance  he  confidently  expected  to  find  land.  In  the 
mean  time,  as  he  thought  it  possible  he  might  not  discover  land 
within  the  distance  thus  assigned,  and  as  he  foresaw  that  the 
vague  terrors  already  awakened  among  the  seamen  would  in- 
crease with  the  space  which  intervened  between  them  and  their 
homes,  he  commenced  a  stratagem  which  he  continued  through- 
out the  voyage.  He  kept  two  reckonings  ;  one  correct,  in  which 
the  true  way  of  the  ship  was  noted,  and  which  was  retained  in 
secret  for  his  own  government ;  in  the  other,  which  was  open  to 
general  inspection,  a  number  of  leagues  was  daily  subtracted 
from  the  sailing  of  the  ship,  so  that  the  crews  were  kept  in 
ignorance  of  the  real  distance  they  had  advanced.1 

On  the  llth  of  September,  when  al>out  one  hundred  and  fifty 
leagues  west  of  Ferro,  they  fell  in  with  part  of  a  mast,  which 
from  its  size  appeared  to  have  belonged  to  a  vessel  of  alxnit  a 
hundred  and  twenty  tons  burden,  and  which  had  evidently  l>een 
a  long  time  in  the  water.  The  crews,  tremblingly  alive  to  every 
thing  that  could  excite  their  hopes  or  fears,  looked  witli  rueful 
eye  upon  this  wreck  of  some  unfortunate  voyager,  drifting  omi- 
nously at  the  entrance  of  those  unknown  seas. 

On  the  13th  of  September,  in  the  evening,  being  about  two 
hundred  leagues  from  the  island  of  Ferro,  Columbus  for  the 
first  time  noticed  the  variation  of  the  needle,  a  phenomenon 
which  had  never  before  been  remarked.  He  perceived  about 
nightfall  that  the  needle,  instead  of  pointing  to  the  north  star, 
varied  about  half  a  point,  or  between  five  and  six  degrees,  to 
the  north-west,  and  still  more  on  the  following  morning.  Struck 
with  this  circumstance,  he  observed  it  attentively  for  three  days, 
and  found  that  the  variation  increased  as  he  advanced.  He  at 
first  made  no  mention  of  this  phenomenon,  knowing  how  ready 
his  people  were  to  take  alarm,  but  it  soon  attracted  the  attention 
of  the  pilots,  and  filled  them  with  consternation.  It  seemed  as 

1  It  has  been  erroneously  elated  that  Columbus  kept  two  journals.  It  was  merely  in 
the  reckoning,  or  log-book  lhat  he  deceived  the  crew.  His  journal  was  entirely  private, 
and  intended  for  his  own  use  and  the  perusal  of  the  sovereigns.  In  a  letter  written  from 
<;.;i  •  :uia.  in  l.'>0:',,t<>  1'opc  A  Icxander  VII.,  he  says  that  he  kept  an  account  of  his  voyat*"» 
ill  the  style  of  Ihe  Commentaries  of  C'u-'sar,  which  he  iuleuded  to  rsubmil  to  his  hoiiuetm- 


90  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

if  the  very  laws  of  nature  were  changing,  as  they  advanced,  and 
that  they  were  entering  another  world,  subject  to  unknown  in- 
fluences.1 They  apprehended  that  the  compass  was  about  to 
lose  its  mysterious  virtues,  and,  without  this  guide,  what  was 
to  become  of  them  in  a  vast  and  trackless  ocean  ? 

Columbus  tasked  his  science  and  ingenuity  for  reasons  with 
which  to  allay  their  terror.  He  observed  that  the  direction  of 
the  needle  was  not  to  the  polar  star,  but  to  some  fixed  and 
invisible  point.  The  variation,  therefore,  was  not  caused  by  any 
fallacy  in  the  compass,  but  by  the  movement  of  the  north  sta^r 
itself,  which,  like  the  other  heavenly  bodies,  had  its  changes  and 
revolutions,  and  every  day  described  a  circle  round  the  pole. 
The  high  opinion  which  the  pilots  entertained  of  Columbus  as  a 
profound  astronomer,  gave  weight  to  this  theory,  and  their  alarm 
subsided.  As  yet  the  solar  system  of  Copernicus  was  unknown  ; 
the  explanation  of  Columbus,  therefore,  was  highly  plausible 
and  ingenious,  and  it  shows  the  vivacity  of  his  mind,  ever  ready 
to  meet  the  emergency  of  the  moment.  The  theory  may  at  first 
bave  been  advanced  merely  to  satisfy  the  minds  of  others,  but 
Columbus  appears  subsequently  to  have  remained  satisfied  with 
it  himself.  The  phenomenon  has  now  become  familiar  to  us, 
but  we  still  continue  ignorant  of  its  cause.  It  is  one  of  those 
mysteries  of  nature,  open  to  daily  observation  and  experiment, 
and  apparently  simple  from  their  familiarity,  but  which  on  in- 
vestigation make  the  human  mind  conscious  of  its  limits  ;  baf- 
fling the  experience  of  the  practical,  and  humbling  the  pride  of 
science. 


CHAPTER  III. 

CONTINUATION     OF     THE     VOYAGE  —  VARIOUS     TERRORS      OF     THE 

SEAMEN. 

[1492.] 

ON  the  14th  of  September  the  voyagers  were  rejoiced  by  the 
sight  of  what  they  considered  harbingers  of  land.  A  heron,  and 
a  tropical  bird  called  the  Rabo  de  Junco,2  neither  of  which  is 
supposed  to  venture  far  to  sea,  hovered  about  the  ships.  On 
the  following  night  they  were  struck  with  awe  at  beholding  a 
meteor,  or,  as  Columbus  calls  it  in  his  journal,  a  great  flame  of 

1  Las  Ciiiian,  IIi.-a.  Ind.,  lib.  i.  cap.  6.  *  The  water- wagtail. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  91 

fire,  which  seemed  to  fall  from  the  sky  into  the  sea,  about  four 
or  five  leagues  distant.  These  meteors,  common  in  warm  cli- 
mates, and  especially  under  the  tropics,  are  always  seen  in  the 
serene  azure  sky  of  those  latitudes,  falling  as  it  were  from  the 
heavens,  but  never  beneath  a  cloud.  In  the  transparent  atmos- 
phere of  one  of  those  beautiful  nights,  where  every  star  shines 
with  the  purest  lustre,  they  often  leave  a  luminous  train  behind 
them  which  lasts  for  twelve  or  fifteen  seconds,  and  may  well  be 
compared  to  a  flame. 

The  wind  had  hitherto  been  favorable,  with  occasional  though 
transient  clouds  and  showers.  They  had  made  great  progress 
each  day,  though  Columbus,  according  to  his  secret  plan,  con- 
trived to  suppress  several  leagues  in  the  daily  reckoning  left 
to  the  crew. 

They  had  now  arrived  within  the  influence  of  the  trade  wind, 
which,  following  the  sun,  blows  steadily  from  east  to  west  be- 
tween the  tropics,  and  sweeps  over  a  few  adjoining  degrees  of 
ocean.  With  this  propitious  breeze  directly  aft,  they  were 
wafted  gently  but  speedily  over  a  tranquil  sea,  so  that  for  many 
days  they  did  not  shift  a  sail.  Columbus  perpetually  recurs  to 
the  bland  and  temperate  serenity  of  the  weather,  which  in  this 
tract  of  the  ocean  is  soft  and  refreshing  without  being  cool.  In 
his  artless  and  expressive  language  he  compares  the  pure  and 
balmy  mornings  to  those  of  April  in  Andalusia,  and  observes 
that  they  wanted  but  the  song  of  the  nightingale  to  complete 
the  illusion.  'kHe  had  reason  to  say  so,"  observes  the  ven- 
erable Las  Casas ;  "  for  it  is  marvellous  the  suavity  which  we 
experience  when  half  way  toward  these  Indies ;  and  the  more 
the  ships  approach  the  lands  so  much  more  do  they  perceive  the 
temperance  and  softness  of  the  air,  the  clearness  of  the  sky, 
and  the  amenity  and  fragrance  sent  forth  from  the  groves  and 
forests  ;  much  more  certainly  than  in  April  in  Andalusia."  l 

They  now  began  to  see  large  patches  of  herbs  and  weeds 
drifting  from  the  west,  and  increasing  in  quantity  as  they  ad- 
vanced. Some  of  these  weeds  were  such  as  grow  about  rocks, 
others  such  as  are  produced  in  rivers ;  some  were  yellow  and 
withered,  others  so  green  as  to  have  apparently  been  recently 
washed  from  land.  On  one  of  these  patches  was  a  live  crab, 
which  Columbus  carefully  preserved.  They  saw  also  a  white 
tropical  bird,  of  a  kind  which  never  sleeps  upon  the  sea.  Tunny 
fish  also  played  about  the  ships,  one  of  which  was  killed  by  the 
crew  of  the  Nina.  Columbus  now  called  to  mind  the  account 

1  Las  Casas,  Hist,  lad.,  lib.  i.  cap.  36,  MS. 


92  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

given  by  Aristotle  of  certain  ships  of  Cadiz,  which,  coasting  the 
shores  outside  of  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar,  were  driven  westward 
by  an  impetuous  east  wind,  until  they  reached  a  part  of  the 
ocean  covered  with  vast  fields  of  weeds,  resembling  sunken 
islands,  among  which  they  beheld  many  tunny  fish.  He  sup- 
posed himself  arrived  in  this  weedy  sea,  as  it  had  been  called, 
from  which  the  ancient  mariners  had  turned  back  in  dismay, 
but  which  he  regarded  with  animated  hope,  as  indicating  the 
vicinity  of  land.  Not  that  he  had  yet  any  idea  of  reaching  the 
object  of  his  search,  the  eastern  end  of  Asia ;  for,  according  to 
his  computation,  he  had  come  but  three  hundred  and  sixty 
leagues1  since  leaving  the  Canary  Islands,  and  he  placed  the 
main  land  of  India  much  farther  on. 

On  the  18th  of  September  the  same  weather  continued  ;  a  soft 
steady  breeze  from  the  east  filled  every  sail,  while,  to  use  the 
words  of  Columbus,  the  sea  was  as  calm  as  the  Guadalquivir  at 
Seville.  He  fancied  that  the  water  of  the  sea  grew  fresher  as 
he  advanced,  and  noticed  this  as  a  proof  of  the  superior  sweet- 
ness and  purity  of  the  air.2 

The  crews  were  all  in  high  spirits  ;  each  ship  strove  to  get  in 
the  advance,  and  every  seaman  was  eagerly  on  the  look-out ; 
for  the  sovereigns  had  promised  a  pension  of  ten  thousand  ma- 
ravedis  to  him  who  should  first  discover  land.  Martin  Alonzo 
Piuzon  crowded  all  canvas,  and,  as  the  Pinta  was  a  fast  sailer, 
he  generally  kept  the  lead.  In  the  afternoon  he  hailed  the  ad- 
minil  and  informed  him  that,  from  the  flight  of  a  great  number 
of  birds  and  from  the  appearance  of  the  northern  horizon,  he 
thought  there  was  land  in  that  direction. 

There  was  in  fact  a  cloudiness  in  the  north,  such  as  often 
hangs  over  land  ;  and  at  sunset  it  assumed  such  shapes  and 
masses  that  many  fancied  they  beheld  islands.  There  was  a 
universal  wish,  therefore,  to  steer  for  that  quarter.  Columbus, 
however,  was  persuaded  that  they  were  mere  illusions.  Every 
one  who  has  made  a  sea  voyage  must  have  witnessed  the  de- 
ceptions caused  by  clouds  resting  upon  the  horizon,  especially 
about  sunset  and  sunrise  ;  which  the  eye,  assisted  by  the  imagin- 
ation and  desire,  easily  converts  into  the  wished-for  land. 
This  is  particulary  the  case  within  the  tropics,  where  the  clouds 
at  sunset  assume  the  most  singular  appearances. 

On  the  following  day  there  were  drizzling  showers,  unaccom- 
panied by  wind,  which  Columbus  considered  favorable  signs ; 


1  Of  twenty  to  the  degree  of  latitude,  the  unity  of  distance  used  throughout  thw 
work. 

2  Lad  Casas,  Iliit-  hid.,  lib.  I.  cap.  36. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  93 

two  boobies  also  flew  on  board  the  ships,  birds  which,  he  ob- 
served, seldom  fly  twenty  leagues  from  land.  He  sounded, 
therefore,  with  a  line  of  two  hundred  fathoms,  but  found  no 
bottom.  He  supposed  he  might  be  passing  between  islands, 
lying  to  the  north  and  south,  but  was  unwilling  to  waste  the 
present  favoring  breeze  by  going  in  search  of  them  ;  besides,  he 
had  confidently  affirmed  that  land  was  to  be  found  by  keeping 
steadfastly  to  the  west :  his  whole  expedition  had  been  founded 
on  such  a  presumption  ;  he  should,  therefore,  risk  all  credit  and 
authority  with  his  people  were  he  to  appear  to  doubt  and  waver, 
and  to  go  groping  blindly  from  point  to  point  of  the  compass. 
He  resolved,  therefore,  to  keep  one  bold  course  always  west- 
ward, until  he  should  reach  the  coast  of  India;  and  afterward, 
if  advisable,  to  seek  these  islands  on  his  return.1 

Notwithstanding  his  precaution  to  keep  the  people  ignorant 
of  the  distance  they  had  sailed,  they  were  now  growing  ex- 
tremely uneasy  at  the  length  of  the  voyage.  They  had  advanced 
much  farther  west  than  ever  man  had  sailed  before,  and  though 
already  beyond  the  reach  of  succor,  still  they  continued  daily 
leaving  vast  tracts  of  ocean  behind  them,  and  pressing  onward 
and  onward  into  that  apparently  boundless  abyss.  It  is  true 
they  had  been  flattered  by  various  indications  of  land,  and  still 
others  were  occurring ;  but  all  mocked  them  with  vain  hopes : 
after  being  hailed  with  a  transient  joy,  they  passed  away,  one 
after  another,  and  the  same  interminable  expanse  of  sea  and 
sky  continued  to  extend  before  them.  Even  the  bland  and  gen- 
tle breeze,  uniformly  aft,  was  now  conjured  by  their  ingenious 
fears  into  a  cause  of  alarm  ;  for  they  began  to  imagine  that  the 
wind,  in  these  seas,  might  always  prevail  from  the  east,  and  if 
so,  would  never  permit  their  return  to  .Spain. 

Columbus  endeavored  to  dispel  these  gloomy  presages,  some- 
times by  argument  and  expostulation,  sometimes  by  awakening 
fresh  hopes,  and  pointing  out  new  signs  of  land.  On  the  2Utli 
of  September  the  wind  veered,  with  light  breezes  from  the 
south-west.  These,  though  adverse  to  their  progress,  had  a 
cheering  effect  upon  the  people,  as  they  proved  that  the  wind 
did  not  always  prevail  from  the  east.2  Several  birds  also  visited 
the  ships  ;  three,  of  a  small  kind  which  keep  about  groves  and 
orchards,  came  singing  in  the  morning,  and  flew  away  again  in 
the  evening.  Their  song  cheered  the  hearts  of  the  dismayed 

1  Flist.  del  Almirate,  cap.  20.  Extracts  from  Journal  of  Columb.  Navarrete,  t.  i. 
p.  16. - 

-  Nfucho  me  fue  necesario  este  viento  contrario,  porque  mi  gente  andaban  muy 
Mtimulado*,  <|iic  ptMsaban  'I11'1  i><>  voiit:il>aii  extos  mares  vieutou  para  volver  a  Espaua. 
1'iiiiKT  Vkigu  Ue  (Jolou.  Xavurrclu,  lou.  i.  p.  12. 


94  LIFE  OF  CURISTOPUER   COLUMBUS. 

mariners,  who  hailed  it  as  the  voice  of  land.  The  larger  fowl, 
they  observed,  were  strong  of  wing,  and  might  venture  far  to 
sea ;  but  such  small  birds  were  too  feeble  to  fly  far,  and  their 
singing  showed  that  they  were  not  exhausted  by  their  flight. 

On  the  following  day  there  was  either  a  profound  calm  or 
light  winds  from  the  south-west.  The  sea,  as  far  as  the  eye 
could  reach,  was  covered  with  weeds ;  a  phenomenon,  often 
observed  in  this  part  of  the  ocean,  which  has  sometimes  the 
appearance  of  a  vast  inundated  meadow.  This  has  been  attrib- 
uted to  immense  quantities  of  submarine  plants,  which  grow  tit 
the  bottom  of  the  sea  until  ripe,  when  they  are  detached  by  the 
motion  of  the  waves  and  currents,  and  rise  to  the  surface.1 
These  fields  of  weeds  were  at  first  regarded  with  great  satis- 
faction, but  at  length  they  became,  in  many  places,  so  dense 
and  matted  as  in  some  degree  to  impede  the  sailing  of  the  ships, 
which  must  have  been  under  very  little  headway.  The  crews 
now  called  to  mind  some  tale  about  the  frozen  ocean,  where 
ships  were  said  to  be  sometimes  fixed  immovable.  They  en- 
deavored, therefore,  to  avoid  as  much  as  possible  those  floating 
masses,  lest  some  disaster  of  the  kind  might  happen  to  them- 
selves.2 Others  considered  these  weeds  as  proof  that  the  sea 
was  growing  shallower,  and  began  to  talk  of  lurking  rocks,  and 
shoals,  and  treacherous  quicksands ;  and  of  the  danger  of  run- 
ning aground, -as  it  were,  in  the  midst  of  the  ocean,  where  their 
vessels  might  rot  and  fall  to  pieces,  far  out  of  the  track  of  hu- 
man aid,  and  without  any  shore  where  the  crews  might  take 
refuge.  They  had  evidently  some  confused  notion  of  the  ancient 
story  of  the  sunken  island  of  Atalautis,  and  feared  that  they 
were  arriving  at  that  part  of  the  ocean  where  navigation  was 
said  to  be  obstructed  by  drowned  lauds,  and  the  ruins  of  an 
ingulfed  country. 

To  dispel  these  fears,  the  admiral  had  frequent  recourse  to 
the  lead  ;  but  though  he  sounded  with  a  deep-sea  line,  he  still 
found  no  bottom.  The  minds  of  the  crews,  however,  had  grad- 
ually become  diseased.  They  were  full  of  vague  terrors  and 
superstitious  fancies:  they  construed  everything  into  a  cause  of 
alarm,  and  harassed  their  commander  by  incessant  murmurs. 

For  three  days  there  was  a  continuance  of  Alight  summer  airs 
from  the  southward  and  westward,  and  the  sea  was  as  smooth 
as  a  mirror.  A  whale  was  seen  heaving  up  its  huge  form  at  a 
distance,  which  Columbus  immediately  pointed  out  as  a  favorable 
indication,  affirming  that  these  fish  were  generally  in  the  neigh- 

1  lluinbolUt,  Personal  Narrative,  book  i.  cap.  1.        *  Hist,  del  Almiraute,  cap.  18. 


LIFE  OF  CUElSTOPnER   COLUMBUS.  95 

borhood  of  land.  The  crews,  however,  became  uneasy  at  the 
calmness  of  the  weather.  They  observed  that  the  contrary 
winds  which  they  experienced  were  transient  and  unsteady,  and 
so  light  as  not  to  ruffle  the  surface  of  the  sea,  which  maintained 
a  sluggish  calm  like  a  lake  of  dead  water.  Every  thing  dif- 
fered, they  said,  in  these  strange  regions  from  the  world  to 
which  they  had  been,  accustomed.  The  only  winds  which  pre- 
vailed  with  any  constancy  and  force,  were  from  the  east,  and 
they  had  not  power  to  disturb  the  torpid  stillness  of  the  ocean  ; 
there  was  a  risk,  therefore,  either  of  perishing  amid  stagnant 
and  shoreless  waters,  or  of  being  prevented,  by  contrary  winds, 
from  ever  returning  to  their  native  country. 

Columbus  continued  with  admirable  patience  to  reason  with 
these  fancies ;  observing  that  the  calmness  of  the  sea  must  un- 
doubtedly be  caused  by  the  vicinity  of  land  in  the  quarter  whence 
the  wind  blew,  which,  therefore,  had  not  space  sufficient  to  act 
upon  the  surface  and  heave  up  large  waves.  Terror,  however, 
multiplies  and  varies  the  forms  of  ideal  danger  a  thousand  times 
faster  than  the  most  active  wisdom  can  dispel  them.  The  more 
Columbus  argued,  the  more  boisterous  became  the  murmurs  of 
his  crew,  until,  on  Sunday,  the  25th  of  September,  there  came 
on'  a  heavy  swell  of  the  sea,  unaccompanied  by  wind.  This 
phenomenon  often  occurs  on  the  broad  ocean  ;  being  either  the 
expiring  undulations  of  some  past  gale,  or  the  movement  given 
to  the  sea,  by  some  distant  current  of  wind  ;  it  was,  nevertheless, 
regarded  with  astonishment  by  the  mariners,  and  dispelled  the 
imaginary  terrors  occasioned  by  the  calm. 

Columbus,  who  as  usual  considered  himself  under  the  imme- 
diate eye  and  guardianship  of  Heaven  in  this  solemn  enterprise, 
intimates  in  his  journal  that  this  swelling  of  the  sea  seemed 
providentially  ordered  to  allay  the  rising  clamors  of  his  crew  ; 
comparing  it  to  that  which  so  miraculously  aided  Moses  when 
conducting  the  children  of  Israel  out  of  the  captivity  of  Egypt.1 

1  "  Cotno  la  mar  estnviese  manna  y  liana  murmuraba  la  gente  diciendo  que,  pues 
por  alii  no  habia  mar  grandc  que  nunea  ventaria  para  volver  a  Espaiia;  )>ero  denpues 
al/one  inucho  la  mar  y  xin  vicnlo,  que  los  asumbrabu;  por  lo  cual  dice  aqui  el  Almirante; 
«*<  que  nitty  itei.raurio  me  fite  In  mar  alta,  qae  noparecio,  xalvo  el  tiemj/o  de  lot  Judios 
ciinndu  xttlii  >•'»/  ill-  Egifit.it  cuntrn  Aloy&en  que  los  stucubu  de  captiverio."  —  Journal  of 
Colomb.  JS'uvarrete,  lota.  i.  p.  12. 


96  LIFE  OF  CIIRISTOPUER   COLUMBUS. 

t 

CHAPTER  TV. 

CONTINUATION    OF    THE    VOYAGE  —  DISCOVERT   OF   LAND. 
1 1492.  | 

THE  situation  of  Columbus  was  daily  becoming  more  and 
more  critical.  In  proportion  as  he  approached  the  regions 
where  he  expected  to  find  land,  the  impatience  of  his  crews  aug- 
mented. The  favorable  signs  which  increased  his  confidence, 
were  derided  by  them  as  delusive  ;  and  there  was  danger  of 
their  rebelling,  and  obliging  him  to  turn  back,  when  on  the 
point  of  realizing  the  object  of  all  his  labors.  They  beheld 
themselves  with  dismay  still  wafted  onward,  over  the  boundless 
wastes  of  what  appeared  to  them  a  mere  watery  desert,  sur- 
rounding the  habitable  world.  What  was  to  become  of  them 
should  their  provisions  fail?  Their  ships  were  too  weak  and 
defective  even  for  the  great  voyage  they  had  already  made,  but 
if  they  were  still  to  press  forward,  adding  at  every  moment  to 
the  immense  expanse  behind  them,  how  should  they  ever  be  able 
to  return,  having  no  intervening  port  where  they  might  victual 
and  refit? 

In  this  way  they  fed  each  other's  discontents,  gathering  to- 
gether in  little  knots,  and  fomenting  a  spirit  of  mutinous  oppo- 
sition ;  and  when  we  consider  the  natural  fire  of  the  .Spanish 
temperament  and  its  impatience  of  control ;  and  that  a  great 
part  of  these  men  were  sailing  on  compulsion,  we  cannot  won- 
der that  there  was  imminent  danger  of  their  breaking  forth  into 
open  rebellion  and  compelling  Columbus  to  turn  back.  In  their 
secret  conferences  they  exclaimed  against  him  as  a  desperado, 
bent,  in  a  mad  phantasy,  upon  doing  something  extravagant  to 
render  himself  notorious.  What  were  their  sufferings  and  dan- 
gel's  to  one  evidently  content  to  sacrifice  his  own  life  for  the 
chance  of  distinction?  What  obligations  bound  them  to  con- 
tinue on  with  him  ;  or  when  were  the  terms  of  their  agreement 
to  be  considered  as  fulfilled?  They  had  already  penetrated 
unknown  seas,  un traversed  by  a  sail,  far  beyond  where  man 
had  ever  before  ventured.  They  had  done  enough  to  gain  them- 
selves a  character  for  courage  and  hardihood  in  undertaking 
such  an  enterprise  and  persisting  in  it  so  far.  How  much 
farther  were  they  to  go  in  quest  of  a  merely  conjectured  land? 
Were  they  to  sail  on  until  they  perished,  or  until  all  return  be- 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  97 

came  impossible?     In  such  case  they  would  be  the  authors  of 
their  own  destruction. 

On  the  other  hand,  should  they  consult  their  safety,  and  turn 
back  before  too  late,  who  would  blame  them  ?  Any  complaints 
made  by  Columbus  would  be  of  no  weight;  he  was  a  foreigner, 
without  friends  or  influence ;  his  schemes  had  been  condemned 
by  the  learned,  and  discountenanced  by  people  of  all  ranks.  He 
hud  no  party  to  uphold  him,  and  a  host  of  opponents  whose 
pride  of  opinion  would  be  gratified  by  his  failure.  Or,  as  an 
effectual  means  of  preventing  his  complaints,  they  might  throw 
him  into  the  sea,  and  give  out  that  he  had  fallen  overboard 
while  busy  with  his  instruments  contemplating  the  stars ;  a  re- 
port which  no  one  would  have  either  the  inclination  or  the  means 
to  controvert.1 

Columbus  was  not  ignorant  of  the  mutinous  disposition  of  his 
crew,  but  he  still  maintained  a  serene  and  steady  countenance ; 
toothing  some  with  gentle  words  ;  endeavoring  to  stimulate  the 
pride  or  avarice  of  others,  and  openly  menacing  the  refractory 
with  signal  punishment,  should  they  do  any  thing  to  impede  the 
voyage. 

On  the  25th  of  September  the  wind  again  became  favorable, 
and  they  were  able  to  resume  their  course  directly  to  the  west. 
The  airs  being  light  and  the  sea  calm,  the  vessels  sailed  near  to 
each  other,  and  Columbus  had  much  conversation  with  Martin 
Alonzo  Piuzon  on  the  subject  of  a  chart  which  the  former  had 
sent  three  days  before  on  board  of  the  Pinta.  Pinzon  thought 
tnat,  according  to  the  indications  of  the  map,  they  ought  to  be 
in  the  neighlxjrhood  of  Cipango,  and  the  other  islands  which 
the  admiral  had  therein  delineated.  Columbus  partly  entertained 
the  same  idea,  but  thought  it  possible  that  the  ships  might  have 
l>eeii  borne  out  of  their  track  by  the  prevalent  currents,  or  that 
they  had  not  come  so  far  as  the  pilots  had  reckoned.  He  de- 
sired that  the  chart  might  be  returned,  and  Pinzon,  tying  it  to 
the  end  of  a  cord,  flung  it  on  Iward  to  him.  While  Columbus, 
his  pilot,  and  several  of  his  experienced  mariners  were  studying 
the  imp,  and  endeavoring  to  make  out  from  it  their  actual 
position,  they  heard  a  shout  from  the  Pinta,  and  looking  up, 
beheld  Martin  Alouzo  Pinzon  mounted  on  the  stern  of  his  vesse 
crying  "  Land  !  land  !  Senor,  I  claim  my  reward  !  "  He  pointed 
at  the  same  time  to  the  south-west,  where  there  was  indeed  an 
appearance  of  laud  at  about  twenty-five  leagues'  distance.  Upon 
this  Columbus  threw  himself  on  his  knees  and  returned  thanks 


t.  del  Alum-ante,  cap.  19.     lU-i  rcia,  Ili.-i.  lud.,  decad.  i.  lib.  i   cap.  10. 


98  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

to  God  ;  and  Martin  Alonzo  repeated  the  Gloria  in  excelsis,  in 
which  he  was  joined  by  his  own  crew  and  that  of  the  admiral.1 

The  seamen  now  mounted  to  the  masthead  or  climbed  about 
the  rigging,  straining  their  eyes  in  the  direction  pointed  out. 
The  conviction  became  so  general  of  land  in  that  quarter,  and 
the  joy  of  the  people  so  ungovernable,  that  Columbus  found  it 
necessary  to  vary  from  his  usual  course,  and  stand  all  night  to 
the  south-west.  The  morning  light,  however,  put  an  end  to  all 
their  hopes,  as  to  a  dream.  The  fancied  land  proved  to  be 
nothing  but  an  evening  cloud,  and  had  vanished  in  the  night. 
With  dejected  hearts  they  once  more  resumed  their  western 
course,  from  which  Columbus  would  never  have  varied,  but  in 
compliance  with  their  clamorous  wishes. 

For  several  days  they  continued  on  with  the  same  propitious 
breeze,  tranquil  sea,  and  mild,  delightful  weather.  The  water 
was  so  calm  that  the  sailors  amused  themselves  with  swimming 
about  the  vessel.  Dolphins  began  to  abound,  and  flying-fish, 
darting  into  the  air,  fell  upon  the  decks.  The  continued  signs 
of  laud  diverted  the  attention  of  the  crews,  and  insensibly  be- 
guiled them  onward. 

On  the  1st  of  October,  according  to  the  reckoning  of  the  pilot 
of  the  admiral's  ship,  they  had  come  five  hundred  and  eighty 
leagues  west  since  leaving  the  Canary  Islands.  The  reckoning 
which  Columbus  showed  the  crew  was  five  hundred  and  eighty- 
four,  but  the  reckoning  which  he  kept  privately  was  seven  hun- 
dred and  seven.2  On  the  following  day  the  weeds  floated  from 
east  to  west ;  and  on  the  third  day  no  birds  were  to  be  seen. 

The  crews  now  began  to  fear  that  they  had  passed  between 
islands,  from  one  to  the  other  of  which  the  birds  had  been  fly- 
ing. Columbus  had  also  some  doubts  of  the  kind,  but  refused 
to  alter  his  westward  course.  The  people  again  uttered  mur- 
murs and  menaces  ;  but  on  the  following  day  they  were  visited 
by  such  flights  of  birds,  and  the  various  indications  of  land  be- 
came so  numerous,  that  from  a  state  of  despondency  they 
passed  to  one  of  confident  expectation. 

Eager  to  obtain  the  promised  pension,  the  seamen  were  con- 
tinually giving  the  cry  of  land,  on  the  least  appearance  of  the 
kind.  To  put  a  stop  to  these  false  alarms,  which  produced  con- 
tinual disappointments,  Columbus  declared  that  should  any  one 
give  such  notice,  and  land  not  be  discovered  within  three  days 
afterward,  he  should  thenceforth  forfeit  all  claim  to  the  reward. 

On  the  evening  of  the  6th  of  October,  Martin  Alonzo  Piuzon 

i  Journal  of  Columfo  ,  Primer  Viage,  Navarrete.  torn.  i. 
1  Navtirit'U',  loin.  i.  p.  16. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  99 

began  to  lose  confidence  in  their  present  course,  and  proposed 
that  they  should  stand  more  to  the  southward.  Columbus, 
however,  still  persisted  in  steering  directly  west.1 

Observing  this  difference  of  opinion  in  a  person  so  important 
in  his  squadron  as  Pinzon,  and  fearing  that  chance  or  design 
might  scatter  the  ships,  he  ordered  that,  should  either  of  the 
caravels  be  separated  from  him,  it  should  stand  to  the  west,  and 
endeavor  as  soon  as  possible  to  join  company  again  ;  he  directed, 
also,  that  the  vessels  should  keep  near  to  him  at  sunrise  and 
sunset,  as  at  these  times  the  state  of  the  atmosphere  is  most 
favorable  to  the  discovery  of  distant  land. 

On  the  morning  of  the  7th  of  October,  at  sunrise,  several  of 
the  admiral's  crew  thought  they  beheld  land  in  the  west,  but  so 
indistinctly  that  no  one  ventured  to  proclaim  it,  lest  he  should 
be  mistaken,  and  forfeit  all  chance  of  the  reward ;  the  Nina, 
however,  being  a  good  sailor,  pressed  forward  to  ascertain  the 
fact.  In  a  little  while  a  flag  was  hoisted  at  her  masthead,  and 
a  gun  discharged,  being  the  preconcerted  signals  for  land.  New 
joy  was  awakened  throughout  the  little  squadron,  and  every  eye 
was  turned  to  the  west.  As  they  advanced,  however,  their 
cloud-built  hopes  faded  away,  and  before  evening  the  fancied 
laud  had  again  melted  into  air.2 

The  crews  now  sank  into  a  degree  of  dejection  proportioned 
to  their  recent  excitement;  but  new  circumstances  occurred  to 
arouse  them.  Columbus,  having  observed  great  flights  of  small 
field-birds  going  toward  the  south-west,  concluded  they  must  be 
secure  of  some  neighboring  land,  where  they  would  find  food 
and  a  resting-place.  He  knew  the  importance  which  the  Portu- 
guese voyagers  attached  to  the  flight  of  birds,  by  following 
which  they  had  discovered  most  of  their  islands.  He  had  now 
come  seven  hundred  and  Gfty  leagues,  the  distance  at  which  he 
had  computed  to  find  the  island  of  Cipango ;  as  there  was  no 
appearance  of  it,  he  might  have  missed  it  through  some  mistake 
in  the  latitude.  He  determined,  therefore,  on  the  evening  of 
the  7th  of  October,  to  alter  his  course  to  the  west-south-west, 
the  direction  in  which  the  birds  generally  flew,  and  continue 
that  direction  for  at  least  two  days.  After  all,  it  was  no  great 
deviation  from  his  main  course,  and  would  meet  the  wishes  of 
the  Pinzous,  as  well  as  be  inspiriting  to  his  followers  generally. 

For  three  days  they  stood  in  this  direction,  and  the  farther 
they  went  the  more  frequent  and  encouraging  were  the  signs  of 
land.  Flights  of  small  birds  of  various  colors,  some  of  them 

i  Journ.  of  Columbus,  Navai-rete.  torn.  I.  p.  17. 

1  llidt.  del  A huiraii IL',  cap.  ^u.    Juuru.  of  Columbus,  Navarrete,  torn.  i. 


100  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

such  as  sing  in  the  fields,  came  flying  about  the  ships,  and  then 
continued  toward  the  south-west,  and  others  were  heard  also 
flying  by  in  the  night.  Tunny  fish  played  about  the  smooth  sea, 
and  a  heron,  a  pelican,  and  a  duck  were  seen,  all  bound  in  the 
same  direction.  The  herbage  which  floated  by  was  fresh  and 
given,  us  if  recently  from  land,  and  the  air,  Columbus  observes, 
was  sweet  and  fragrant  as  April  breezes  in  Seville. 

All  these,  however,  were  regarded  by  the  crews  as  so  many 
delusions  beguiling  them  on  to  destruction  ;  and  when  on  the 
evening  of  the  third  day  they  beheld  the  sun  go  down  upon  a 
shoreless  ocean,  they  broke  forth  into  turbulent  clamor.  They 
exclaimed  against  this  obstinacy  in  tempting  fate  by  continuing 
on  into  a  boundless  sea.  They  insisted  upon  turning  homeward, 
and  abandoning  the  voyage  as  hopeless.  Columbus  endeavored 
to  pacify  them  by  gentle  words  and  promises  of  large  rewards  ; 
but  finding  that  they  only  increased  in  clamor,  he  assumed  a 
decided  tone.  He  told  them  it  was  useless  to  murmur,  the 
expedition  had  been  sent  by  the  sovereigns  to  seek  the  Indies, 
and,  happen  what  might,  he  was  determined  to  persevere,  until, 
by  the  blessing  of  God,  he  should  accomplish  the  enterprise.* 

Columbus  was  now  at  open  defiance  with  his  crew,  and  his 
situation  became  desperate.  Fortunately  the  manifestations  of 

1  Hist,  del  Almirante,  cap.  20.  Las  Casas,  lib.  i.  Journal  of  Colurub.,  Navarrete, 
Colec.  toin.  i.  p.  la. 

It  has  been  asserted  by  various  historians,  that  Columbus,  a  day  or  two  previous  to 
coming  in  sight  of  the  Xew  World,  capitulated  with  his  mutinous  crew,  promising,  if 
he  did  not  discover  land  within  three  days,  to  abandon  the  voyage.  There  is  no  authority 
for  such  an  assertion,  either  in  the  history  of  his  son  Fernando  or  that  of  the  Bishop  Las 
r.i-as,  each  of  whom  had  the  admiral's  papers  before  him.  There  is  no  mention  of  such 
a  circumstance  in  the  extracts  made  from  the  journal  by  Las  Casas,  which  have  recently 
been  brought  to  light;  nor  is  it  asserted  by  either  Peter  Martyr  or  the  Curate  of  Los 
1'alacios,  both  contemporaries  and  acquaintances  of  Columbus,  and  who  could  scarcely 
have  failed  to  mention  so  striking  a  fact,  if  true.  It  rests  merely  upon  the  authority  of 
Ok'iedo,  who  is  of  inferior  credit  to  either  of  the  authors  above  cited,  and  was  grossly 
misled  as  to  many  of  the  particulars  of  this  voyage  by  a  pilot  of  the  name  of  Ilernan 
Perez  Matheo,  who  was  hostile  to  Columbus.  In  the  manuscript  process  of  the  memor- 
able lawsuit  between  Don  Diego,  son  of  the  admiral,  and  the  fiscal  of  the  crown,  is  the 
evidence  of  one  Pedro  de  Bilbao,  who  testifies  that  he  heard  many  times  that  some  of 
the  pilots  and  mariners  wished  to  turn  back,  but  that  the  admiral  promised  them  presents, 
and  entreated  them  to  wait  two  or  three  days,  before  which  time  he  should  discover  land. 
(  '•  Pedro  de  Bilbao,  oyo  muchas  veces  que  algunos  pilotos  y  marineros  querian  volverse 
sino  fuera  por  el  Almirante  que  les  prometio  donos,  IPS  rogo  esperasen  dos  o  tres  dia-  i 
que  antes,  del  tennlno  descubricra  tierra."  )  This,  if  true,  implies  no  capitululiou  to 
relinquish  the  enterprise. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  was  asserted  by  some  of  the  witnesses  in  the  above-mentioned 
ouit,  that  Columbus,  after  luuing  proceeded  some  few  hundred  league-*  without  finding 
land,  lost  confidence  and  wished  to  turn  "back;  but  was  persuaded  and  even  piqued  to 
continue  by  the  Piuzons.  This  assertion  carries  falsehood  on  its  very  face.  It  is  in  total 
contradiction  to  that  persevering  constancy  and  undaunted  resolution  displayed  by 
Columbus,  not  merely  in  the  present  voyage,  but  from  first  to  last  of  his  difficult  and 
dangerous  career.  This  testimony  was  g'iveii  by  some  of  the  mutinous  men,  anxious  to 
exaggerate  the  merits  of  the  I'inzons,  and  to  depreciate  that  of  Columbus.  Fortunately, 
the  extracts  from  the  journal  of  the  latter,  written  from  day  to  day,  with  guileless  sirri' 
plicity,  and  all  the  air  of  truth,  disprove  these  fables,  and  show  that  on  the  very  day 
previous  to  his  discovery,  In-  expressed  a  peremptory  dulurmiuatiou.  to  persevere,  in 
di-liuucc  of  all  dangers  aud  diiliculties. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  101 

the  vicinit\"  of  land  were  such  on  the  following  day  as  no  longer 
to  admit  a  doubt.  Besides  a  quantity  of  fresh  weeds,  such  as 
grow  in  rivers,  they  saw  a  green  fish  of  a  kind  which  keeps 
about  rocks;  then  a  branch  of  thorn  with  berries  on  it,  and 
recently  separated  from  the  tree,  floated  by  them  ;  then  they 
picked  up  a  reed,  a  small  board,  and,  above  all,  a  staff  arti- 
ficially carved.  All  gloom  and  mutiny  now  gave  way  to  san- 
guine expectation ;  and  throughout  the  day  each  one  was 
eagerly  on  the  watch,  in  hopes  of  being  the  first  to  discover 
the  long-sought-for  land. 

In  the  evening,  when,  according  to  invariable  custom  on 
board  of  the  admiral's  ship,  the  mariners  had  sung  the  "  Salve 
Kegina,"  or  vesper  hymn  to  the  Virgin,  he  made  an  impressive 
address  to  his  crew.  He  pointed  out  the  goodness  of  God  in 
thus  conducting  them  by  soft  and  favoring  breezes  across  a 
tranquil  ocean,  cheering  their  hopes  continually  with  fresh  signs, 
increasing  as  their  fears  augmented,  and  thus  leading  and  guid- 
ing them  to  a  promised  land.  He  now  reminded  them  of  the 
orders  he  had  given  on  leaving  the  Canaries,  that,  after  sailing 
westward  seven  hundred  leagues,  they  should  not  make  sail 
after  midnight.  Present  appearances  authorized  such  a  precau- 
tion. He  thought  it  probable  they  would  make  land  that  very 
night ;  he  ordered,  therefore,  a  vigilant  look-out  to  be  kept  from 
the  forecastle,  promising  to  whomsoever  should  make  the  dis- 
covery, a  doublet  of  velvet,  in  addition  to  the  pension  to  be 
given  by  the  sovereigns.1 

The  breeze  had  been  fresh  all  day,  with  more  sea  than  usual, 
and  they  had  made  great  progress.  At  sunset  they  had  stood 
again  to  the  west,  and  were  ploughing  the  waves  at  a  rapid  rate, 
the  Pinta  keeping  the  lead,  from  her  superior  sailing.  The 
greatest  animation  prevailed  throughout  the  ships ;  not  an  eye 
was  closed  that  night.  As  the  evening  darkened,  Columbus 
took  his  station  on  the  top  of  the  castle  or  cabin  on  the  high 
poop  of  his  vessel,  ranging  his  eye  along  the  dusky  horizon, 
and  maintaining  an  intense  and  unremitting  watch.  About  ten, 
o'clock  he  thought  he  beheld  a  light  glimmering  at  a  great  dis- 
tance. Fearing  his  eager  hopes  might  deceive  him,  he  called  to 
Pedro  Gutierrez,  gentleman  of  the  king's  bedchamber,  and 
inquired  whether  he  saw  such  a  light ;  the  latter  replied  in  the 
affirmative.  Doubtful  whether  it  might  not  yet  be  some  delu- 
sion of  the  fancy,  Columbus  called  Rodrigo  Sanchez  of  Segovia, 
and  made  the  same  inquiry.  By  the  time  the  latter  had  ascended 

1  Hist,  del  A  hull-ante,  cap.  21. 


102  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

the  round-house  the  light  had  disappeared.  They  saw  it  once 
or  twice  afterward  in  sudden  and  passing  gleams  ;  as  if  it  were 
a  torch  in  the  bark  of  a  fisherman,  rising  and  sinking  with  the 
waves  ;  or  in  the  hand  of  some  person  on  shore,  borne  up  and 
iloxvn  as  he  walked  from  house  to  house.  So  transient  and 
uncertain  were  these  gleams  that  few  attached  any  importance 
to  them  ;  Columbus,  however,  considered  them  as  certain  signs 
of  land,  and,  moreover,  that  the  land  was  inhabited. 

They  continued  their  course  until  two  in  the  morning,  when  a 
gun  from  the  Pinta  gave  the  joyful  signal  of  land.  It  was  first 
descried  by  a  mariner  named  Rodrigo  de  Triana  ;  but  the  reward 
was  afterward  adjudged  to  the  admiral,  for  having  previously 
perceived  the  light.  The  land  was  now  clearly  seen  about  two 
leagues  distant,  whereupon  they  took  in  sail  and  lay  to,  waiting 
impatiently  for  the  dawn. 

The  thoughts  and  feelings  of  Columbus  in  this  little  space  of 
time  must  have  been  tumultuous  and  intense.  At  length,  in 
spite  of  every  difficulty  and  danger,  he  had  accomplished  his 
object.  The  great  mystery  of  the  ocean  was  revealed ;  his 
theory,  which  had  been  the  scoff  of  sages,  was  triumphantly 
established  ;  he  had  secured  to  himself  a  glory  durable  as  the 
world  itself. 

It  is  difficult  to  conceive  the  feelings  of  such  a  man,  at  such 
a  moment ;  or  the  conjectures  which  must  have  thronged  upon, 
his  mind,  as  to  the  land  before  him,  covered  with  darkness. 
That  it  was  fruitful,  was  evident  from  the  vegetables  which 
floated  from  its  shores.  He  thought,  too,  that  he  perceived  the 
fragrance  of  aromatic  groves.  The  moving  light  he  had  beheld 
proved  it  the  residence  of  man.  But  what  were  its  inhabitants? 
Were  they  like  those  of  the  other  parts  of  the  globe  ;  or  were 
they  some  strange  and  monstrous  race,  such  as  the  imagination 
was  prone  in  those  times  to  give  to  all  remote  and  unknown 
regions?  Had  he  come  upon  some  wild  island  far  in  the  Indian 
sea ;  or  was  this  the  famed  Cipaugo  itself,  the  object  of  his 
golden  fancies?  A  thousand  speculations  of  the  kind  must 
have  swarmed  upon  him,  as,  with  his  anxious  crews,  he  waited 
for  the  night  to  pass  away,  wondering  whether  the  morning  light 
would  reveal  a  savage  wilderness,  or  dawn  upon  spicy  groves, 
and  glittering  fanes,  and  gilded  cities,  and  all  the  splendor  of 
Oriental  civilization. 


BOOK    IV. 

CHAPTER  I. 

FIRST   LANDING   OF   COLUMBUS    IN   THE    NEW   WORLD. 

IT  was  on  Friday  morning,  the  12th  of  October,  that  Colum- 
bus first  iK'held  the  New  World.  As  the  day  dawned  he  saw 
before  him  a  level  island,  several  leagues  in  extent,  and  covered 
with  trees  like  a  continual  orchard.  Though  apparently  un- 
cultivated, it  was  populous,  for  the  inhabitants  were  seen 
issuing  from  all  parts  of  the  woods  and  running  to  the  shore. 
They  were  perfectly  naked,  and,  as  they  stood  gazing  at  the 
ships,  appeared  by  their  attitudes  and  gestures  to  be  lost  in 
astonishment.  Columbus  made  signal  for  the  ships  to  cast 
anchor,  and  the  boats  to  be  manned  and  armed.  He  entered 
his  own  boat,  richly  attired  in  scarlet,  and  holding  the  royal 
standard  ;  while  Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon  and  Vincent  Janez  his 
brother,  put  off  in  company  in  their  boats,  each  with  a  banner 
of  the  enterprise  emblazoned  with  a  green  cross,  having  on 
either  side  the  letters  F.  and  Y.,  the  initials  of  the  Castiliaii 
monarchs  Fernando  and  Ysal>el,  surmounted  by  crowns. 

As  he  approached  the  shore,  Columbus,  who  was  disposed  for 
all  kinds  of  agreeable  impressions,  was  delighted  with  the 
purity  and  suavity  of  the  atmosphere,  the  crystal  transparency 
of  the  sea,  and  the  extraordinary  l>eauty  of  the  vegetation. 
He  beheld,  also,  fruits  of  an  unknown  kind  upon  the  trees 
which  overhung  the  shores.  On  landing  he  threw  himself  on 
his  knees,  kissed  the  earth,  and  returned  thanks  to  God  with 
tears  of  joy.  His  example  was  followed  by  the  rest,  whose 
hearts  indeed  overflowed  with  the  same  feelings  of  gratitude. 
Columbus  then  rising  drew  his  sword,  displayed  the  royal 
standard,  and  assembling  round  him  the  two  captains,  with 
Kodrigo  de  Escobedo,  notary  of  the  armament,  Kodrigo  San- 
chez, and  the  rest  who  had  landed,  he  took  solemn  possession 
in  the  name  of  the  Castilian  sovereigns,  giving  the  island  the 
name  of  San  Salvador.  Having  complied  with  the  requisite 


104  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS. 

forms  and  ceremonies,  he  called  upon  all  present  to  take  the 
oath  of  obedience  to  him,  as  admiral  and  viceroy,  representing 
the  persons  of  the  sovereigns.1 

The  feelings  of  the  crew  now  burst  forth  in  the  most  extrava- 
gant transports.  They  had  recently  considered  themselves 
devoted  men,  hurrying  forward  to  destruction  ;  they  now  looked 
upon  themselves  as  favorites  of  fortune,  and  gave  themselves 
up  to  the  most  unbounded  joy.  They  thronged  around  the 
admiral  with  overflowing  zeal,  some  embracing  him,  others 
kissing  his  hands.  Those  who  had  been  most  mutinous  and 
turbulent  during  the  voyage,  were  now  most  devoted  and  en- 
thusiastic. Some  begged  favors  of  him,  as  if  he  had  already 
wealth  and  honors  in  his  gift.  Many  abject  spirits,  who  had 
outraged  him  by  their  insolence,  now  crouched  at  his  feet,  beg- 
ging pardon  for  all  the  trouble  they  had  caused  him,  and 
promising  the  blindest  obedience  for  the  future.2 

The  natives  of  the  island,  when,  at  the  dawn  of  day,  they 
had  beheld  the  ships  hovering  on  their  coast,  had  supposed  them 
monsters  which  had  issued  from  the  deep  during  the  night. 
They  had  crowded  to  the  beach  and  watched  their  movements 
with  awful  anxiety.  Their  veering  about,  apparently  without 
effort,  and  the  shifting  and  furling  of  their  sails,  resembling 
huge  wings,  filled  them  with  astonishment.  When  they  beheld 
their  boats  approach  the  shore,  and  a  number  of  strange  beings, 
clad  in  glittering  steel,  or  raiment  of  various  colors,  landing 
upon  the  beach,  they  fled  in  affright  to  the  woods.  Finding, 
however,  that  there  was  no  attempt  to  pursue  nor  molest  them, 
they  gradually  recovered  from  their  terror,  and  approached  the 
Spaniards  with  great  awe;  frequently  prostrating  themselves 
on  the  earth,  and  making  signs  of  adoration.  During  the  cere- 
monies of  taking  possession,  they  remained  gazing  in  timid 
admiration  at  the  complexion,  the  beards,  the  shining  armor, 
and  splendid  dress  of  the  Spaniards.  The  admiral  particularly 
attracted  their  attention,  from  his  commanding  height,  his  air 
of  authority,  his  dress  of  scarlet,  and  the  deference  which  was 
paid  him  by  his  companions  ;  all  which  pointed  him  out  to  be 
the  commander.3  When  they  had  still  further  recovered  from 

1  In  the  Tablas  Chronologicas  of  Padre  Claudio  Clemente,  is  conserved  a  form  of 
prayer,  said  to  have  been  used  by  Columbus  on  this  occasion,  and  which,  by  order 
of  the  CaHtilian  sovereigns,  was  afterward  used  by  Balboa,  Cortez,  and  Pizarro  in 
their  discoveries.  "  Domine  ]>en«  seterne  et  omnipotent),  eacro  ttio  verbo  coelum, 
et  terrara,  et  mare  creasti ;  benedicatur  el  gloriticelur  nomen  luiim,  laudetur  tua 
majestaa,  quae  dignita  cut  per  humilem  nervutn  tnuin,  ut  ejus  sacrum  nomen  agnuii- 
catur,  et  prsedicetur  in  hac  a  I  tern  niundi  parte."  Tab.  Cbron.  de  loe  Descub.,  decad.  i. 
Valencia,  1689. 

*  OvUdo,  lib.  i.  cap.  6.     Las  Casas,  Hist.  lud.,  lib.  i.  cap.  40. 

s  Lag  C'asas,  ubi  bup. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  105 

their  fears,  they  approached  the  Spaniards,  touched  their 
beards,  and  examined  their  hands  and  faces,  admiring  their 
whiteness.  Columbus  was  pleased  with  their  gentleness  and 
con  tiding  simplicity,  and  suffered  their  scrutiny  with  perfect 
Acquiescence,  winning  them  by  his  benignity.  They  now 
supposed  that  the  ships  had  sailed  out  of  the  crystal  firmaments 
which  bounded  their  horizon,  or  had  descended  from  above  on 
their  ample  wings,  and  that  these  marvellous  beings  were  in- 
luiliitauts  of  the  skies.1 

The  natives  of  the  island  were  no  less  objects  of  curiosity  to 
the  Spaniards,  differing,  as  they  did,  from  any  race  of  men  they 
had  ever  seen.  Their  appearance  gave  no  promise  of  either 
wealth  or  civilization,  for  they  were  entirely  naked,  and 
painted  with  a  variety  of  colors.  With  some  it  was  confined 
merely  to  a  part  of  the  face,  the  nose,  or  around  the  eyes  ;  with 
others  it  extended  to  the  whole  body,  and  gave  them  a  wild 
and  fantastic  appearance.  Their  complexion  was  of  a  tawny 
or  copper  hue,  and  they  were  entirely  destitute  of  beards. 
Their  hair  was  not  crisped,  like  the  recently-discovered  tribes 
of  the  African  coast,  under  the  same  latitude,  but  straight  and 
coarse,  partly  cut  short  above  the  ears,  but  some  locks  were 
left  long  behind  and  falling  upon  their  shoulders.  Their  fea- 
tures, though  obscured  and  disfigured  by  paint,  were  agree- 
able ;  they  had  lofty  foreheads  and  remarkably  fine  eyes. 
They  were  of  moderate  stature  and  well-shaped  ;  most  of  them 
appeared  to  be  under  thirty  years  of  age ;  there  was  but  one 
female  with  them,  quite  young,  naked  like  her  companions, 
and  beautifully  formed. 

As  Columbus  supposed  himself  to  have  landed  on  an  island 
at  the  extremity  of  India,  he  called  the  natives  by  the  general 
appellation  of  Indians,  which  was  universally  adopted  before 
the  true  nature  of  his  discovery  was  known,  and  has  since  been 
extended  to  all  the  aboriginals  of  the  New  World. 

The  islanders  were  friendly  and  gentle.  Their  only  arms 
were  lances,  hardened  at  the  end  by  fire,  or  pointed  with  a 
flint,  or  the  teeth  or  bone  of  a  fish.  There  was  no  iron  to  be 
seen,  nor  did  they  appear  acquainted  with  its  properties ;  for, 
when  a  drawn  sword  was  presented  to  them,  they  unguardedly 
took  it  by  the  edge. 

Columbus  distributed  among  them  colored  caps,  glass  beads, 

1  The  idea  that  the  white  men  came  from  heaven  was  universally  entertained  !>y 
the  inhabitants  of  the  New  World.  When  in  the  course  of  subsequent  voyages  the 
S[>a'iKirdx  conversed  with  the  cacique  Nicaragua,  he  inquired  how  they  came  down 
fruin  the  r-kies,  whether  flying  or  whether  they  deisceuded  ou  clouds,  liurreia,  decud. 
iii.  lib.  iv.  cap  17. 


106  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

hawks'  bells,  and  other  trifles,  such  as  the  Portuguese  were 
accustomed  to  trade  with  among  the  nations  of  the  gold  coast 
of  Africa.  They  received  them  eagerly,  hung  the  beads  round 
their  necks,  and  were  wonderfully  pleased  with  their  finery, 
and  with  the  sound  of  the  bells.  The  Spaniards  remained  all 
day  on  shore  refreshing  themselves  after  their  anxious  voyage 
amid  the  beautiful  groves  of  the  island,  and  returned  on  board 
late  in  the  evening,  delighted  with  all  they  had  seen. 

On  the  following  morning  at  break  of  day,  the  shore  was 
thronged  with  the  natives ;  some  swam  off  to  the  ships,  others 
came  in  light  barks  which  they  called  canoes,  formed  of  a 
single  tree,  hollowed,  and  capable  of  holding  from  one  man  to 
the  number  of  forty  or  fifty.  These  they  managed  dexterously 
with  paddles,  and,  if  overturned,  swam  about  in  the  water  with 
perfect  unconcern,  as  if  in  their  natural  element,  righting  their 
canoes  with  great  facility,  and  bailing  them  with  calabashes.1 

They  were  eager  to  procure  more  toys  and  trinkets,  not, 
apparently,  from  any  idea  of  their  intrinsic  value,  but  because 
every  thing  from  the  hands  of  the  strangers  possessed  a  super- 
natural virtue  in  their  eyes,  as  having  been  brought  from 
heaven  ;  they  even  picked  up  fragments  of  glass  and  earthen- 
ware as  valuable  prizes.  They  had  but  few  objects  to  offer  in 
return,  except  parrots,  of  which  great  numbers  were  domesti- 
cated among  them,  and  cotton  yarn,  of  which  they  had  abun- 
dance, and  would  exchange  large  balls  of  five  and  twenty 
pounds'  weight  for  the  merest  trif  e.  They  brought  also  cakes 
of  a  kind  of  bread  called  cassava,  which  constituted  a  principal 
part  of  their  food,  and  was  afterward  an  important  article  of 
provisions  with  the  Spaniards.  It  was  formed  from  a  great 
root  called  yuca,  which  they  cultivated  in  fields.  This  they  cut 
into  small  morsels,  which  they  grated  or  scraped,  and  strained 
in  a  press,  making  a  broad  thin  cake,  which  was  afterward 
dried  hard,  and  would  keep  for  a  long  time,  being  steeped  in 
water  when  eaten.  It  was  insipid,  but  nourishing,  though  the 
water  strained  from  it  in  the  preparation  was  a  deadly  poison. 
There  was  another  kind  of  yuca  destitute  of  this  poisonous 
quality  which  was  eaten  in  the  root,  either  boiled  or  roasted.2 

The  avarice  of  the  discoverers  was  quickly  excited  by  the 
sight  of  small  ornaments  of  gold,  worn  by  some  of  the  natives 
in  their  noses.  These  the  latter  gladly  exchanged  for  glass 
beads  and  hawks'  bells;  and  both  parties  exulted  in  the  bar- 

1  The  calnltaahefl  of  the  Indiana,  which  served  the  purposes  of  glass  and  earthen- 
ware, »up|>lyini<  them  with  all  sorts  of  domi-wlic  uteiisiln,  were  produced  ou  stately 
trees  of  the  size  of  elms.  *  .Acosta,  Hist.  lud.,  lib.  iv.  cap.  17. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  107 

gain,  no  doubt  admiring  each  other's  simplicity.  As  gold, 
however,  was  an  object  of  royal  monopoly  in  all  enterprises  of 
discovery,  Columbus  forbade  any  traffic  in  it  without  his  ex- 
press sanction  ;  and  he  put  the  same  prohibition  on  the  traffic 
for  cotton,  reserving  to  the  crown  all  trade  for  it,  wherever  it 
should  be  found  in  any  quantity. 

He  inquired  of  the  natives  where  this  gold  was  procured. 
They  answered  him  by  signs,  pointing  to  the  south,  where,  he 
understood  them,  dwelt  a  king  of  such  wealth  that  he  was 
served  in  vessels  of  wrought  gold.  He  understood,  also,  that 
there  was  land  to  the  south,  the  south-west,  and  the  north- 
west, and  that  the  people  from  the  last  mentioned  quarter 
frequently  proceeded  to  the  south-west  in  quest  of  gold  and 
precious  stones,  making  in  their  way  descents  upon  the  islands, 
and  carrying  off  the  inhabitants.  Several  of  the  natives  showed 
him  scars  of  wounds  received  in  battles  with  these  invaders. 
It  is  evident  that  a  great  part  of  this  fancied  intelligence  was 
self-delusion  on  the  part  of  Columbus  ;  for  he  was  under  a  spell 
of  the  imagination,  which  gave  its  own  shapes  and  colors  to 
every  object.  He  was  persuaded  that  he  had  arrived  among 
the  islands  described  by  Marco  Polo  as  lying  opposite  to  Cathay. 
in  the  Chinese  sea,  and  he  construed  every  thing  to  accord  with 
the  account  given  of  those  opulent  regions.  Thus  the  enemies 
which  the  natives  spoke  of  as  coming  from  the  north-west,  he 
concluded  to  be  the  people  of  the  main-land  of  Asia,  the  sub- 
jects of  the  great  Khan  of  Tartary,  who  were  represented  by 
the  Venetian  traveller  as  accustomed  to  make  war  upon  the 
islands,  and  to  enslave  their  inhabitants.  The  country  to  the 
south,  abounding  in  gold,  could  be  no  other  than  the  famous 
island  of  Cipango  ;  and  the  king  who  was  served  out  of  vessels 
of  gold  must  be  the  monarch  whose  magnificent  city  and 
gorgeous  palace,  covered  with  plates  of  gold,  had  been  extolled 
in  such  splendid  terms  by  Marco  Polo. 

The  island  where  Columbus  had  thus,  for  the  first  time,  set 
his  foot  upon  the  New  World,  was  called  by  the  natives 
Guanahan6.  It  still  retains  the  name  of  San  Salvador,  which 
he  gave  to  it,  though  called  by  the  English  Cat  Island.1  The 
light  which  he  had  seen  the  evening  previous  to  his  making 
laud,  may  have  been  on  Watling's  Island,  which  lies  a  few 
leagues  to  the  east.  San  Salvador  is  one  of  the  great  cluster  of 
the  Lucayos,  or  Bahama  Islands,  which  stretch  south-east  and 

1  Some  di*pnte  bavins;  recently  arisen  as  to  the  island  on  which  Coliimbux  tir«t 
landed,  the  reader  i*  referred  for  :i  di-en<sion  of  this  question  to  the  illustrations  of  ibis 
work,  article  "First  Lauding  of  Columbus." 


108  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

north-west,  from  the  const  of  Florida  to  Hispaniola,  covering 
tlic  northern  coast  of  Cuba. 

On  the  morning  of  the  14th  of  October  the  admiral  set  off  at 
daybreak  with  the  lx>ats  of  the  ships  to  reconnoitre  the  island, 
directing  his  course  to  the  north-east.  The  coast  was  sur- 
rounded by  a  reef  of  rocks,  within  which  there  was  depth  of 
water  and  sufficient  harbor  to  receive  all  the  ships  in  Christen- 
dom. The  entrance  was  very  narrow ;  within  there  were 
several  sand-banks,  but  the  water  was  as  still  as  in  a  pool.1 

The  island  appeared  throughout  to  be  well  wooded,  with 
streams  of  water,  and  a  large  lake  in  the  centre.  As  the  boats 
proceeded,  they  passed  two  or  three  villages,  the  inhabitants  of 
which,  men  as  well  as  women,  ran  to  the  shores,  throwing 
themselves  on  the  ground,  lifting  up  their  hands  and  eyes, 
either  giving  thanks  to  heaven,  or  worshipping  the  Spaniards 
as  supernatural  beings.  They  ran  along  parallel  to  the  boats, 
calling  after  the  Spaniards,  and  inviting  them  by  signs  to  land, 
offering  them  various  fruits  and  vessels  of  water.  Finding, 
however,  that  the  boats  continued  on  their  course,  many  threw 
themselves  into  the  sea  and  swam  after  them,  and  others  fol- 
lowed in  canoes.  The  admiral  received  them  all  with  kind- 
ness, giving  them  glass  beads  and  other  trifles,  which  were 
received  with  transport  as  celestial  presents,  for  the  invariable 
idea  of  the  savages  was,  that  the  white  men  had  come  from  the 
skies. 

In  this  way  they  pursued  their  course,  until  they  came  to  a 
small  peninsula,  which  with  two  or  three  days'  labor  might  be 
separated  from  the  main-laud  and  surrounded  with  water,  and 
was  therefore  specified  by  Columbus  as  an  excellent  situation 
for  a  fortress.  On  this  were  six  Indian  cabins,  surrounded  by 
groves  and  gardens  as  beautiful  as  those  of  Castile.  The  sailors 
being  wearied  with  rowing,  and  the  island  not  appearing  to  the 
admiral  of  sufficient  importance  to  induce  colonization,  he 
returned  to  the  ships,  taking  seven  of  the  natives  with  him, 
that  they  might  acquire  the  Spanish  language  and  serve  as 
interpreters. 

Having  taken  in  a  supply  of  wood  and  water,  they  left  the 
island  of  San  Salvador  the  same  evening,  the  admiral  being 
impatient  to  arrive  at  the  wealthy  country  to  the  south,  which 
he  flattered  himself  would  prove  the  famous  island  of  Cipango. 

1  Primer  Viage  cie  Colon.    Xavarrete,  loin.  i. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  109 

CHAPTER  II. 

CRUISE    AMONG    THE    BAHAMA    ISLANDS. 
11492.J 

Ox  leaving  San  Salvador  Columbus  was  at  a  loss  which  wuy 
to  direct  his  course.  A  great  number  of  islands,  green  and 
level  and  fertile,  invited  him  in  different  directions.  The 
Indians  on  board  of  his  vessel  intimated  by  signs  that  they 
were  innumerable,  well  peopled,  and  at  war  with  one  another. 
They  mentioned  the  names  of  above  a  hundred.  Columbus 
now  had  no  longer  a  doubt  that  he  was  among  the  islands 
described  by  Marco  Polo  as  studding  the  vast  sea  of  Chin,  or 
China,  and  lying  at  a  great  distance  from  the  main-land. 
These,  according  to  the  Venetian,  amounted  to  between  seven 
and  eight  thousand,  and  abounded  with  drugs  and  spices  and 
odoriferous  trees,  together  with  gold  and  silver  and  many  other 
precious  objects  of  commerce.1 

Animated  by  the  idea  of  exploring  this  opulent  archipelago, 
he  selected  the  largest  island  in  sight  for  his  next  visit ;  it  ap- 
peared to  be  about  five  leagues'  distance,  and  he  understood 
from  his  Indians  that  the  natives  were  richer  than  those  of  San 
Salvador,  wearing  bracelets  and  anklets  and  other  ornaments  of 
massive  gold. 

The  night  coming  on,  Columbus  ordered  that  the  ships  should 
lie  to,  as  the  navigation  was  difficult  and  dangerous  among 
these  unknown  islands,  and  he  feared  to  venture  ujx>n  a  strange 
coast  in  the  dark.  In  the  morning  they  again  made  sail,  but 
meeting  with  counter-currents  it  was  not  until  sunset  that  they 
anchored  at  the  island.  The  next  morning  (16th)  they  went  on 
shore,  and  Columbus  took  solemn  possession,  giving  the  island 
the  name  of  Santa  Maria  de  la  Conception.  The  same  scene 
occurred  with  the  inhabitants  as  with  those  of  San  Salvador. 
They  manifested  the  same  astonishment  and  awe,  the  same 
gentleness  and  simplicity,  and  the  same  nakedness  and  absence 
of  all  wealth.  Columbus  looked  in  vain  for  bracelets  and 
anklets  of  gold,  or  for  any  other  precious  articles  :  they  had 
l>een  either  fictions  of  his  Indian  guides,  or  his  own  misinter- 
pretations. 

i  Marco  I'olo,  book  iii.  chap.  4;  E;ig.  translation  by  \V.  Marsden. 


110  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

Returning  on  board,  he  prepared  to  make  sail,  when  one  of 
the  Indians  of  San  Salvador,  who  was  on  board  of  the  Nina, 
plunged  into  the  sea,  and  swam  to  a  large  canoe  filled  with 
natives.  The  boat  of  the  caravel  put  off  in  pursuit,  but  the 
Indians  managed  their  light  bark  with  too  much  velocity  to 
1x3  overtaken,  and,  reaching  the  land,  fled  to  the  woods.  The 
sailors  took  the  canoe  as  a  prize,  and  returned  on  board  the 
caravel.  Shortly  afterward  a  small  canoe  approached  one  of 
the  ships  from  a  different  part  of  the  island,  with  a  single  Indian 
on  lx>ard,  who  came  to  offer  a  ball  of  cotton  in  exchange  for 
hawks'  bells.  As  he  paused  when  close  to  the  vessel,  and  feared 
to  enter,  several  sailors  threw  themselves  into  the  sea  and  took 
him  prisoner. 

Columbus  having  seen  all  that  passed  from  his  station  on  the 
high  poop  of  the  vessel,  ordered  the  captive  to  be  brought  to 
him  ;  he  came  trembling  with  fear,  and  humbly  offered  his  ball 
of  cotton  as  a  gift.  The  admiral  received  him  with  the  utmost 
benignity,  and  declining  his  offering,  put  a  colored  cap  upon 
his  head,  strings  of  green  beads  around  his  arms,  and  hawks' 
bells  in  his  ears,  then  ordering  him  and  his  ball  of  cotton  to  be 
replaced  in  the  canoe,  dismissed  him,  astonished  and  overjoyed. 
He  ordered  that  the  canoe,  also,  which  had  been  seized  and  was 
fastened  to  the  Nina,  should  be  cast  loose,  to  be  regained  by  its 
proprietors.  When  the  Indian  reached  the  shore,  his  country- 
men thronged  round  him,  examining  and  admiring  his  finery, 
and  listening  to  his  account  of  the  kind  treatment  he  expe- 
rienced. 

Such  were  the  gentle  and  sage  precautions  continually  taken 
by  Columbus  to  impress  the  natives  favorably.  Another  in- 
stance of  the  kind  occurred  after  leaving  the  island  of  Concep- 
tion, when  the  caravels  stood  for  the  larger  island,  several 
leagues  to  the  west.  Midway  between  the  two  islands  they 
overtook  a  single  Indian  in  a  canoe.  He  had  a  mere  morsel  of 
cassava  bread  and  a  calabash  of  water  for  sea-stores,  and  a 
little  red  paint,  like  dragons'  blood,  for  personal  decoration 
when  he  should  land.  A  string  of  glass  beads,  such  as  had  been 
given  to  the  natives  of  San  Salvador,  showed  that  he  had  come 
thence,  and  was  probably  passing  from  islaud^to  island,  to  give 
notice  of  the  ships.  Columbus  admired  the  hardihood  of  this 
simple  navigator,  making  such  an  extensive  voyage  in  so  frail 
a  bark.  As  the  island  was  still  distant,  he  ordered  that  l»oth 
the  Indian  and  his  canoe  should  be  taken  on  board,  where  he 
treated  him  with  the  greatest  kindness,  giving  him  bread  and 
honey  to  eat,  and  wine  to  drink.  The  weather  being  very  calm, 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  Ill 

they  did  not  reach  the  island  until  too  dark  to  anchor,  through 
fear  of  cutting  their  cables  with  rocks.  The  sea  about  these 
islands  was  so  transparent  that  in  the  daytime  they  could  see 
the  l)ottoin  and  choose  their  ground  ;  and  so  deep,  that  at  two 
gunshot  distance  there  was  no  anchorage.  Hoisting  out  the 
canoe  of  their  Indian  voyager,  therefore,  and  restoring  to  him 
all  his  effects,  they  sent  him  joyfully  ashore,  to  prepare  the 
natives  for  their  arrival,  while  the  ships  lay  to  until  morning. 

This  kindness  had  the  desired  effect.  The  natives  surrounded 
the  ships  in  their  canoes  during  the  night,  bringing  fruits  and 
roots,  and  the  pure  water  of  their  springs.  Columbus  dis- 
tributed trifling  presents  among  them,  and  to  those  who  came 
on  board  he  gave  sugar  and  honey. 

Landing  the  next  morning,  he  gave  to  this  island  the  name 
of  Fernandina,  in  honor  of  the  king  ;  it  is  the  same  at  present 
called  Exuma.  The  inhabitants  were  similar  in  every  respect 
to  those  of  the  preceding  islands,  excepting  that  they  appeared 
more  ingenious  and  intelligent.  Some  of  the  women  wore 
mantles  and  aprons  of  cotton,  but  for  the  most  part  they  were 
entirely  naked.  Their  habitations  were  constructed  in  the  form 
of  a  pavilion  or  high  circular  tent,  of  branches  of  trees,  of 
reeds,  and  palm  leaves.  They  were  kept  very  clean  and  neat, 
and  sheltered  under  spreading  trees.  For  beds  they  had  nets 
of  cotton  extended  from  two  posts,  which  they  called  hamacs, 
a  name  since  in  universal  use  among  seamen. 

In  endeavoring  to  circumnavigate  the  island,  Columbus  found, 
within  two  leagues  of  the  northwest  cape,  a  noble  harbor,  suf- 
ficient to  hold  a  hundred  ships,  with  two  entrances  formed  by 
an  island  which  lay  in  the  mouth  of  it.  Here,  while  the  men 
landed  with  the  casks  in  search  of  water,  he  reposed  under  the 
shade  of  the  groves,  which  he  says  were  more  beautiful  than 
any  he  had  ever  beheld  ;  "the  country  was  as  fresh  and  green 
as  in  the  month  of  May  in  Andalusia ;  the  trees,  the  fruits,  the 
herbs,  the  flowers,  the  very  stones  for  the  most  part,  as  differ- 
ent from  those  of  Spain  as  night  from  day."  1  The  inhabitants 
gave  t!ie  same  proofs  as  the  other  islanders,  of  being  totally  un- 
accustomed to  the  sight  of  ^civilized  man.  They  regarded  the 
Spaniards  with  awe  and  admiration,  approached  them  with 
propitiatory  offerings  of  whatever  their  poverty,  or  rather  their 
simple  and  natural  mode  of  life,  afforded  ;  the  fruits  of  their 
fields  and  groves,  the  cotton,  which  was  their  article  of  greatest 
value,  and  their  domesticated  parrots.  They  took  those  who 

'  '.'rimer  Viage  de  Colon.    Navarrete,  lib.  i. 


112  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER    COLUMBUS. 

were  in  search  of  water  to  the  coolest  springs,  the  sweetest  and 
freshest  runs,  filling  their  casks,  and  rolling  them  to  the  boats  ; 
thus  seeking  in  every  way  to  gratify  their  celestial  visitors. 

However  pleasing  this  state  of  primeval  poverty  might  he  to 
the  imagination  of  a  poet,  it  was  a  source  of  continual  disap- 
pointment to  the  Spaniards,  whose  avarice  had  been  whetted  to 
the  quick  by  scanty  specimens  of  gold,  and  by  the  information 
of  golden  islands  continually  given  by  the  Indians. 

Leaving  Fernandina,  on  the  19th  of  October,  they  steered  to 
the  south-east  in  quest  of  an  island  called  Saometo,  where 
Columbus  understood,  from  the  signs  of  the  guides,  there  was 
a  mine  of  gold,  and  a  king,  the  sovereign  of  all  the  surrounding 
islands,  who  dwelt  in  a  large  city  and  possessed  great  treasures, 
wearing  rich  clothing  and  jewels  of  gold.  They  found  the 
island,  but  neither  the  monarch  nor  the  mine  ;  either  Columbus 
had  misunderstood  the  natives,  or  they,  measuring  things  by 
their  own  poverty,  had  exaggerated  the  paltry  state  and  trivial 
ornaments  of  some  savage  chieftain.  Delightful  as  the  other 
islands  had  appeared,  Columbus  declared  that  this  surpassed 
them  all.  Like  those  it  was  covered  with  trees  and  shrubs  and 
herbs  of  an  unknown  kind.  The  climate  had  the  same  soft  tem- 
perature ;  the  air  was  delicate  and  balmy ;  the  land  was  higher, 
with  a  fine  verdant  hill ;  the  coast  of  a  fine  sand,  gently  laved 
by  transparent  billows. 

At  the  south-west  end  of  the  island  he  found  fine  lakes  of 
fresh  water,  overhung  with  groves,  and  surrounded  by  banks 
covered  with  herbage.  Here  he  ordered  all  the  casks  of  the 
ships  to  be  filled.  "  Here  are  large  lakes,"  says  he,  in  his  jour- 
nal, "and  the  groves  about  them  are  marvellous,  and  here  and 
in  all  the  island  every  thing  is  green,  as  in  April  in  Andalusia. 
The  singing  of  the  birds  is  such,  that  it  seems  as  if  one  would 
never  desire  to  depart  hence.  There  are  flocks  of  parrots  whieli 
obscure  the  sun,  and  other  birds,  large  and  small,  of  so  mau\ 
kinds  all  different  from  ours,  that  it  is  wonderful ;  and  besideb 
there  are  trees  of  a  thousand  species,  each  having  its  particular 
fruit  and  all  of  marvellous  flavor,  so  that  1  am  in  the  greatest 
trouble  in  the  world  not  to  know  them,  for  I  am  very  certain 
that  they  are  each  of  great  value.  'I  shall  bring  home  some  of 
them  as  specimens,  and  also  some  of  the  herbs."  To  this  beau- 
tiful island  he  gave  the  name  of  his  royal  patroness,  Isabella  ;  it 
is  the  same  at  present  called  Isla  Larga  and  Exumeta.  Colum- 
bus was  intent  on  discovering  the  drugs  and  spices  of  the  East, 
and  on  approaching  this  island,  had  fancied  he  perceived  in  the 
air  the  spicy  odors  said  to  be  wafted  from  the  islands  of  the  In- 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  113 

dian  seas.  "  As  I  arrived  at  this  cape,"  says  he,  "  there  came 
thence  a  fragrance  so  good  and  soft  of  the  flowers  or  trees  of 
the  land,  that  it  was  the  sweetest  thing  in  the  world.  I  believe 
there  are  here  many  herbs  and  trees  which  would  be  of  great 
price  in  Spain  for  tinctures,  medicines,  and  spices,  but  I 
know  nothing  of  them,  which  gives  me  great  concern."  1 

The  iish,  which  abounded  in  these  seas,  partook  of  the  novel- 
ty which  characterized  most  of  the  objects  in  this  new  world. 
They  rivalled  the  birds  in  tropical  brilliancy  of  color,  the  scales 
of  some  of  them  glancing  back  the  rays  of  light  like  precious 
stones  ;  as  they  sported  alx>ut  the  ships,  they  flashed  gleams  of 
gold  and  silver  through  the  clear  waves  ;  and  the  dolphins,  taken 
out  of  their  element,  delighted  the  eye  with  the  changes  of  colors 
ascribed  in  fable  to  the  chameleon. 

No  animals  were  seen  in  these  islands,  excepting  a  species  of 
dog  which  never  barked,  a  kind  of  coney  or  rabbit  called  "  utia" 
by  the  natives,  together  with  numerous  lizards  and  guanas. 
The  last  were  regarded  with  disgust  and  horror  by  the  Span- 
iards, supposing  them  to  be  fierce  and  noxious  serpents;  but 
they  were  found  afterward  to  be  perfectly  harmless,  and  their 
flesh  to  be  esteemed  a  great  delicacy  by  the  Indians. 

For  several  days  Columbus  hovered  about  this  island,  seek- 
ing in  vain  to  find  its  imaginary  monarch,  or  to  establish  a 
communication  with  him,  until,  at  length,  he  reluctantly  be- 
came convinced  of  his  error.  No  sooner,  however,  did  one 
delusion  fade  away,  than  another  succeeded.  In  reply  to  the 
continual  inquiries  made  by  the  Spaniards,  after  the  source 
whence  they  procured  their  gold,  the  natives  uniformly  pointed 
to  the  south.  Columbus  now  began  to  hear  of  an  island  in  that 
direction,  called  Cuba,  but  all  that  he  could  collect  concerning 
it  from  the  signs  of  the  natives  was  colored  by  his  imagination. 
He  understood  it  to  be  of  great  extent,  abounding  in  gold,  and 
pearls,  and  spices,  and  carrying  on  an  extensive  commerce  in 
those  precious  articles  ;  and  that  large  merchant  ships  came  to 
trade  with  its  inhabitants. 

Comparing  these  misinterpreted  accounts  with  the  coast  of 
Asia,  as  laid  down  on  his  map.  after  the  descriptions  of  Marco 
Polo,  he  concluded  that  this  island  must  be  Cipango,  and  the 
merchant  ships  mentioned  must  be  those  of  the  Grand  Khan, 
who  maintained  an  extensive  commerce  in  these  seas.  He 
formed  his  plan  accordingly,  determining  to  sail  immediately 
for  this  island,  and  make  himself  acquainted  with  its  ports, 

Primer  Viage  de  Colon.    Xavarretc,  cap.  L 


114  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

cities,  and  productions,  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  relations 
of  traffic.  He  would  then  seek  another  great  island  calli-d 
Bohio,  of  which  the  natives  gave  likewise  marvellous  accounts. 
His  sojourn  in  those  islands  would  depend  upon  the  quantities 
of  gold,  spices,  precious  stones,  and  other  objects  of  Oriental 
trade  which  he  should  find  there.  After  this  he  would  proceed 
to  the  mainland  of  India,  which  must  be  within  ten  days'  sail, 
seek  the  city  Quiusai,  which,  according  to  Marco  Polo,  was  one 
of  the  most  magnificent  capitals  in  the  world  ;  he  would  there 
deliver  in  person  the  letters  of  the  Castilian  sovereigns  to  the 
Grand  Khan,  and,  when  he  received  his  reply,  return  trium- 
phantly to  Spain  with  this  document,  to  prove  that  he  had 
accomplished  the  great  object  of  his  voyage.1  Such  was  the 
splendid  scheme  with  which  Columbus  fed  his  imagination,  when 
about  to  leave  the  Bahamas  in  quest  of  the  island  of  Cuba. 


CHAPTER  III. 

DISCOVERY   AND    COASTING    OF   CUBA. 

[1492.] 

FOR  several  days  the  departure  of  Columbus  was  delayed  by 
contrary  winds  and  calms,  attended  by  heavy  showers,  which 
last  had  prevailed,  more  or  less,  since  his  arrival  among  the 
islands.  It  was  the  season  of  the  autumnal  rains,  which  in 
those  torrid  climates  succeed  the  parching  heats  of  summer, 
commencing  about  the  decrease  of  the  August  moon,  and  last- 
ing until  the  month  of  November. 

At  length,  at  midnight,  October  24th,  he  set  sail  from  the 
island  of  Isabella,  but  was  nearly  becalmed  until  midday  ;  a 
gentle  wind  then  sprang  up,  and,  as  he  observes,  began  to  blow 
most  amorously.  Every  sail  was  spread,  and  he  stood  toward 
the  west-south-west,  the  direction  in  which  he  was  told  the  land 
of  Cuba  lay  from  Isabella.  After  three  days'  navigation,  in  the 
course  of  which  he  touched  at  a  group  of  seven  or  eight  small 
islands,  which  he  called  Islas  de  Arena,  supposed  to  be  the 
present  Mucaras  islands,  and  having  crossed  the  Bahama  bank 
and  channel,  he  arrived,  on  the  morning  of  the  28th  of  October, 

1  Journal  of  Columbus.    Xavarrete,  torn.  i. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  115 

in  sight  of  Cuba.  The  part  which  he  first  discovered  is  supposed 
to  be  the  coast  to  the  west  of  Nuevitas  del  Principe. 

As  he  approached  this  noble  island,  he  was  struck  with  its 
magnitude,  and  the  grandeur  of  its  features  ;  its  high  and  airy 
mountains,  which  reminded  him  of  those  of  Sicily ;  its  fertile 
valleys,  and  long  sweeping  plains  watered  by  noble  rivers ;  its 
stately  forests  ;  its  bold  promontories  and  stretching  headlands, 
which  melted  away  into  the  remotest  distance.  He  anchored 
in  a  beautiful  river,  of  transparent  clearness,  free  from  rocks 
and  shoals,  its  banks  overhung  with  trees.  Here,  landing,  and 
taking  possession  of  the  island,  he  gave  it  the  name  of  Juanu, 
in  honor  of  Prince  Juan,  and  to  the  river  the  name  of  San  Sal- 
vador. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  ships,  two  canoes  put  off  from  the  shore, 
but  fled  on  seeing  the  boat  approach  to  sound  the  river  for  an- 
chorage. The  admiral  visited  two  cabins  abandoned  by  their 
inhabitants.  They  contained  but  a  few  nets  made  of  the  fibres 
of  the  palm-tree,  hooks  and  harpoons  of  bone,  and  some  other 
fishing  implements,  and  one  of  the  kind  of  dogs  he  had  met 
with  on  the  smaller  islands,  which  never  bark.  He  ordered  that 
nothing  should  be  taken  away  or  deranged. 

Keturning  to  his  boat,  he  proceeded  for  some  distance  up  the 
river,  more  and  more  enchanted  with  the  beauty  of  the  coun- 
try. The  banks  were  covered  with  high  and  wide-spreading 
trees ;  some  bearing  fruits,  others  flowers,  while  in  some  both 
fruit  and  flowers  were  mingled,  bespeaking  a  perpetual  round  of 
fertility ;  among  them  were  many  palms,  but  different  from 
those  of  Spain  and  Africa ;  with  the  great  leaves  of  these  the 
natives  thatched  their  cabins. 

The  continual  eulogies  made  by  Columbus  on  the  beauty  of 
the  country  were  warranted  by  the  kind  of  scenery  he  was  be- 
holding. There  was  a  wonderful  splendor,  variety,  and  luxuri- 
ance in  the  vegetation  of  those  quick  and  ardent  climates.  The 
verdure  of  the  groves  and  the  colors  of  the  flowers  and  blos- 
soms derive  a  vividness  from  the  transparent  purity  of  the  air 
and  the  deep  serenity  of  the  azure  heavens.  The  forests,  too, 
are  full  of  life,  swarming  with  birds  of  brilliant  plumage. 
Painted  varieties  of  parrots  and  woodpeckers  create  a  glitter 
amid  the  verdure  of  the  grove,  and  humming-birds  rove  from 
flower  to  flower,  resembling,  as  has  well  been  said,  animated 
particles  of  a  rainbow.  The  scarlet  flamingoes,  too,  seen  some- 
times through  an  opening  of  a  forest  in  a  distant  savanna,  have 
the  appearance  of  soldiers  drawn  up  in  battalion,  with  an  ad- 
vanced scout  on  the  alert,  to  give  notice  of  approaching  danger. 


116  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

Nor  is  the  least  beautiful  part  of  animated  nature  the  various 
tribes  of  insects  peopling  every  plant,  and  displaying  brilliant 
coats  of  mail,  which  sparkle  like  precious  gems.1 

Such  is  the  splendor  of  animal  and  vegetable  creation  in 
these  tropical  climates,  where  an  ardent  sun  imparts  its  own 
lustre  to  every  object,  and  quickens  nature  into  exuberant 
fecundity.  The  birds,  in  general,  are  not  remarkable  for  their 
notes,  for  it  has  been  observed  that  in  the  feathered  race 
sweetness  of  song  rarely  accompanies  brilliancy  of  plumage. 
Columbus  remarks,  however,  that  there  were  various  kinds 
which  sang  sweetly  among  the  trees,  and  he  frequently  de- 
ceived himself  in  fancying  that  he  heard  the  voice  of  the 
nightingale,  a  bird  unknown  in  these  countries.  He  was,  in 
fact,  in  a  mood  to  see  every  thing  through  a  favoring  medium. 
His  heart  was  full  to  overflowing,  for  he  was  enjoying  the  ful- 
filment of  his  hopes,  and  the  hard-earned  but  glorious  reward 
of  his  toils  and  perils.  Every  thing  around  him  was  beheld 
with  the  enamoured  and  exulting  eye  of  a  discoverer,  where 
triumph  mingles  with  admiration  ;  and  it  is  difficult  to  conceive 
the  rapturous  state  of  his  feelings,  while  thus  exploring  the 
charms  of  a  virgin  world,  won  by  his  enterprise  and  valor. 

From  his  continual  remarks  on  the  beauty  of  scenery,  and 
from  his  evident  delight  in  rural  sounds  and  objects,  he  ap- 
pears to  have  been  extremely  open  to  those  happy  influences, 
exercised  over  some  spirits,  by  the  graces  and  wonders  of 
nature.  He  gives  utterance  to  these  feelings  with  character- 
istic enthusiasm,  and  at  the  same  time  with  the  artlessness 
and  simplicity  of  diction  of  a  child.  When  speaking  of  some 
lovely  scene  among  the  groves,  or  along  the  flowery  shores  of 
these  favored  islands,  he  says,  "One  could  live  there  forever." 
Cuba  broke  upon  him  like  an  elysium.  "It  is  the  most  beau- 
tiful island,"  he  says,  "  that  eyes  ever  beheld,  full  Of  excellent 
ports  and  profound  rivers."  The  climate  was  more  temperate 
here  than  in  the  other  islands,  the  nights  being  neither  hot  nor 
cold,  while  the  birds  and  crickets  sang  all  night  long.  Indeed 
there  is  a  l>eauty  in  a  tropical  night,  in  the  depth  of  the  dark 
blue  sky,  the  lambent  purity  of  the  stars,  and  the  resplendent 
clearness  of  the  moon,  that  spreads  over  the  rich  landscape  and 
the  balmy  groves  a  charm  more  captivating  than  the  splendor 
of  the  day. 

In  the  sweet  smell  of  the  woods  and  the  odor  of  the  flowers 


1  The  ladle*  of  FTnvana,  on  jrala  occasions,  wear  in  their  hair  numbers  of  those  in- 
cu,  which  have  u  brilliancy  equal  to  rubies,  sapphires,  or  diamonds. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  117 

Columbus  fancied  he  perceived  the  fragrance  of  Oriental  spices  ; 
and  along  the  shores  he  found  shells  of  the  kind  of  oyster 
which  produces  pearls.  From  the  grass  growing  to  the  very 
edge  of  the  water,  he  inferred  the  peacefulness  of  the  ocean 
which  bathes  these  islands,  never  lashing  the  shores  with 
angry  surges.  Ever  since  his  arrival  among  these  Antilles 
he  had  experienced  nothing  but  soft  and  gentle  weatlic-r,  and 
he  concluded  that  a  perpetual  serenity  reigned  over  these  happy 
seas.  He  was  little  suspicious  of  the  occasional  bursts  of 
fury  to  which  they  are  liable.  Charlevoix,  speaking  from 
actual  observation,  remarks,  "  The  sea  of  those  islands  is  com- 
monly more  tranquil  than  ours  ;  but,  like  certain  people  who 
are  excited  with  difficulty,  and  whose  transports  of  passion  are 
as  violent  as  they  are  rare,  so  when  the  sea  becomes  irritated, 
it  is  terrible.  It  breaks  all  bounds,  overflows  the  country, 
sweeps  away  all  things  that  oppose  it,  and  leaves  frightful 
ravages  behind,  to  mark  the  extent  of  its  inundations.  It  is 
after  these  tempests,  known  by  the  name  of  hurricanes,  that 
the  shores  are  covered  with  marine  shells,  which  greatly  sur- 
pass in  lustre  and  beauty  those  of  the  P^uropean  seas."  1  It  is  a 
singular  fact,  however,  that  the  hurricanes,  which  almost  an- 
nually devastate  the  Bahamas,  and  other  islands  in  the  immedi- 
ate vicinity  of  Cuba,  have  been  seldom  known  to  extend  their 
influence  to  this  favored  land.  It  would  seem  as  if  the  very 
elements  were  charmed  into  gentleness  as  they  approached  it. 

In  a  kind  of  riot  of  the  imagination,  Columbus  finds  at  every 
step  something  to  corroborate  the  information  be  had  received, 
or  fancied  he  had  received,  from  the  natives.  He  had  conclu- 
sive proofs,  as  he  thought,  that  Cuba  possessed  mines  of  gold, 
and  groves  of  spices,  and  that  its  shores  abounded  with  pearls. 
He  no  longer  doubted  that  it  was  the  island  of  Cipango,  and 
weighing  anchor,  coasted  along  westward,  in  which  direction, 
according  to  the  signs  of  his  interpreters,  the  magnificent  city 
of  its  king  was  situated.  In  the  course  of  his  voyage  he  lauded 
occasionally,  and  visited  several  villages ;  particularly  one  on 
the  banks  of  a  large  river,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Rio  de 
los  Mares.2  The  houses  were  neatly  built  of  branches  of  palm- 
trees  in  the  shape  of  pavilions  ;  not  laid  out  in  regular  streets, 
but  scattered  here  and  there,  among  the  groves,  and  under  the 
shade  of  broad  spreading  trees,  like  tents  in  a  camp  ;  as  is  still 
the  case  in  many  of  the  Spanish  settlements,  and  in  the  vik 


i  Charlevoix,  Hist.  St.  Domingo,  lib.  i.  p.  20.    Paris,  1730. 
1  Now  called  Savauuah  la  Mer. 


118  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

lages  in  the  interior  of  Cuba.  The  inhabitants  fled  to  the 
mountains,  or  hid  themselves  in  the  woods.  Columbus  care- 
fully noted  the  architecture  and  furniture  of  their  dwellings. 
The  houses  were  better  built  than  those  he  had  hitherto  seen, 
and  were  kept  extremely  clean.  He  found  in  them  rude 
statues,  and  wooden  masks,  carved  with  considerable  inge- 
nuity. All  these  were  indications  of  more  art  and  civilization 
than  he  had  observed  in  the  smaller  islands,  and  he  supposed 
they  would  go  on  increasing  as  he  approached  terra  n'nna. 
Finding  in  all  the  cabins  implements  for  fishing,  he  concluded 
that  these  coasts  were  inhabited  merely  by  fishermen,  who  car- 
ried their  fish  to  the  cities  in  the  interior.  He  thought  also  he 
had  found  the  skulls  of  cows,  which  proved  that  there  were 
cattle  in  the  island ;  though  these  are  supposed  to  have  been 
skulls  of  the  manati  or  sea-calf  found  on  this  coast. 

After  standing  to  the  north-west  for  some  distance,  Colum- 
bus came  in  sight  of  a  great  headland,  to  which,  from  the 
groves  with  which  it  was  covered,  he  gave  the  name  of  the 
Cape  of  Palms,  and  which  forms  the  eastern  entrance  to  what 
is  now  known  as  Laguna  de  Moron.  Here  three  Indians,  na- 
tives of  the  Island  of  Guanahane,  who  were  on  board  of  the 
Pinta,  informed  the  commander,  Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon,  that 
behind  the  cape  there  was  a  river,  whence  it  was  but  four  days' 
journey  to  Cubanacan,  a  place  abounding  in  gold.  By  this 
they  designated  a  province  situated  in  the  centre  of  Cuba; 
wacom,  in  their  language,  signifying  the  midst.  Piuzon,  how- 
ever, had  studied  intently  the  map  of  Toscauelli,  and  had  im- 
bibed from  Columbus  all  his  ideas  respecting  the  coast  of  Asia. 
He  concluded,  therefore,  that  the  Indians  were  talking  of 
Cublai  Khan,  the  Tartar  sovereign,  and  of  certain  parts  of  his 
dominions  described  by  Marco  Polo.1  He  understood  from 
them  that  Cuba  was  not  an  island,  but  terra  firma,  extending 
a  vast  distance  to  the  north,  and  that  the  king  who  reigned  m 
this  vicinity  was  at  war  with  the  Great  Khan. 

This  tissue  of  errors  and  misconceptions  he  immediately 
communicated  to  Columbus.  It  put  an  end  to  the  delusion 
in  which  the  admiral  had  hitherto  indulged,  that  this  was  the 
island  of  Cipango  ;  but  it  substituted  another  no  less  agreeable. 
He  concluded  that  he  must  have  reached  the  mainland  of 
Asia,  or  as  he  termed  it,  India,  and  if  so,  he  could  not  be  at  any 
great  distance  from  Mangi  and  Cathay,  the  ultimate  destina- 
tion for  his  voyage.  The  prince  in  question^  who  reigned  over 

1  Las  Casas,  lib.  I.  cap.  44.  MS. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  119 

this  neighboring  country,  must  be  some  Oriental  potentate  of 
consequence  ;  lie  resolved,  therefore,  to  seek  the  river  beyond 
the  Cape  of  Palms,  and  despatch  a  present  to  the  monarch,  with 
one  of  the  letters  of  recommendation  from  the  Castilian  sov- 
ereigns ;  and  after  visiting  his  dominions  he  would  proceed  to 
the  capital  of  Cathay,  the  residence  of  the  Grand  Khan. 

Every  attempt  to  reach  the  river  in  question,  however, 
proved  ineffectual.  Cape  stretched  beyond  cape  ;  there  was  no 
good  anchorage ;  the  wind  became  contrary,  and  the  appear- 
ance of  the  heavens  threatening  rough  weather,  he  put  back 
to  the  Rio  de  los  Mares. 

On  the  1st  of  November,  at  sunrise,  he  sent  the  boats  on 
shore  to  visit  several  houses,  but  the  inhabitants  fled  to  the 
woods.  He  supposed  that  they  must  mistake  his  armament 
for  one  of  the  scouring  expeditious  sent  by  the  Grand  Khan  to 
make  prisoners  and  slaves.  He  sent  the  boat  on  shore  again  in 
the  afternoon,  with  an  Indian  interpreter,  who  was  instructed 
to  assure  the  people  of  the  peaceable  and  beneficent  intentions 
of  the  Spaniards,  and  that  they  had  no  connection  with  the 
Grand  Khan.  After  the  Indian  had  proclaimed  this  from  the 
boat  to  the  savages  upon  the  beach,  part  of  it,  no  doubt,  to 
their  great  perplexity,  he  threw  himself  into  the  water  and 
swam  to  shore.  He  was  well  received  by  the  natives,  and  suc- 
ceeded so  effectually  in  calming  their  fears,  that  before  evening 
there  were  more  than  sixteen  canoes  about  the  ships,  bringing 
cotton  yarn  and  other  simple  articles  of  traffic.  Columbus  for- 
bade all  trading  for  any  thing  but  gold,  that  the  natives  might 
be  tempted  to  produce  the  real  riches  of  their  country.  They 
had  none  to  offer ;  all  were  destitute  of  ornaments  of  the  pre- 
cious metals,  excepting  one,  who  wore  in  his  nose  a  piece  of 
wrought  silver.  Columbus  understood  this  man  to  say  that 
the  king  lived  about  the  distance  of  four  days'  journey  in  the 
interior ;  that  many  messengers  had  been  despatched  to  give 
him  tidings  of  the  arrival  of  the  strangers  upon  the  coast ;  and 
that  in  less  than  three  days'  time  messengers  might  be  expected 
from  him  in  return,  and  many  merchants  from  the  interior,  to 
trade  with  the  ships.  It  is  curious  to  observe  bow  ingeniously 
the  imagination  of  Columbus  deceived  him  at  every  step,  and 
how  he  wove  every  thing  into  a  uniform  web  of  false  conclu- 
sions. Poring  over  the  map  of  Toscauelli,  referring  to  the 
reckonings  of  his  voyage,  and  musing  on  the  misinterpreted 
words  of  the  Indians,  he  imagined  that  he  must  be  on  the  bor- 
ders of  Cathay,  and  about  one  hundred  leagues  from  the  capi- 
tal of  the  Grand  Khan.  Anxious  to  arrive  there,  and  to  delay 


120  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

as  little  as  possible  in  the  territories  of  an  inferior  prince,  he 
determined  not  to  await  the  arrival  of  the  messengers  and 
merchants,  but  to  despatch  two  envoys  to  seek  the  neighboring 
monarch  at  his  residence. 

For  this  mission  he  chose  two  Spaniards,  Rodrigo  de  Jerez 
and  Luis  de  Torres  ;  the  latter  a  converted  Jew,  who  knew 
Hebrew  and  Chaldaic,  and  even  something  of  Arabic,  one  or 
other  of  which  Columbus  supposed  might  be  known  to  this 
Oriental  prince.  Two  Indians  were  sent  with  them  as  guides, 
one  a  native  of  Guanahane,  and  the  other  an  inhabitant  of  the 
hamlet  on  the  bank  of  the  river.  The  ambassadors  were  fur- 
nished with  strings  of  beads  and  other  trinkets  for  travelling 
expenses.  Instructions  were  given  them  to  inform  the  king 
that  Columbus  had  been  sent  by  the  Castilian  sovereigns,  a 
bearer  of  letters  and  a  present,  which  he  was  to  djeliver  per- 
sonally, for  the  purpose  of  establishing  an  amicable  intercourse 
between  the  powers.  They  were  likewise  to  inform  themselves 
accurately  about  the  situation  and  distances  of  certain  pro- 
vinces, ports,  and  rivers,  which  the  admiral  specified  by  name 
from  the  descriptions  which  he  had  of  the  coast  of  Asia.  They 
were  moreover  provided  with  specimens  of  spices  and  drugs, 
for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  whether  any  articles  of  the 
kind  abounded  in  the  country.  With  these  provisions  and  in- 
structions the  ambassadors  departed,  six  days  being  allowed 
them  to  go  and  return.  Many,  at  the  present  day,  will  smile 
at  this  embassy  to  a  naked  savage  chieftain  in  the  interior  of 
Cuba,  in  mistake  for  an  Asiatic  monarch  ;  but  such  was  the 
singular  nature  of  this  voyage,  a  continual  series  of  golden 
dreams,  and  all  interpreted  by  the  deluding  volume  of  Marco 
Polo. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

FURTHER  COASTING  OF  CUBA. 

WITTLE  awaiting  the  return  of  his  ambassadors,  the  admiral 
ordered  the  ships  to  be  careened  and  repaired,  and  employed 
himself  in  collecting  information  concerning  the  country.  On 
the  day  after  their  departure,  he  ascended  the  river  in  boats 
for  the  distance  of  two  leagues,  until  he  came  to  fresh  water. 
Here  landing,  he  climbed  a  hill  to  obtain  a  view  of  the  interior. 
His  view,  however,  was  shut  in  by  thick  and  lofty  forests,  of 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  121 

wild  but  beautiful  luxuriance.  Among  the  trees  were  some 
which  he  considered  linaloes  ;  many  were  odoriferous,  and  he 
doubted  not  possessed  valuable  aromatic  qualities.  There  was 
a  general  eagerness  among  the  voyagers  to  find  the  precious 
articles  of  commerce  which  grow  in  the  favored  climes  of  the 
East,  and  their  imaginations  were  continually  deceived  by  their 
rapes. 

For  two  or  three  days  the  admiral  was  excited  by  reports  of 
cinnamon-trees,  and  nutmegs,  and  rhubarb ;  but  on  examination 
they  all  proved  fallacious.  He  showed  the  natives  specimens 
of  those  and  various  other  spices  and  drugs,  and  understood 
from  them  that  those  articles  alxninded  to  the  south-east.  He 
showed  them  gold  and  pearls  also,  and  several  old  Indians 
spoke  of  a  country  where  the  natives  wore  ornameuts  of  them 
round  their  necks,  arms,  and  ankles.  They  repeatedly  men- 
tioned the  word  Bohio,  which  Columbus  supposed  to  be  the 
name  of  the  place  in  question,  and  that  it  was  some  rich  dis- 
trict or  island.  They  mingled,  however,  great  extravagances 
with  their  imperfect  accounts,  describing  nations  at  a  distance 
who  had  but  one  eye ;  others  who  had  the  heads  of  dogs,  and 
who  were  cannibals  —  cutting  the  throats  of  their  prisoners  and 
sucking  their  blood.1 

All  these  reports  of  gold,  and  pearls,  and  spices,  many  of  which 
were  probably  fabrications  to  please  the  admiral,  tended  to  keep 
up  the  persuasion  that  he  was  among  the  valuable  coasts  and 
islands  of  the  East.  On  making  a  fire  to  heat  the  tar  for  ca- 
reening the  ships,  the  seamen  found  that  the  wood  they  burnt 
sent  forth  a  powerful  odor,  and,  on  examining  it,  declared  that 
it  was  mastic.  The  wood  abounded  in  the  neighboring  forests, 
insomuch  that  Columbus  flattered  himself  a  thousand  quintals 
of  this  precious  gum  might  be  collected  every  year,  and  a  more 
abundant  supply  procured  than  that  furnished  by  Scios  and 
other  islands  of  the  Archipelago.  In  the  course  of  their  re- 
searches in  the  vegetable  kingdom,  in  quest  of  the  luxuries  of 
commerce,  they  met  with  the  potato,  a  humble  root,  little 
valued  at  the  time,  but  a  more  precious  acquisition  to  man  than 
all  the  spices  of  the  East. 

On  the  6th  of  November,  the  two  ambassadors  returned,  and 
every  one  crowded  to  hear  tidings  of  the  interior  of  the  country, 
and  of  the  prince  to  whose  capital  they  had  been  sent.  After 
penetrating  twelve  leagues,  they  had  come  to  a  village  of  fifty 
houses,  built  similarly  to  those  of  the  coast,  but  larger ;  the 

1  Primer  Viaga  de  Colou.    Navarrete,  Ixxi.  p.  48. 


122  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

whole  village  containing  at  least  a  thousand  inhabitants.  The 
natives  received  them  with  great  solemnity,  conducted  them  to 
the  best  house,  and  placed  them  in  what  appeared  to  be  intend- 
ed for  chairs  of  state,  being  wrought  out  of  single  pieces  of  wood, 
into  the  forms  of  quadrupeds.  They  then  offered  them  fruits 
and  vegetables.  Having  complied  with  the  laws  of  savage  cour- 
tesy and  hospitality,  they  seated  themselves  on  the  ground 
around  their  visitors,  and  waited  to  hear  what  they  had  to  com- 
municate. 

The  Israelite,  Luis  de  Torres,  found  his  Hebrew,  Chaldaic,  and 
Arabic  of  no  avail,  and  the  Lucayen  interpreter  had  to  be  the 
orator.  He  made  a  regular  speech,  after  the  Indian  manner,  in 
which  he  extolled  the  power,  the  wealth,  the  munificence  of  the 
white  men.  When  he  had  finished  the  Indians  crowded  round 
these  wonderful  beings,  whom,  as  usual,  they  considered  more 
than  human.  Some  touched  them,  examining  their  skin  and 
raiment,  others  kissed  their  hands  and  feet,  in  token  of  submis- 
sion or  adoration.  In  a  little  while  the  men  withdrew,  and  were 
succeeded  by  the  women,  and  the  same  ceremonies  were  re- 
peated. Some  of  the  women  had  a  slight  covering  of  netted 
cotton  round  the  middle,  but  in  general  both  sexes  were  entirely 
naked.  There  seemed  to  be  ranks  and  orders  of  society  among 
them,  and  a  chieftain  of  some  authority  ;  whereas  among  all  the 
natives  they  had  previously  met  with  a  complete  equality  seemed 
to  prevail. 

There  was  no  appearance  of  gold  or  other  precious  articles, 
and  when  they  showed  specimens  of  cinnamon,  pepper  and  other 
spices,  the  inhabitants  told  them  they  were  not  to  be  found  in 
that  neighborhood,  but  far  off  to  the  south-west. 

The  envoys  determined,  therefore,  to  return  to  the  ships. 
The  natives  would  fain  have  induced  them  to  remain  for  several 
days  ;  but  seeing  them  bent  on  departing,  a  great  number  were 
anxious  to  accompany  them,  imagining  they  were  about  to  re- 
turn to  the  skies.  They  took  with  them,  however,  only  one 
of  the  principal  men,  with  his  son,  who  were  attended  by  a 
domestic. 

On  their  way  back,  they  for  the  first  time  witnessed  the  use 
of  a  weed,  which  the  ingenious  caprice  of  man  has  since  con- 
verted into  an  universal  luxury,  in  defiance  of  the  opposition  of 
the  senses.  They  beheld  several  of  the  natives  going  about 
with  firebrands  in  their  hands,  and  certain  dried  herbs  which 
they  rolled  up  in  a  leaf,  and  lighting  one  end,  put  the  other  in 
their  mouths,  and  continued  exhaling  and  puffing  out  the  smoke. 
A  roll  of  this  kind  they  called  a  tobacco,  a  name  since  trans- 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  123 

ferred  to  the  plant  of  which  the  rolls  were  made.  The  Span- 
iards, although  prepared  to  meet  with  wonders,  were  struck  with 
astonishment  at  this  singular  and  apparently  nauseous  indul- 
gence.1 

On  their  return  to  the  ships  they  gave  favorable  accounts  of 
the  beauty  and  fertility  of  the  country.  They  had  met  with 
many  hamlets  of  four  or  five  houses,  well  peopled,  embowered 
among  trees,  laden  with  unknown  fruits  of  tempting  hue  and 
delightful  flavor.  Around  them  were  fields,  cultivated  with  the 
agi  or  sweet  pepper,  potatoes,  maize  or  Indian  corn,  a  species 
of  lupin  or  pulse,  and  yuca,  whereof  they  made  their  cassava 
bread.  These,  with  the  fruits  of  the  groves,  formed  their  prin- 
cipal food.  There  were  vast  quantities  of  cotton,  some  just 
sown,  some  in  full  growth.  There  was  great  store  of  it  also  in 
their  houses,  some  wrought  into  yarn,  or  into  nets,  of  which  they 
made1  their  hammocks.  They  had  seen  many  birds  of  rare 
plumage,  but  unknown  species ;  many  ducks ;  several  small 
partridges ;  add  they  heard  the  song  of  a  bird  which  they  had 
mistaken  for  the  nightingale.  All  they  had  seen,  however, 
betokened  a  primitive  and  simple  state  of  society.  The  wonder 
with  which  they  had  been  regarded  showed  clearly  that  the 
people  were  strangers  to  civilized  man,  nor  could  they  hear  of 
any  inland  city  superior  to  the  one  they  had  visited. 

The  report  of  the  envoys  put  an  end  to  many  splendid  fancies 
of  Columbus,  about  the  barbaric  prince  and  his  capital.  He 
was  cruising,  however,  in  a  region  of  enchantment,  in  which 
pleasing  chimeras  started  up  at  every  step,  exercising  by  turns 
a  power  over  his  imagination.  During  the  absence  of  the  emis- 
saries, the  Indians  had  informed  him,  by  signs,  of  a  place  to  the 
eastward,  where  the  people  collected  gold  along  the  river  banks 
by  torchlight,  and  afterward  wrought  it  into  bare  with  hammers. 
In  speaking  of  this  place  they  again  used  the  words  Babeque 
and  Bohio,  which  he,  as  usual,  supposed  to  be  the  proper  names 
of  islands  or  countries.  The  true  meaning  of  these  words  has 
been  variously  explained.  It  is  said  that  they  were  applied  by 
the  Indians  to  the  coast  of  terra  firma,  called  also  by  them 
caritaba.4  It  is  also  said  that  Bohio  means  a  house,  and  was 

1   Primer  Viage  de  Xavarrete,  torn.  i.  p.  51. 

"  Hallaron  por  el  caroino  nine  ha  gente  que  atravesaban  a  BUS  pueblos  rouge  res  y 
bomlireo :  i*iempre  Io»  hombres  con  un  tison  en  la»  manos  y  ciertos  yerbas  para  tomar  BUS 
nbumerloc,  que  son  una*  yerbas  secus  metidas  en  una  cierta  hoja  «ec-a  larnbien  amanera 
de  ir.usquete  hecho  de  papel  de  los  que  bacon  log  muchachos  la  I'ascua  del  Bepiritu 
Santo,  y  enoondido  por  una  parte  de  el,  por  la  otra  chupan  6  sorbant  6  recilien  con  el 
rer-uello  por  adentru  aquel  luiruo:  con  el  qual  se  adormecen  las  carries  y  c-imsi  einbor- 
rarlm,  y  ;i-j  diz  que  no  sicnicn  el  caasancio.  ErUox  mosquetos,  6  como  los  llainaremaa, 
llamen  ellos  tahacos." — \&&  C'asas,  Hist.  Gen.  lud.  lib.  i.  cap.  46. 

*  Muuoz,  Hist.  N.  Muudo,  cap.  3. 


124  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

often  used  by  the  Indians  to  signify  the  populonsness  of  an 
island.  Hence  it  was  frequently  applied  to  Hispaniola,  as  well 
as  the  more  general  name  of  Hayti,  which  means  high  hind,  and 
occasionally  Quisqueya  (i.e.  the  whole),  on  account  of  its 
extent. 

The  misapprehension  of  these,  and  other  words,  was  a  source 
of  perpetual  error  to  Columbus.  Sometimes  he  supposed 
Babeque  and  Bohio  to  signify  the  same  islands  ;  sometimes  to  be 
different  places  or  islands  ;  and  Quisqueya  he  supposed  to  mean 
Quisai  or  Kuinsai  (i.e.  the  celestial  city)  mentioned  by  Marco 
Polo. 

His  great  object  was  to  arrive  at  some  opulent  and  civilized 
country  of  the  East,  with  which  he  might  establish  commercial 
relations,  and  whence  he  might  carry  home  a  quantity  of  Orien- 
tal merchandise  as  a  rich  trophy  of  his  discovery.  The  season 
was  advancing ;  the  cool  nights  gave  hints  of  approaching  win- 
ter ;  he  resolved,  therefore,  not  to  proceed  farther  to  the  north, 
nor  to  linger  about  uncivilized  places,  which,  at  present,  he  had 
not  the  means  of  colonizing,  but  to  return  to  the  east-south-east, 
in  quest  of  Babeque,  which  he  trusted  might  prove  some  rich 
and  civilized  island  on  the  coast  of  Asia. 

Before  leaving  the  river,  to  which  he  had  given  the  name  of 
Rio  de  Mares,  he  took  several  of  the  natives  to  carry  with  him 
to  Spain,  for  the  purpose  of  teaching  them  the  language,  that, 
in  future  voyages,  they  might  serve  as  interpreters.  He  took 
them  of  both  sexes,  having  learned  from  the  Portuguese  dis- 
coverers that  the  men  were  always  more  contented  on  the  voy- 
age, and  serviceable  on  their  return,  when  accompanied  by 
females.  With  the  religious  feeling  of  the  day,  he  anticipated 
<riv;it  triumphs  to  the  faith  and  glory  to  the  crown,  from  the 
conversion  of  these  savage  nations,  through  the  means  of  the 
natives  thus  instructed.  He  imagined  that  the  Indians  had  no 
system  of  religion,  but  a  disposition  to  receive  its  impressions  ; 
as  they  regarded  with  great  reverence  and  attention  the  religious 
ceremonies  of  the  Spaniards,  soon  repeating  by  rote  any  prayer 
taught  them,  and  making  the  sign  of  the  cross  with  the  most 
edifying  devotion.  They  had  an  idea  of  a  future  state,  but  lim- 
ited and  confused.  "They  confess  the  soul  to  be  immortal," 
says  Peter  Martyr,  "and  having  put  off  the  bodily  clothing, 
they  imagine  it  goes  forth  to  the  woods  and  the  mountains,  and 
that  It  liveth  there  perpetually  in  caves;  nor  do  they  exempt  it 
from  eating  and  drinking,  but  that  it  should  be  fed  there.  The 
answering  voices  heard  from  caves  and  hollows,  which  the 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  125 

Latines  call  echoes,  they  suppose  to  be  the  souls  of  the  departed, 
wandering  through  those  places.1 

From  the  natural  tendency  to  devotion  which  Columbus 
thought  he  discovered  among  them,  from  their  gentle  natures, 
and  their  ignorance  of  all  warlike  arts,  he  pronounces  it  an  easy 
matter  to  make  them  devout  members  of  the  church  and  loyal 
subjects  of  the  crown.  He  concludes  his  speculations  upon  the 
advantages  to  be  derived  from  the  colonization  of  these  parts  by 
anticipating  a  great  trade  for  gold,  which  must  abound  in  the 
interior ;  for  pearls  and  precious  stones,  of  which,  though  he  had 
seen  none,  he  had  received  frequent  accounts  ;  for  gums  and 
spices,  of  which  he  thought  he  had  found  indubitable  traces ; 
and  for  the  cotton,  which  grew  wild  in  vast  quantities.  Many 
of  these  articles,  he  observes,  would  probably  find  a  nearer 
market  than  Spain,  in  the  ports  and  cities  of  the  Great  Khan, 
at  which  he  had  no  doubt  of  soon  arriving.2 


CHAPTER  V. 

SEARCH   AFTER   THE    SUPPOSED   ISLAND    OF   BABEQUE  —  DESERTION 
OF   THE    PINTA. 

[1492.] 

ON  the  12th  of  November,  Columbus  turned  his  course  to  the 
east-south-east,  to  follow  back  the  direction  of  the  coast.  This 
may  be  considered  another  critical  change  in  his  voyage,  which 
had  a  great  effect  upon  his  subsequent  discoveries.  He  had  pro- 
ceeded far  within  what  is  called  the  old  channel,  between  Cuba 
and  the  Bahamas.  In  two  or  three  days  more  he  would  have 
discovered  his  mistake  in  supposing  Cuba  a  part  of  terra  firma ; 
an  error  in  which  he  continued  to  the  day  of  his  death.  He 
might  have  had  intimation  also  of  the  vicinity  of  the  continent, 
and  have  stood  for  the  coast  of  Florida,  or  have  been  carried 
thither  by  the  gulf  stream,  or,  continuing  along  Cuba  where  it 
bends  to  the  south-west,  might  have  struck  over  to  the  opposite 
coast  of  Yucatan,  and  have  realized  his  most  sanguine  anticipa- 
tions in  becoming  the  discoverer  of  Mexico.  It  was  sufficient 
glory  for  Columbus,  however,  to  have  discovered  a  new  world. 

*  P.  Martyr,  dcc-ad.  viii.  cap.  9;  M.  Lock's  translation,  1612. 
1  Primer  Yiagc  de  Colon.    Navarrete,  torn.  i. 


126  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

Its  more  golden  regions  were  reserved  to  give  splendor  to  suc- 
ceeding enterprises. 

He  now  ran  along  the  coast  for  two  or  three  days  without 
stopping  to  explore  it,  as  no  populous  towns  or  cities  were  to  he 
seen.  Passing  hy  a  great  cape,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of 
Cape  Cuba,  he  struck  eastward  in  search  of  Babeque,  but  on  the 
14th  a  head  wind  and  boisterous  sea  obliged  him  to  put  back  and 
anchor  in  a  deep  and  secure  harbor,  to  which  he  gave  the  name 
of  Puerto  del  Principe.  Here  he  erected  a  cross  on  a  neighbor- 
ing height,  in  token  of  possession.  A  few  days  were  passed  in 
exploring  with  his  boats  an  archipelago  of  small  but  beautiful 
islands  in  the  vicinity,  since  known  as  El  jardin  del  Rey,  or  the 
king's  garden.  The  gulf,  studded  with  these  islands,  he  named 
the  sea  of  Nuestra  Senora ;  in  modern  days  it  has  been  a  lurk- 
ing-place for  pirates,  who  have  found  secure  shelter  and  con- 
cealment among  the  channels  and  solitary  harbors  of  this 
archipelago.  These  islands  were  covered  with  noble  trees, 
among  which  the  Spaniards  thought  they  discovered  mastic  and 
aloes. 

On  the  19th  Columbus  again  put  to  sea,  and  for  two  days  made 
ineffectual  attempts,  against  head  winds,  to  reach  an  island  di- 
rectly east,  about  sixty  miles  distant,  which  he  supposed  to  be 
Babeque.  The  wind  continuing  obstinately  adverse  and  the  sea 
rough,  he  put  his  ship  about  toward  evening  of  the  20th,  mak- 
ing signals  for  the  other  vessels  to  follow  him.  His  signals  were 
unattended  to  by  the  Pinta,  which  was  considerably  to  the  east- 
ward. Columbus  repeated  the  signals,  but  they  were  still  un- 
attended to.  Night  coming  on,  he  shortened  sail  and  hoisted 
signal  lights  to  the  masthead,  thinking  Pinzon  would  yet  join 
him,  which  he  could  easily  do,  having  the  wind  astern  ;  but  when 
the  morning  dawned  the  Pinta  was  no  longer  to  be  seen.1 

Columbus  was  disquieted  by  this  circumstance.  Pinzon  was 
a  veteran  navigator,  accustomed  to  hold  a  high  rank  among  his 
nautical  associates.  The  squadron  had  in  a  great  measure  been 
manned  and  fitted  out  through  his  influence  and  exertions  ;  he 
could  ill  brook  subordination  therefore  to  Columbus,  whom  he 
perhaps  did  not  consider  his  superior  in  skill  and  knowledge, 
and  who  had  been  benefited  by  his  purse.  Several  misunder- 
standings and  disputes  had  accordingly  occurred  between  them 
in  the  course  of  the  voyage,  and  when  Columbus  saw  Pinzon 
thus  parting  company,  without  any  appointed  rendezvous,  he 
suspected  either  that  he  intended  to  take  upon  himself  a  sepa- 

'  Laa  C'asa*.  Hist.  Ind.,  torn.  i.  cap.  27.  llist.  del  AlmirauU;,  cap.  29.  Journal  of 
Columbus.  >iiiv;inx-U',  torn.  i. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  127 

rate  command  and  prosecute  the  enterprise  in  his  own  name,  or 
hasten  hack  to  Spain  and  hear  off  the  glory  of  the  discovery. 
To  attempt  to  seek  him,  however,  was  fruitless ;  he  was  far  out 
of  sight;  his  vessel  was  a  superior  sailer,  and  it  was  impossihle 
to  say  what  course  he  had  steered.  Columbus  stood  hack, 
therefore,  for  Cuba,  to  finish  the  exploring  of  its  coast ;  but  he 
no  longer  possessed  his  usual  serenity  of  mind  and  unity  of  pur- 
pose, and  was  embarrassed  in  the  prosecution  of  his  discoveries 
by  doubts  of  the  designs  of  Pinzon. 

On  the  24th  of  November  he  regained  Point  Cuba,  and 
anchored  in  a  fine  harl>or  formed  by  the  mouth  of  a  river,  to 
which  he  gave  the  name  of  St.  Catherine.  It  was  bordered  by 
rich  meadows  ;  the  neighboring  mountains  were  well  wooded, 
having  pines  tall  enough  to  make  masts  for  the  finest  ships,  and 
noble  oaks.  In  the  bed  of  the  river  were  found  stones  veined 
with  gold. 

Columbus  continued  for  several  days  coasting  the  residue  of 
Cuba,  extolling  the  magnificence,  freshness,  and  verdure  of  the 
scenery,  the  purity  of  the  rivers,  and  the  number  and  commo- 
diousness  of  the  harbors.  Speaking  in  his  letters  to  the  sover- 
eigns of  one  place,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Puerto  Santo, 
he  says,  in  his  artless  but  enthusiastic  language,  "The  amenity 
of  this  river,  and  the  clearness  of  the  water,  through  which  the 
sand  at  the  bottom  may  be  seen  ;  the  multitude  of  palm-trees  of 
various  forms,  the  highest  and  most  beautiful  that  I  have  met 
with,  and  an  infinity  of  other  great  and  green  trees  ;  the  birds  in 
rich  plumage  and  the  verdure  of  the  fields,  render  this  country, 
most  serene  princes,  of  such  marvellous  beauty,  that  it  sur- 
passes all  others  in  charms  and  graces,  as  the  day  doth  the  night 
in  lustre.  For  which  reason  I  often  say  to  my  people,  that, 
much  as  I  endeavor  to  give  a  complete  account  of  it  to  your 
majesties,  my  tongue  cannot  express  the  whole  truth,  nor  my 
pen  describe  it ;  and  I  have  been  so  overwhelmed  at  the  sight  of 
so  much  beauty,  that  I  have  not  known  how  to  relate  it." 

The  transparency  of  the  water,  which  Columbus  attributed  to 
the  purity  of  the  rivers,  is  the  property  of  the  ocean  in  these 
latitudes.  So  clear  is  the  sea  in  the  neighborhood  of  some  of 
these  islands,  that  in  still  weather  the  bottom  may  be  seen,  as 
in  a  crystal  fountain  ;  and  the  inhabitants  dive  down  four  or 
five  fathoms  in  search  of  conchs,  and  other  shell-fish,  which  are 
visible  from  the  surface.  The  delicate  air  and  pure  waters  of 
these  islands  are  among  their  greatest  charms. 

1  Hist,  del  Almirante,  cap.  29. 


128  LIFE  OF  CUEISTOPIIER   COLUMBUS. 

As  a  proof  of  the  gigantic  vegetation,  Columbus  mentions  the 
enormous  size  of  the  canoes  formed  from  single  trunks  of  trees. 
One  that  he  saw  was  capable  of  containing  one  hundred  and 
fifty  persons.  Among  other  articles  found  in  the  Indian  dwell- 
ings was  a  cake  of  wax,  which  he  took  to  present  to  the  Cast.il- 
ian  sovereigns,  "  for  where  there  is  wax,"  said  he,  "  there  must 
be  a  thousand  other  good  things."  1  It  is  since  supposed  to 
have  been  brought  from  Yucatan,  as  the  inhabitants  of  Cuba 
were  not  accustomed  to  gather  wax.2 

On  the  5th  of  December  he  reached  the  eastern  end  of  Cuba, 
which  he  supposed  to  be  the  eastern  extremity  of  Asia ;  he  gave 
it,  therefore,  the  name  of  Alpha  and  Omega,  the  beginning  and 
the  end.  He  was  now  greatly  perplexed  what  course  to  take. 
If  he  kept  along  the  coast  as  it  bent  to  the  south-west,  it  might 
bring  him  to  the  more  civilized  and  opulent  parts  of  India ;  but 
if  he  took  this  course,  he  must  abandon  all  hope  of  finding  the 
island  of  Babeque,  which  the  Indians  now  said  lay  to  the  north- 
east, and  of  which  they  still  continued  to  give  the  most  marvel- 
lous accounts.  It  was  a  state  of  embarrassment  characteristic 
of  this  extraordinary  voyage,  to  have  a  new  and  unknown 
world  thus  spread  out  to  the  choice  of  the  explorer,  where  won- 
ders and  beauties  invited  him  on  every  side  ;  but  where,  which- 
ever way  he  turned,  he  might  leave  the  true  region  of  profit  and 
delight  behind. 


CHAPTER    VI. 

DISCOVERY   OF   HISPANIOLA. 
[1492.] 

WHILE  Columbus  was  steering  at  large  beyond  the  eastern  ex- 
tremity of  Cuba,  undetermined  what  course  to  take,  he  descried 
land  to  the  south-east,  gradually  increasing  upon  the  view ;  its 
high  mountains  towering  above  the  clear  horizon,  and  giving 
evidence  of  an  island  of  great  extent.  The  Indians,  on  behold- 
ing it,  exclaimed  Bohio,  the  name  by  which  Columbus  under- 
stood them  to  designate  some  country  which  abounded  in  gold. 
When  they  saw  him  standing  in  that  direction,  they  showed 
great  signs  of  terror,  imploring  him  not  to  visit  it,  assuring  him, 
by  signs,  that  the.  inhabitants  were  fierce  and  cruel,  that  they 

1  Journal  of  Columbus.    Navarrete,  toiu.  i.  >  Herrera,  Hist.  Ind.,  decatl.  i. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  129 

had  but  one  eye,  and  were  cannibals.  The  wind  being  unfavor- 
able, and  the  nights  long,  during  which  they  did  not  dare  to 
make  sail  in  these  unknown  seas,  they  were  a  great  part  of  two 
days  working  up  to  the  island. 

In  the  transparent  atmosphere  of  the  tropics,  objects  are  de- 
scried at  a  great  distance,  and  the  purity  of  the  air  and  seren- 
ity of  the  deep  blue  sky  give  a  magical  effect  to  the  scenery. 
I'nder  these  advantages,  the  beautiful  island  of  Hayti  revealed 
itself  to  the  eye  as  they  approached.  Its  mountains  were  higher 
and  more  rocky  than  those  of  the  other  islands  ;  but  the  rocks 
rose  from  among  rich  forests.  The  mountains  swept  down  into 
luxuriant  plains  and  green  savannas ;  while  the  appearance 
of  cultivated  fields,  of  numerous  fires  at  night,  and  columns  of 
smoke  by  day,  showed  it  to  be  populous.  It  rose  before  them 
in  all  the  splendor  of  tropical  vegetation,  one  of  the  most 
beautiful  islands  in  the  world,  and  doomed  to  be  one  of  the 
most  unfortunate. 

In  the  evening  of  the  Gth  of  December,  Columbus  entered  a 
harbor  at  the  western  end  of  the  island,  to  which  he  gave  the 
name  of  St.  Nicholas,  by  which  it  is  called  at  the  present  day. 
The  harbor  was  spacious  and  deep,  surrounded  with  large  trees, 
many  of  them  loaded  with  fruit ;  while  a  beautiful  plain  ex- 
tended in  front  of  the  port,  traversed  by  a  fine  stream  of  water. 
From  the  number  of  canoes  seen  in  various  parts,  there  were 
evidently  large  villages  in  the  neighborhood,  but  the  natives  had 
fled  with  terror  at  sight  of  the  ships. 

Leaving  the  harbor  of  .St.  Nicholas  on  the  7th,  they  coasted 
along  the  northern  side  of  the  island.  It  was  lofty  and  moun- 
tainous, but  with  green  savannas  and  long  sweeping  plains.  At 
one  place  they  caught  a  view  up  a  rich  and  smiling  valley  that 
ran  far  into  the  interior,  between  two  mountains,  and  appeared 
to  be  in  a  high  state  of  cultivation. 

For  several  days  they  were  detained  in  a  harbor  which  they 
called  Port  Conception,1  a  small  river  emptied  into  it,  after 
winding  through  a  delightful  country.  The  coast  abounded 
with  fish,  some  of  which  even  leaped  into  their  boats.  They 
cast  their  nets,  therefore,  and  caught  great  quantities,  and 
among  them  several  kinds  similar  to  those  of  Spain  —  the  first 
fish  they  had  met  with  resembling  those  of  their  own  country. 
The  notes  of  the  bird  which  they  mistook  for  the  nightingale, 

1  Now  known  !>y  the  name  of  the  Bay  of  Moustique. 

NOTE.  —  The  author  has  received  very  oblitfint;  and  interesting  letters,  dated  in 
1817.  from  T.  S.  llelieken,  Ksq.,  many  years  a  resident  of  St.  DoiniML">.  i-'ivi'ii:  names, 
localities.  a>id  other  particulars  connected  with  the  transactions  of  < 'nlimiljus  in  that 
island.  Theso  will  be  thankfully  made  use  of  aud  duly  cited  i.i  the  course  of  the  work. 


130  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

and  of  several  others  to  which  they  were  accustomed,  reminded 
them  strongly  of  the  groves  of  their  distant  Andalusia.  They 
fancied  the  features  of  the  surrounding  country  resembled  those 
of  the  more  beautiful  provinces  of  Spain,  and,  in  consequence, 
the  admiral  named  the  island  Hispauiola. 

Desirous  of  establishing  some  intercourse  with  the  natives, 
who  had  abandoned  the  coast  on  his  arrival,  he  despatched  six 
men,  well  armed,  into  the  interior.  They  found  several  culti- 
vated fields,  and  traces  of  roads,  and  places  where  fires  had 
been  made,  but  the  inhabitants  had  fled  with  terror  to  the 
mountains. 

Though  the  whole  country  was  solitary  and  deserted,  Colum- 
bus consoled  himself  with  the  idea  that  there  must  be  populous 
towns  in  the  interior,  where  the  people  had  taken  refuge,  and 
that  the  fires  he  had  beheld  had  been  signal  fires,  like  those 
lighted  up  on  the  mountains  of  Spain,  in  the  times  of  Moorish 
war,  to  give  the  alarm  when  there  was  any  invasion  of  the  sea- 
board. 

On  the  12th  of  December,  Columbus  with  great  solemnity 
erected  a  cross  on  a  commanding  eminence,  at  the  entrance  of 
the  harbor,  in  sign  of  having  taken  possession.  As  three  sailors 
were  rambling  about  the  vicinity  they  beheld  a  large  number 
of  the  natives,  who  immediately  took  flight ;  but  the  sailors 
pursued  them,  and  captured  a  young  female,  whom  they 
brought  to  the  ships.  She  was  perfectly  naked,  a  bad  omen  as 
to  the  civilization  of  the  island,  but  an  ornament  of  gold  in  the 
nose  gave  hope  of  the  precious  metal.  The  admiral  soon  soothed 
her  terror  by  his  kindness,  and  by  presents  of  beads,  brass 
rings,  hawks'  bells,  and  other  trinkets,  and,  having  had  her 
clothed,  sent  her  on  shore  accompanied  by  several  of  the  crew 
and  three  of  the  Indian  interpreters.  So  well  pleased  was  she 
with  her  finery,  and  with  the  kind  treatment  she  had  experi- 
enced, that  she  would  gladly  have  remained  with  the  Indian 
women  whom  she  found  on  board.  The  party  sent  with  her 
returned  on  Ixrnrd  late  in  the  night,  without  venturing  to  her 
village,  which  was  far  inland.  Confident  of  the  favorable  im- 
pression which  the  report  given  by  the  woman  must  produce, 
the  admiral  on  the  following  day  despatched  nine  stout-hearted, 
well-armed  men,  to  seek  the  village,  accompanied  by  a  native 
of  Cuba  as  an  interpreter.  They  found  it  about  four  and  a  half 
leagues  to  the  south-east,  in  a  fine  valley,  on  the  banks  of  a 
beautiful  river.1  It  contained  one  thousand  houses,  but  the  iu- 

1  Thin  vilhiirc-  was  fortm-rlv  known  by  Ihc  name  of  Gro*  Morne,  cituati-d  on  tin-  banks 
of  ihe  liver  of  "  Troia  tttvfore*,"  which  cinptii-D  itself  naif  a  mile  west  of  1'orl  de  1'uil. 
Kavurn-ie,  luiu.  i. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  131 

habitants  fled  as  they  approached.  The  interpreter  overtook 
them,  and  assured  them  of  the  goodness  of  these  strangers,  who 
had  descended  from  the  skies,  and  went  about  the  world  mak- 
ing precious  and  beautiful  presents.  Thus  assured,  the  natives 
ventured  back  to  the  number  of  two  thousand.  They  ap- 
proached the  Spaniards  with  slow  and  trembling  steps,  often 
pausing  and  putting  their  hands  upon  their  heads,  in  token  of 
profound  reverence  and  submission.  They  were  a  well-formed 
race,  fairer  and  handsomer  than  the  natives  of  the  other 
islands.1  While  the  Spaniards  were  conversing  with  them 
by  means  of  their  interpreter,  another  multitude  approached, 
headed  by  the  husband  of  the  female  captive.  They  brought 
her  in  triumph  on  their  shoulders,  and  the  husband  was  profuse 
in  his  gratitude  for  the  kindness  with  which  she  had  been 
treated,  and  the  magnificent  presents  which  had  been  bestowed 
upon  her. 

The  Indians  now  conducted  the  Spaniards  to  their  houses, 
and  set  before  them  cassava  bread,  fish,  roots,  and  fruits  of 
various  kinds.  They  brought  also  great  numbers  of  domesti- 
cated parrots,  and  indeed  offered  freely  whatever  they  possessed. 
The  great  river  flowing  through  this  valley  was  bordered  with 
noble  forests,  among  which  were  palms,  bananas,  and  many 
trees  covered  with  fruit  and  flowers.  The  air  was  mild  as  in 
April ;  the  birds  sang  all  day  long,  and  some  were  even  heard 
in  the  night.  The  Spaniards  had  not  learned  as  yet  to  account 
for  the  difference  of  seasons  in  this  opposite  part  of  the  globe  ; 
they  were  astonished  to  hear  the  voice  of  this  supposed  night- 
ingale singing  in  the  midst  of  Deceml>er,  and  considered  it  a 
proof  that  there  was  no  winter  in  this  happy  climate.  They 
returned  to  the  ships  enraptured  with  the  beauty  of  the  country, 
surpassing,  as  they  said,  even  the  luxuriant  plains  of  Cordova. 
All  that  they  complained  of  was  that  they  saw  no  signs  of  riches 
among  the  natives.  And  here  it  is  impossible  to  refrain  from 
dwelling  on  the  picture  given  by  the  first  discoverers,  of  the 
state  of  manners  in  this  eventful  island  l>efore  the  arrival  of 
the  white  men.  According  to  their  accounts,  the  people  of 
Hayti  existed  in  that  state  of  primitive  and  savage  simplicity 
which  some  philosophers  have  fondly  pictured  as  the  most  envi- 
able on  earth  ;  surrounded  by  natural  blessings,  without  even  a 
knowledge  of  artificial  wants.  The  fertile  earth  produced  the 
chief  part  of  their  food  almost  without  culture  :  their  rivers  and 
seacoast  abounded  with  fish,  and  they  caught  the  utia,  the 

s,  lib.  i.  cap.  5a,  MS. 


132  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

guana,  and  a  variety  of  birds.  This,  to  beings  of  their  frugal 
:iii' I  temperate  habits,  was  great  abundance,  and  what  nature 
furnished  thus  spontaneously  they  willingly  shared  with  all  the 
world.  Hospitality,  we  are  told,  was  with  them  a  law  of  nature 
universally  observed  ;  there  was  no  need  of  being  known  to 
to  receive  its  succors ;  every  house  was  as  open  to  the  stranger 
as  his  own.1  Columbus,  too,  in  a  letter  to  Luis  de  St.  Angel, 
observes,  "True  it  is  that  after  they  felt  confidence,  and  lost 
their  fear  of  us,  they  were  so  liberal  with  what  they  possessed, 
that  it  would  not  be  believed  by  those  who  had  not  seen  it.  Jf 
any  tiling  was  asked  of  them,  they  never  said  no,  but  rather 
gave  it  cheerfully,  and  showed  as  much  amity  as  if  they  gave 
their  very  hearts  ;  and  whether  the  thing  were  of  value,  or  of 
little  price,  they  were  content  with  whatever  was  given  in  re- 
turn. ...  In  all  these  islands  it  appears  to  me  that  the  men 
are  all  content  with  one  wife,  but  they  give  twenty  to  their 
chieftain  or  king.  The  women  seem  to  work  more  than  the 
men  ;  and  I  have  not  been  able  to  understand  whether  they  pos- 
sess individual  property ;  but  rather  think  that  whatever  one 
has  all  the  rest  share,  especially  in  all  articles  of  provisions."  2 

One  of  the  most  pleasing  descriptions  of  the  inhabitants  of 
this  island  is  given  by  old  Peter  Martyr,  who  gathered  it.  as  he 
says,  from  the  conversations  of  the  admiral  himself.  'k  It  is 
certain,"  says  he,  "that  the  land  among  these  people  is  as 
common  as  the  sun  and  water;  and  that  '  mine  and  thine,'  the 
seeds  of  all  mischief,  have  no  place  with  them.  They  are  con- 
tent with  so  little,  that  in  so  large  a  country  they  have  rather 
superfluity  than  scarceness ;  so  that  they  seem  to  live  in  the 
golden  world,  without  toil,  living  in  open  gardens  ;  not  intrenched 
with  dykes,  divided  with  hedges,  or  defended  with  walls.  They 
deal  truly  one  with  another,  without  laws,  without  books,  and 
without  judges.  They  take  him  for  an  evil  and  mischievous 
man,  who  taketh  pleasure  in  doing  hurt  to  another ;  and  albeit 
they  delight  not  in  superfluities,  yet  they  make  provision  for  the 
increase  of  such  roots  whereof  they  make  their  bread,  contented 
with  such  simple  diet,  whereby  health  is  preserved  and  disease 
avoided."  3 

Much  of  this  picture  may  be  overcolored  by  the  imagination, 
but  it  is  generally  confirmed  by  contemporary  historians.  They 
all  concur  in  representing  the  life  of  these  islanders  as  approach- 
ing to  the  golden  state  of  poetical  felicity  ;  living  under  the 

»  Cbarlevoiz.     Hirt.  St.  Domingo,  lib.  1. 

*  Letter  of  Columbut*  to  Luis  de  St.  Angel.    Navarrete,  torn.  i.  p.  167. 

»  1'.  Martyr,  detail,  i.  lib.  iii.     Trails!,  of  Hichard  Kdeii,  looo. 


•       LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  133 

absolute  but  patriarchal  and  easy  rule  of  their  caciques,  free 
from  pride,  with  few  wants,  an  abundant  country.  :i  happily- 
tampered  climate,  and  a  natural  disposition  to  careless  and 
indolent  eujoymeiit. 


CHAPTER    VII. 

COASTING   OF    IIISPANIOLA. 
[1492.] 

the  weather  became  favorable,  Columbus  made  another 
attempt,  on  the  14th  of  December,  to  find  the  island  of  Babeque, 
but  was  again  baffled  by  adverse  winds.  In  the  course  of  this 
attempt  he  visited  an  island  lying  opposite  to  the  harbor  of 
Conception,  to  which,  from  its  abounding  in  turtle,  he  gave  the 
name  of  Tortugas.1  The  natives  had  fled  to  the  rocks  and 
forests,  and  alarm  fires  blazed  along  the  heights.  The  country 
was  so  beautiful  that  he  gave  to  one  of  the  valleys  the  name  of 
Valle  de  Paraiso,  or  the  Vale  of  Paradise,  and  called  a  fine 
stream  the  Guadalquivir,  after  that  renowned  river  which  flows 
through  some  of  the  fairest  provinces  of  Spain.2 

Setting  sail  on  the  IGth  of  December  at  midnight,  Columbus 
steered  again  for  Hispaniola.  When  half  way  across  the  gulf 
which  separates  the  islands,  he  perceived  a  canoe  navigated  by 
a  single  Indian,  and,  as  on  a  former  occasion,  was  astonished  at 
his  hardihood  in  venturing  so  far  from  land  in  so  frail  a  bark, 
and  at  his  adroitness  in  keeping  it  above  water,  as  the  wind  was 
fresh,  and  there  was  some  sea  running.  He  ordered  both  him 
and  his  canoe  to  be  taken  on  board  ;  and  having  anchored  near  a 
village  on  the  coast  of  Hispaniola,  at  present  known  as  Puerto 
de  Paz,  he  sent  him  on  shore  well  regaled  and  enriched  with 
various  presents. 

In  the  early  intercourse  with  these  people,  kindness  never 
seems  to  have  failed  in  its  effect.  The  favorable  accounts  given 
by  this  Indian,  and  by  those  with  whom  the  Spaniards  had  com- 
municated in  their  previous  landings,  dispelled  the  fears  of  the 
islanders.  A  friendly  intercourse  soon  took  place,  and  the 
ships  were  visited  by  a  cacique  of  the  neighborhood.  From 
this  chieftain  and  his  counsellors,  Columbus  had  further  infor- 

1  This  island  in  after  time*  became  the  headquarters  of  the  famous  Buccaneers. 
1  Journal  of  Columburt.     Navancte,  Colec.,  loin.  i.  p.  Ul. 


134  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

mation  of  the  island  of  Babeque,  which  was  descrilx?d  as  lying  at 
no  great  distance.  No  mention  is  afterward  made  of  this  island, 
nor  does  it  appear  that  he  made  any  further  attempt  to  seek  it. 
No  such  island  exists  in  the  ancient  charts,  and  it  is  probable 
that  this  was  one  of  the  numerous  misinterpretations  of  Indian 
words,  which  led  the  first  discoverers  into  so  many  fruitless 
researches.  The  people  of  Hispauiola  appeared  handsomer  to 
Columbus  than  any  he  had  yet  met  with,  and  of  a  gentle  and 
peaceable  disposition.  Some  of  them  had  ornaments  of  gold, 
which  they  readily  gave  away  or  exchanged  for  any  trifle.  The 
country  was  finely  diversified  with  lofty  mountains  and  green 
valleys,  which  stretched  away  inland  as  far  as  the  eye  could 
reach.  The  mountains  were  of  such  easy  ascent  that  the  highest 
of  them  might  l>e  ploughed  with  oxen,  and  the  luxuriant  growth 
of  the  forests  manifested  the  fertility  of  the  soil.  The  valleys 
were  watered  by  numerous  clear  and  beautiful  streams  ;  they 
appeared  to  be  cultivated  in  many  places,  and  to  be  fitted  for 
grain,  for  orchards,  and  pasturage. 

While  detained  at  this  harbor  by  contrary  winds,  Columbus 
was  visited  by  a  young  cacique,  who  came  borne  by  four  men 
on  a  sort  of  litter,  and  attended  by  two  hundred  of  his  subjects. 
The  admiral  being  at  dinner  when  he  arrived,  the  young  chief- 
tain ordered  his  followers  to  remain  without,  and  entering  the 
cabin,  took  his  seat  beside  Columbus,  not  permitting  him  to  rise 
or  use  any  ceremony.  Only  two  old  men  entered  with  him,  who 
appeared  to  be  his  counsellors,  and  who  seated  themselves  at  his 
feet.  If  any  thing  were  given  him  to  eat  or  drink,  he  merely 
tasted  it,  and  sent  it  to  his  followers,  maintaining  an  air  of  great 
gravity  and  dignity.  He  spoke  but  little,  his  two  counsellors 
watching  his  lips,  and  catching  and  communicating  his  ideas. 
After  dinner  he  presented  the  admiral  with  a  belt  curiously 
wrought,  and  two  pieces  of  gold.  Columbus  gave  him  a  piece 
of  cloth,  several  amber  beads,  colored  shoes,  and  a  flask  of 
orange-flower  water ;  he  showed  him  a  Spanish  coin,  on  which 
were  the  likenesses  of  the  king  and  queen,  and  endeavored  to 
explain  to  him  the  power  and  grandeur  of  those  sovereigns ; 
he  displaj'ed  also  the  royal  banners  and  the  standard  of  the 
cross ;  but  it  was  all  in  vain  to  attempt  to  convey  any  clear  idea 
hy  these  symlwls ;  the  cacique  could  not  be  made  to  believe  that 
there  was  a  region  on  the  earth  which  produced  these  wonderful 
people  and  wonderful  things  ;  he  joined  in  the  common  idea 
that  the  Spaniards  were  more  than  mortal,  and  that  the  country 
and  sovereigns  they  talked  of  must  exist  somewhere  in  the 
skies. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  135 

In  the  evening  the  cacique  was  sent  on  shore  in  the  boat  with 
great  ceremony,  and  a  salute  fired  in  honor  of  him.  He  departed 
in  the  state  in  which  he  had  come,  carried  on  a  litter,  accompa- 
nied by  a  great  concourse  of  his  subjects  ;  not  far  behind  him 
was  his  son,  borne  and  escorted  in  like  manner,  and  his  brother 
on  foot,  supported  by  two  attendants.  The  presents  which  he 
had  received  from  the  admiral  were  carried  triumphantly  before 
him. 

They  procured  but  little  gold  in  this  place,  though  whatever 
ornaments  the  natives  possessed  they  readily  gave  away.  The 
region  of  promise  lay  still  farther  on,  and  one  of  the  old  coun- 
sellors of  the  cacique  told  Columbus  that  he  would  soon  arrive 
at  islands  rich  in  the  precious  ore.  Before  leaving  this  place, 
the  admiral  caused  a  large  cross  to  Ixj  erected  in  the  centre  of 
the  village,  and  from  the  readiness  with  which  the  Indians 
assisted,  and  their  implicit  imitation  of  the  Spaniards  in  their 
acts  of  devotion,  he  inferred  that  it  would  be  au  easy  matter  to 
convert  them  all  to  Christianity. 

On  the  19th  of  December  they  made  sail  before  daylight,  but 
with  an  unfavorable  wind,  and  on  the  evening  of  the  20th  they 
anchored  in  a  fine  harbor,  to  which  Columbus  gave  the  name  of 
St.  Thomas,  supposed  to  l>e  what  at  present  is  called  the  bay 
of  Acul.  It  was  surrounded  by  a  beautiful  and  well-peopled 
country.  The  inhabitants  came  off,  some  in  canoes,  some  swim- 
ming, bringing  fruits  of  various  unknown  kinds,  of  great  fra- 
grance and  flavor.  These  they  gave  freely  with  whatever  else 
they  possessed,  especially  their  golden  ornaments,  which  they 
saw  were  particularly  coveted  by  the  strangers.  There  was  a 
remarkable  frankness  and  generosity  about  these  people ;  they 
had  no  idea  of  traffic,  but  gave  away  every  thing  with  sponta- 
neous liberality.  Columbus  would  not  permit  his  people,  how- 
ever, to  take  advantage  of  this  free  disposition,  but  ordered  that 
something  should  always  be  given  in  exchange.  Several  of  the 
neighboring  caciques  visited  the  ships,  bringing  presents,  and 
inviting  the  Spaniards  to  their  villages,  where,  on  going  to  land, 
they  were  most  hospitably  entertained. 

On  the  22d  of  December  a  large  canoe  filled  with  natives 
came  on  a  mission  from  a  grand  cacique  named  Guacanagari, 
who  commanded  all  that  part  of  the  island.  A  principal  ser- 
vant of  the  chieftain  came  in  the  canoe,  bringing  the  admiral  a 
present  of  a  broad  belt,  wrought  ingeniously  with  colored  beads 
and  bones,  and  a  wooden  mask,  the  eyes,  nose,  and  tongue  of 
which  were  of  gold.  He  delivered  also  a  message  from  the  ca- 
cique, begging  that  the  ships  might  come  opposite  to  his  resi- 


136  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

dence,  which  was  on  a  part  of  the  coast  a  little  farther  to  the 
eastward.  The  wind  preventing  an  immediate  compliance  with 
this  invitation,  the  admiral  sent  the  notary  of  the  squadron,  with 
several  of  the  crew,  to  visit  the  cacique.  He  resided  in  a  town 
situated  on  a  river,  at  what  they  called  Punta  Santa,  at  present 
Grande  Riviere.  It  was  the  largest  and  best  built  town  they  had 
yet  seen.  The  cacique  received  them  in  a  kind  of  public  square, 
which  had  lx?en  swept  and  prepared  for  the  occasion,  and 
treated  them  with  great  honor,  giving  to  each  a  dress  of  cotton. 
The  inhabitants  crowded  round  them,  bringing  provisions  and 
refreshments  of  various  kinds.  The  seamen  were  received  into 
their  houses  as  distinguished  guests ;  they  gave  them  garments 
of  cotton,  and  whatever  else  appeared  to  have  value  in  their 
eyes,  asking  nothing  in  return,  but  if  any  thing  were  given  ap- 
pearing to  treasure  it  up  as  a  sacred  relic. 

The  cacique  would  have  detained  them  all  night,  but  their 
orders  obliged  them  to  return.  On  parting  with  them  he  gave 
them  presents  of  parrots  and  pieces  of  gold  for  the  admiral,  and 
they  were  attended  to  their  boats  by  a  crowd  of  the  natives, 
carrying  the  presents  for  them,  and  vying  with  each  other  in 
rendering  them  service. 

During  their  absence  the  admiral  had  been  visited  by  a  great 
number  of  canoes  and  several  inferior  caciques  :  all  assured  him 
that  the  island  abounded  with  w.ealth  ;  the}7  talked,  especially, 
of  Cibao,  a  region  in  the  interior,  farther  to  the  east,  the  cacique 
of  which,  as  far  as  they  could  be  understood,  had  banners  of 
wrought  gold.  Columbus,  deceiving  himself  as  usual,  fancied 
that  this  name  Cibao  must  be  a  corruption  of  Cipango,  and  that 
this  chieftain  with  golden  banners  must  be  identical  with  the 
magnificent  prince  of  that  island,  mentioned  by  Marco  Polo.1 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

SHIPWRECK. 
[1492.] 

Ox  the  morning  of  the  24th  of  December,  Columbus  set  sail 
from  Port  St.  Thomas  l>efore  sunrise,  and  steered  to  the  eastward, 

1  Journal  of  folumb.     Navarrete;  Colec.,  toin.  i.     Hisl.  del  Almirante,  cap.  32.     Her- 
rcra,  ik-catl.  i.  lib.  i.  cap.  15,  10. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  137 

•with  an  intention  of  anchoring  at  the  harlx>r  of  the  cacique  Gu- 
acanagari.  The  wind  was  from  the  land,  but  so  light  as  scarcely 
to  lili  the  sails,  and  the  ships  made  but  little  progress.  At 
eleven  o'clock  at  night,  l>eing  Christmas  eve,  they  were  within 
a  league  or  a  league  and  a  half  of  the  residence  of  the  cacique ; 
and  Columbus,  who  had  hitherto  kept  watch,  finding  the  sea 
calm  and  smooth,  and  the  ship  almost  motionless,  retired  to  rest, 
not  having  slept  the  preceding  night.  He  was,  in  general,  ex- 
tremely wakeful  on  his  coasting  voyages,  passing  whole  nights 
upon  deck  in  all  weathers  ;  never  trusting  to  the  watchfulness 
of  others,  where  there  was  any  difficulty  or  danger  to  IK;  pro- 
vided against.  In  the  present  instance  he  felt  i>erfectly  secure ; 
not  merely  on  account  of  the  profound  calm,  but  localise  the 
boats  on  the  preceding  day,  in  their  visit  to  the  cacique,  had  re- 
connoitred the  coast,  and  had  reported  that  there  were  neither 
rocks  nor  shoals  in  their  course. 

No  sooner  had  he  retired  than  the  steersman  gave  the  helm 
in  charge  to  one  of  the  ship-l>oys,  and  went  to  sleep.  This  was 
in  direct  violation  of  an  invariable  order  of  the  admiral,  that 
the  helm  should  never  l»e  intrusted  to  the  boys.  The  rest  of  the 
mariners  who  had  the  watch  took  like  advantage  of  the  absence 
of  Columbus,  and  in  a  little  while  the  whole  crew  was  buried  in 
sleep.  In  the  mean  time  the  treacherous  currents  which  run 
swiftly  along  this  coast  carried  the  vessel  quietly,  but  with  force, 
upon  a  sand-bank.  The  heedless  boy  had  not  noticed  the 
breakers,  although  they  made  a  roaring  that  might  have  l>een 
heard  a  league.  No  sooner,  however,  did  he  feel  the  rudder 
strike,  and  hear  the  tumult  of  the  rushing  sea,  than  he  began  to 
cry  for  aid.  Columbus,  whose  careful  thoughts  never  permitted 
him  to  sleep  profoundly,  was  the  first  on  deck.  The  master  of 
the  ship,  whose  duty  it  was  to  have  been  on  watch,  next  made 
his  appearance,  followed  by  others  of  the  crew,  half  awake.  The 
admiral  ordered  them  to  take  the  boat  and  carry  out  an  anchor 
astern,  to  warp  the  vessel  off.  The  master  and  the  sailors  sprang 
into  the  boat ;  but  confused,  as  men  are  apt  to  lx?  when  sud- 
denly awakened  by  an  alarm,  instead  of  obeying  the  commands 
of  Columbus,  they  rowed  off  to  the  other  caravel,  about  half  a 
league  to  windward. 

In  the  mean  time  the  master  had  reached  the  caravel,  and 
made  known  the  perilous  state  in  which  he  had  left  the  vessel. 
He  was  reproached  with  his  pusillanimous  desertion  :  the  com- 
mander of  the  caravel  manned  his  boat  and  hastened  to  the 
relief  of  the  admiral,  followed  by  the  recreant  master,  covered 
with  shame  and  confusion. 


138  LIFE  OF  CIiniSTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

It  was  too  late  to  save  the  ship,  the  current  having  set  her 
more  upon  the  bank.  The  admiral,  seeing  that  his  l>oat  had 
deserted  him,  that  the  ship  had  swung  across  the  stream,  and 
that  the  water  was  continually  gaining  upon  her,  ordered  the 
mast  to  be  cut  away,  in  the  hope  of  lightening  her  sufficiently 
to  float  her  off.  Every  effort  was  in  vain.  The  keel  was  firmly 
bedded  in  the  sand  ;  the  shock  had  opened  several  seams  ;  while 
the  swell  of  the  breakers,  striking  her  broadside,  left  her  each 
moment  more  and  more  aground,  until  she  fell  over  on  one  side. 
Fortunately  the  weather  continued  calm,  otherwise  the  ship  must 
have  gone  to  pieces,  and  the  whole  crew  might  have  perished 
amid  the  currents  and  breakers. 

The  admiral  and  his  men  took  refuge  on  board  the  caravel. 
Diego  de  Arana,  chief  judge  of  the  armament,  and  Pedro  Gu- 
tierrez, the  king's  butler,  were  immediately  sent  on  shore  as 
envoys  to  the  cacique  Guacanagari,  to  inform  him  of  the  in- 
tended visit  of  the  admiral,  and  of  his  disastrous  shipwreck.  In 
the  mean  time,  as  a  light  wind  had  sprung  up  from  shore, 
and  the  admiral  was  ignorant  of  his  situation,  and  of  the  rocks 
and  banks  that  might  be  lurking  around  him,  he  lay  to  until 
daylight. 

The  habitation  of  the  cacique  was  about  a  league  and  a  half 
from  the  wreck.  When  he  heard  of  the  misfortune  of  his  guest, 
he  manifested  the  utmost  affliction,  and  even  shed  tears.  He 
immediately  sent  all  his  people,  with  all  the  canoes,  large  and 
small,  that  could  be  mustered  ;  and  so  active  were  they  in  their 
assistance,  that  in  a  little  while  the  vessel  was  unloaded.  The 
cacique  himself,  and  his  brothers  and  relatives,  rendered  all  the 
aid  in  their  power,  both  on  sea  and  land,  keeping  vigilant  guard 
that  every  tiling  should  be  conducted  with  order,  and  the  prop- 
erty secured  from  injury  or  theft.  From  time  to  time  he  sent 
some  one  of  his  family,  or  some  principal  person  of  his  attend- 
ants, to  console  and  cheer  the  admiral,  assuring  him  that  every 
thing  he  possessed  should  lie  at  his  disposal. 

Never,  in  a  civilized  country,  were  the  vaunted  rights  of  hos- 
pitality more  scrupulously  observed  than  by  this  uncultivated 
savage.  All  the  effects  landed  from  the  ships  were  deposited 
near  his  dwelling,  and  an  armed  guard  surrounded  them  all 
night,  until  houses  could  be  prepared  in  which  to  store  them. 
There  seemed,  however,  even  among  the  common  people,  no 
disposition  to  take  advantage  of  the  misfortune  of  the  stranger. 
Although  they  beheld  what  must  in  their  eyes  have  been  inesti- 
m.-ilile  treasures,  cast,  as  it  were,  upon  their  shores,  and  open  to 
depredation,  yet  there  was  not  the  least  attempt  to  pilfer,  nor, 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  139 

In  transporting  the  effects  from  the  ships,  had  they  appropriated 
the  most  trifling  article.  On  the  contrary,  a  general  sympathy 
was  visible  in  their  countenances  and  actions  ;  and  to  have  wit- 
nessed their  concern,  one  would  have  supposed  the  misfortune 
to  have  happened  to  themselves.1 

"  So  loving,  so  tractable,  so  peaceable  are  these  people," 
says  Columbus  in  his  journal,  4k  that  I  swear  to  your  majesties, 
there  is  not  in  the  world  a  better  nation,  nor  a  better  land. 
They  love  their  neighl>ors  as  themselves  ;  and  their  discourse  is 
ever  sweet  and  gentle,  and  accompanied  with  a  smile ;  and 
though  it  is  true  that  they  are  naked,  yet  their  manners  are 
decorous aud  praiseworthy." 


CHAPTER  IX. 

TRANSACTIONS   WITH    THE    NATIVES. 
[1402.] 

Ox  the  20th  of  Deeom1>er,  Ouaoanagari  came  on  Ixxird  of  the 
caravel  Nina  to  visit  the  admiral,  and  observing  him  to  be  very 
much  dejected  was  moved  to  tears.  He  repeated  the  message 
which  he  had  sent,  entreating  Columbus  not  to  be  cast  down  by 
his  misfortune,  and  offering  every  thing  that  he  possessed,  that 
might  render  him  aid  or  consolation.  He  had  already  given 
three  houses  to  shelter  the  Spaniards,  and  to  receive  the  effects 
landed  from  the  wreck,  and  he  offered  to  furuish  more  if 
necessary. 

While  they  were  conversing,  a  canoe  arrived  from  another 
part  of  the  island,  bringing  pieces  of  gold  to  IHJ  exchanged  for 
hawks'  bells.  There  was  nothing  upon  which  the  natives  set 
so  much  value  as  upon  these  toys.  The  Indians  were  extrava- 
gantly fond  of  the  dance,  which  they  performed  to  the  cadence 
of  certain  songs,  accompanied  by  the  sound  of  a  kind  of  drum, 
made  from  the  trunk  of  a  tree,  and  the  rattling  of  hollow  bits 
of  wood  ;  but  when  they  hung  the  hawks'  lx?lls  alxnit  their  i>er- 
sons,  and  heard  the  clear  musical  sound  responding  to  the  move- 
ments of  the  dance,  nothing  could  exceed  their  wild  delight. 

The  sailors  who  came  from  the  shore  informed  the  adminal 
that  considerable  quantities  of  gold  had  lx?cn  brought  to  barter, 

>  Him.  del  Alnrirantc,  cap.  32.     Las  Casae,  lib.  i.  cap.  9. 


140  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER    COLUMBUS. 

and  large  pieces  were  eagerly  given  for  the  merest  trifle.  This 
information  had  a  cheering  effect  upon  Columbus.  The  atten- 
tive cacique,  perceiving  the  lighting  up  of  his  countenance, 
asked  what  the  sailors  had  communicated.  When  he  learned  its 
ptirixjrt,  and  found  that  the  admiral  was  extremely  desirous  of 
procuring  gold,  he  assured  him  by  signs,  that  there  was  a  place 
not  far  off,  among  the  mountains,  where  it  abounded  to  such  a 
degree  as  to  IK;  held  in  little  value,  and  promised  to  procure  him 
thence  as  much  as  he  desired.  The  place  to  which  he  alluded, 
and  which  he  called  Cibao,  was  in  fact  a  mountainous  region 
afterward  found  to  contain  valuable  mines  ;  but  Columbus  still 
confounded  the  name  with  that  of  Cipango.1 

Guacanagari  dined  on  board  of  the  caravel  with  the  admiral, 
after  which  he  invited  him  to  visit  his  residence.  Here  he  had 
prepared  a  collation,  as  choice  and  abundant  as  his  simple  means 
afforded,  consisting  of  utias,  or  coneys,  fish,  roots,  and  various 
fruits.  He  did  every  thing  in  his  power  to  honor  his  guest,  and 
cheer  him  under  his  misfortune,  showing  a  warmth  of  sympathy 
yet  delicacy  of  attention,  which  could  not  have  been  expected 
from  his  savage  state.  Indeed  there  was  a  degree  of  innate 
dignity  and  refinement  displayed  in  his  manners,  that  often  sur- 
prised the  Spaniards.  He  was  remarkably  nice  and  decorous  in 
his  mode  of  eating,  which  was  slow  and  with  moderation,  wash- 
ing his  hands  when  he  had  finished,  and  rubbing  them  with 
sweet  and  odoriferous  herbs,  which  Columbus  supposed  was 
done  to  preserve  their  delicacy  and  softness.  He  was  served 
with  great  deference  by  his  subjects,  and  conducted  himself 
toward  them  with  a  gracious  and  prince-like  majesty.  His 
whole  deportment,  in  the  enthusiastic  eyes  of  Columbus,  be- 
tokened the  iulx>rn  grace  and  dignity  of  lofty  lineage. - 

In  fact,  the  sovereignty  among  the  people  of  this  island  was 
hereditary,  and  they  had  a  simple  but  sagacious  mode  of  main- 
taining, in  some  degree,  the  verity  of  descent.  On  the  death  of 
a  cacique  without  children,  his  authority  passed  to  those  of  his 
sisters,  in  preference  to  those  of  his  brothers,  being  considered 
most  likely  to  be  of  his  blood ;  for  they  observed,  that  a 
brother's  reputed  children  may  by  accident  have  no  consanguin- 
ity with  their  uncle  ;  but  those  of  his  sister  must  certainly  be  the 
children  of  their  mother.  The  form  of  government  was  com- 
pletely despotic ;  the  caciques  had  entire  control  over  the  lives, 
the  property,  and  even  the  religion  of  their  subjects.  They  had 
few  laws,  and  ruled  according  to  their  judgment  and  their  will ; 


1   Primer  Viatic  de  Colon,  Navarretc,  torn.  i.  p.  114. 
*  Las  CaiiUb,  lib.  i.  cup.  70,  Ms.     I'liiiit-i  Viagu  dc  C< 


'olon,  Xavarrete,  torn.  i.  p.  114. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  141 

but  they  ruled  mildly,  and  were  implicitly  and  cheerfully  obeyed. 
Throughout  the  course  of  the  disastrous  history  of  these  island- 
el's,  after  their  discovery  by  the  Europeans,  there  lire  continual 
proofs  of  their  affectionate  and  devoted  fidelity  to  their  caciques. 

After  the  collation,  Guacanagari  conducted  Columbus  to  the 
beautiful  groves  which  surrounded  his  residence.  They  wen- 
attended  by  upward  of  a  thousand  of  the  natives,  all  perfectly 
naked,  who  performed  several  national  games  and  dances, 
which  Guacanagari  had  ordered,  to  amuse  the  melancholy  of  his 
guest. 

When  the  Indians  had  finished  their  games,  Columbus  gave 
them  an  entertainment  in  return,  calculated  at  the  same  time  to 
impress  them  with  a  formidable  idea  of  the  military  power  of 
the  Spaniards.  He  sent  on  board  the  caravel  fora  Moorish  bow 
and  a  quiver  of  arrows,  and  a  Castilian  who  had  served  in  the 
ware  of  Granada,  and  was  skilful  in  the  use  of  them.  When 
the  cacique  beheld  the  accuracy  with  which  this  man  used  his 
weapons,  he  was  greatly  surprised,  being  himself  of  an  nn war- 
like character,  and  little  accustomed  to  the  use  of  arms.  He 
told  the  admiral  that  the  Caribs,  who  often  made  descents  upon 
his  territory,  and  carried  off  his  subjects,  were  likewise  armed 
witli  IKJWS  and  arrows.  Columbus  assured  him  of  the  protection 
of  the  Castilian  monarchs,  who  would  destroy  the  Caril>s,  for  he 
let  him  know  that  he  had  weapons  far  more  tremendous,  against 
which  there  was  no  defence.  In  proof  of  this,  he  ordered  a 
Lombard  or  heavy  cannon,  and  an  arquebus,  to  lie  discharged. 

On  hearing  the  report  the  Indians  fell  to  the  ground,  as 
though  they  had  been  struck  by  a  thunderlx>lt ;  and  when  they 
saw  the  effect  of  the  ball,  rending  and  shivering  the  trees  like 
a  stroke  of  lightning,  they  were  tilled  with  dismay.  Being  told, 
however,  that  the  Spaniards  would  defend  them  with  these  arms 
against  their  dreaded  enemies  the  Caribs,  their  alarm  was 
changed  into  exaltation,  considering  themselves  under  the  pro- 
tection of  the  sons  of  heaven,  who  had  come  from  the  skies 
armed  with  thunder  and  lightning. 

The  cacique  now  presented  Columbus  with  a  mask  carved  of 
wood,  with  the  eyes,  ears,  and  various  other  parts  of  gold  ;  he 
hung  plates  of  the  same  metal  round  his  neck,  and  placed  a 
kind  of  golden  coronet  upon  his  head.  He  dispensed  presents 
also  among  the  followers  of  the  admiral ;  acquitting  himself  in 
all  things  with  a  munificence  that  would  have  done  honor  to  an 
accomplished  prince  in  civilized  life. 

Whatever  trifles  Columbus  gave  in  return  were  regarded  with 
reverence  as  celestial  gifts.  The  Indians,  in  admiring  the 


142  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

articles  of  European  manufacture,  continually  repeated  the 
word  turey,  which  in  their  language  signifies  heaven.  They  pre- 
tended to  distinguish  the  different  qualities  of  gold  by  the  smell ; 
in  the  same  way,  when  any  article  of  tin,  of  silver,  or  other 
white  metal  was  given  them,  to  which  they  were  unaccustomed, 
they  smelt  it  and  declared  it  '•  turey,"  of  excellent  quality; 
giving  in  exchange  pieces  of  the  finest  gold.  Every  thing,  in 
fact,  from  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards,  even  a  rusty  piece  of 
iron,  an  end  of  a  strap,  or  a  head  of  a  nail,  had  an  occult  and 
supernatural  value,  and  smelt  of  turey.  Hawks'  bells,  how- 
ever, were  sought  by  them  with  a  mania  only  equalled  by  that 
of  the  Spaniards  for  gold.  They  could  not  contain  their  ecsta- 
sies at  the  sound,  dancing  and  playing  a  thousand  antics.  On 
one  occasion  an  Indian  gave  half  a  handful  of  gold  dust  in  ex- 
change for  one  of  these  toys,  and  no  sooner  was  he  in  posses- 
sion of  it  than  he  bounded  away  to  the  woods,  looking  often 
behind  him,  fearing  the  Spaniards  might  repent  of  having 
parted  so  cheaply  with  such  an  inestimable  jewel.1 

The  extreme  kindness  of  the  cacique,  the  gentleness  of  his 
people,  the  quantities  of  gold  which  were  daily  brought  to  l>e 
exchanged  for  the  veriest  trifles,  and  the  information  continually 
received  of  sources  of  wealth  in  the  interior  of  this  island,  all 
contributed  to  console  the  admiral  for  his  misfortune. 

The  shipwrecked  crew,  also,  became  fascinated  with. their 
easy  and  idle  mode  of  life.  Exempted  by  their  simplicity  from 
the  cares  and  toils  which  civilized  man  inflicts  upon  himself 
by  his  many  artificial  wants,  the  existence  of  these  islanders 
seemed  to  the  Spaniards  like  a  pleasant  dream.  They  disquieted 
themselves  about  nothing.  A  few  fields,  cultivated  almost  with- 
out labor,  furnished  the  roots  and  vegetables  which  formed  a 
great  part  of  their  diet.  Their  rivers  and  coasts  abounded  with 
fish  ;  their  trees  were  laden  with  fruits  of  golden  or  blushing 
hue,  and  heightened  by  a  tropical  sun  to  delicious  flavor  and 
fragrance.  Softened  by  the  indulgence  of  nature,  and  by  a 
voluptuous  climate,  a  great  part  of  their  day  was  passed  in 
indolent  rei>ose,  and  in  the  evenings  they  danced  in  their  fra- 
grant groves,  to  their  national  songs,  or  the  sound  of  their 
sylvan  drums. 

Such  was  the  indolent  and  holiday  life  of  these  simple  people  ; 
which,  if  it  had  not  the  great  scope  of  enjoyment,  nor  the  high- 
seasoned  poignancy  of  pleasure  which  attend  civilization,  was 
certainly  destitute  of  most  of  its  artificial  miseries.  The  ven- 

»  La*  Casas,  lib.  i.  cap.  70,  MS. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  14B 

erable  Las  Casas,  speaking  of  their  perfect  nakedness,  observes, 
it  seemed  almost  as  if  they  were  existing  in  the  state  of  prime- 
val innocence  of  our  first  parents,  before  their  fall  brought  sin 
into  the  world.  He  might  have  added,  that  they  seemed  ex- 
empt likewise  from  the  penalty  inflicted  on  the  children  of  Adam, 
that  they  should  eat  their  bread  by  the  sweat  of  their  brow. 

When  the  Spanish  mariners  looked  back  upon  their  own 
toilsome  and  painful  life,  and  reflected  on  the  cares  and  hard- 
ships that  must  still  be  their  lot  if  they  returned  to  Europe,  it 
is  no  wonder  that  they  regarded  with  a  wistful  eye  the  easy  and 
idle  existence  of  these  Indians.  Wherever  they  went  they  met 
with  caressing  hospitality.  The  men  were  simple,  frank,  and 
cordial ;  the  women  loving  and  compliant,  and  prompt  to  form 
those  connections  which  anchor  the  most  wandering  heart.  They 
saw  gold  glittering  around  them,  to  be  had  without  labor,  and 
every  enjoyment  to  be  procured  without  cost.  Captivated  by 
these  advantages,  many  of  the  seamen  represented  to  the  ad- 
miral the  dilliculties  and  sufferings  they  must  encounter  on  a 
return  voyage,  where  so  many  would  be  crowded  in  a  small 
caravel,  and  entreated  permission  to  remain  in  the  island.1 


CHAPTER  X. 

BUILDING  OF  THE  FORTRESS  OF  LA  NAVIDAD. 

[1492.] 

THE  solicitude  expressed  by  many  of  his  people  to  be  left  be- 
hind, added  to  the  friendly  and  pacific  character  of  the  natives, 
now  suggested  to  Columbus  the  idea  of  forming  the  germ  of  a 
future  colony.  The  wreck  of  the  caravel  would  afford  mate- 
rials to  construct  a  fortress,  which  might  be  defended  by  her 
guns  and  supplied  with  her  ammunition  ;  and  he  could  spare 
provisions  enough  to  maintain  a  small  garrison  for  a  year.  The 
people  who  thus  remained  on  the  island  could  explore  it,  and 
make  themselves  acquainted  with  its  mines,  and  other  sources  of 
wealth  ;  they  might,  at  the  same  time,  procure  by  traffic  a  large 
quantity  of  gold  from  the  natives  ;  they  could  learn  their  lan- 
guage, and  accustom  themselves  to  their  habits  and  manners, 
so  as  to  be  of  great  use  in  future  intercourse.  In  the  mean 

1  I'rimer  V'iage  de  Colon.    Navarrele,  torn.  i.  j>.  11(3. 


144  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

time  the  admiral  could  return  to  Spain,  report  the  success  of  his 
enterprise,  and  bring  out  re-enforcements. 

No  sooner  did  this  idea  break  upon  the  mind  of  Columbus 
than  he  set  about  accomplishing  it  with  his  accustomed  prompt- 
ness and  celerity.  The  wreck  was  broken  up  and  brought 
piecemeal  to  shore ;  and  a  site  chosen,  and  preparations  made 
for  the  erection  of  a  tower.  When  Guacanagari  was  informed 
of  the  intention  of  the  admiral  to  leave  a  part  of  his  men  for 
the  defence  of  the  island  from  the  Caribs,  while  he  returned  to 
his  country  for  more,  he  was  greatly  overjoyed.  His  subjects 
manifested  equal  delight  at  the  idea  of  retaining  these  wonder- 
ful people  among  them,  and  at  the  prospect  of  the  future  arri- 
val of  the  admiral,  with  ships  freighted  with  hawks'  bells  and 
other  precious  articles.  They  eagerly  lent  their  assistance  in 
building  the  fortress,  little  dreaming  that  they  were  assisting  to 
place  on  their  necks  the  galling  yoke  of  perpetual  and  toilsome 
slavery. 

The  preparations  for  the  fortress  were  scarcely  commenced 
when  certain  Indians,  arriving  at  the  harbor,  brought  a  report 
that  a  great  vessel,  like  those  of  the  admiral,  had  anchored  in  a 
river  at  the  eastern  end  of  the  island.  These  tidings,  for  a 
time,  dispelled  a  thousand  uneasy  conjectures  which  had  har- 
assed the  mind  of  Columbus,  for  of  course  this  vessel  could  be 
DO  other  than  the  Piuta.  He  immediately  procured  a  canoe 
from  Guacanagari,  with  several  Indians  to  navigate  it,  and  de- 
spatched a  Spaniard  with  a  letter  to  Pinzon,  couched  in  amicable 
terms,  making  no  complaints  of  his  desertion,  but  urging  him  to 
join  company  immediately. 

After  three  days'  absence  the  canoe  returned.  The  Spaniard 
reported  that  he  had  pursued  the  coast  for  twenty  leagues,  but 
had  neither  seen  nor  heard  any  thing  of  the  Pinta  ;  he  consid- 
ered the  report,  therefore,  as  incorrect.  Other  rumors,  how- 
ever, were  immediately  afterward  circulated  at  the  harbor  of 
this  large  vessel  to  the  eastward  ;  but,  on  investigation,  they 
appeared  to  Columbus  to  be  equally  undeserving  of  credit.  He 
relapsed,  therefore,  into  his  doubts  and  anxieties  in  respect  to 
Pinzon.  Since  the  shipwreck  of  his  vessel,  the  desertion  of 
that  commander  had  become  a  matter  of  still  more  serious  mo- 
ment, and  had  obliged  him  to  alter  all  his  plans.  Should  the 
Piuta  be  lost,  as  was  very  possible  in  a  voyage  of  such  extent 
and  exposed  to  so  many  uncommon  perils,  there  would  then  be 
but  one  ship  surviving  of  the  three  which  had  set  sail  from 
Palos,  and  that  one  an  indifferent  sailer.  On  the  precarious 
return  of  that  crazy  bark,  across  an  immense  expanse  of  ocean, 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  145 

would  depend  the  ultimate  success  of  the  expedition.  Should 
that  one  likewise  perish,  every  record  of  this  great  discovery 
would  be  swallowed  up  with  it ;  the  name  of  Columbus  would 
only  be  remembered  as  that  of  a  mad  adventurer,  who,  despis- 
ing the  opinions  of  the  learned  and  the  counsels  of  the  wise, 
had  departed  into  the  wilds  of  the  ocean  never  to  return  ;  the 
obscurity  of  his  fate,  and  its  imagined  horrors,  might  deter  all 
future  enterprise,  and  thus  the  New  World  might  remain,  as 
heretofore,  unknown  to  civilized  man.  These  considerations 
determined  Columbus  to  abandon  all  further  prosecution  of  his 
voyage  ;  to  leave  unexplored  the  magnificent  regions  which  were 
inviting  him  on  every  hand  ;  to  give  up  all  hope  for  the  present 
of  finding  his  way  to  the  dominions  of  the  Grand  Khan,  and  to 
lose  no  time  in  returning  to  Spain  and  reporting  his  discovery. 

While  the  fortress  was  building,  he  continued  to  receive  every 
day  new  proofs  of  the  amity  and  kindness  of  Guacanagari. 
Whenever  he  went  on  shore  to  superintend  the  works,  he  was 
entertained  in  the  most  hospitable  manner  by  that  chieftain. 
He  had  the  largest  house  in  the  place  prepared  for  his  reception, 
strewed  or  carpeted  with  palm-leaves,  and  furnished  with  low 
stools  of  a  black  and  shining  wood  that  looked  like  jet.  When 
he  received  the  admiral,  it  was  always  in  a  style  of  princely 
generosity,  hanging  around  his  neck  some  jewel  of  gold,  or 
making  him  some  present  of  similar  value. 

On  one  occasion,  he  came  to  meet  him  on  his  landing,  attend- 
ed by  five  tributary  caciques,  each  carrying  a  coronet  of  gold  ; 
they  conducted  him  with  great  deference  to  the  house  already 
mentioned,  where,  seating  him  in  one  of  the  chairs,  Guacana- 
gari  took  off  his  own  coronet  of  gold  and  placed  it  upon  his 
head  :  Columbus  in  return  took  from  his  neck  a  collar  of  fine- 
colored  beads,  which  he  put  round  that  of  the  cacique  ;  he  in- 
vested him  with  his  own  mantle  of  fine  cloth,  gave  him  a  pair 
of  colored  boots,  and  put  on  his  finger  a  large  silver  ring,  upon 
which  metal  the  Indians  set  a  great  value,  it  not  being  found  in 
their  island. 

The  cacique  exerted  himself  to  the  utmost  to  procure  a  great 
quantity  of  gold  for  the  admiral  before  his  departure  for  Spain. 
The  supplies  thus  furnished,  and  the  vague  accounts  collected 
through  the  medium  of  signs  and  imperfect  interpretations, 
gave  Columbus  magnificent  ideas  of  the  wealth  in  the  interior  of 
this  island.  The  names  of  caciques,  mountains,  and  provinces, 
were  confused  together  in  his  imagination,  and  supposed  to 
mean  various  places  where  great  treasure  was  to  be  found  ; 
above  all,  the  name  of  Cibao  continually  occurred,  the  golden 


146  LIFE  OF  CniilSTOPHEE   COLUMBUS. 

region  among  the  mountains,  whence  the  natives  procured  most 
of  the  ore  for  their  ornaments.  In  the  pimento  or  red  pepper 
which  abounded  in  the  island,  he  fancied  he  found  a  trace  of 
Oriental  spices,  and  he  thought  he  had  met  with  specimens  of 
rhubarb. 

Passing,  with  his  usual  excitability,  from  a  state  of  doubt  and 
anxiety  to  one  of  sanguine  anticipation,  he  now  considered  his 
shipwreck  as  a  providential  event  mysteriously  ordained  by 
Heaven  to  work  out  the  success  of  his  enterprise.  Without 
this  seeming  disaster,  he  should  never  have  remained  to  find 
out  the  secret  wealth  of  the  island,  but  should  merely  have 
touched  at  various  parts  of  the  coast,  and  passed  on.  As  a 
proof  that  the  particular  hand  of  Providence  was  exerted  in  it, 
he  cites  the  circumstance  of  his  having  been  wrecked  in  a  per- 
fect calm,  without  wind  or  wave,  and  the  desertion  of  the  pilot 
and  mariners,  when  sent  to  carry  out  an  anchor  astern,  for,  had 
they  performed  his  orders,  the  vessel  would  have  been  hauled 
off,  they  would  have  pursued  their  voyage,  and  the  treasures  of 
the  island  would  have  remained  a  secret.  But  now  he  looked 
forward  to  glorious  fruits  to  be  reaped  from  this  seeming  evil ; 
"  For  he  hoped,"  he  said,  "  that  when  he  returned  from  Spain, 
he  should  flud  a  ton  of  gold  collected  in  traffic  by  those  whom 
he  had  left  behind,  and  mines  and  spices  discovered  in  such 
quantities  that  the  sovereigns,  before  three  years,  would  be  able 
to  undertake  a  crusade  for  the  deliverance  of  the  holy  sepul- 
chre ; ' '  the  grand  object  to  which  he  had  proposed  that  they 
should  dedicate  the  fruits  of  this  enterprise. 

Such  was  the  visionary,  yet  generous,  enthusiasm  of  Colum- 
bus, the  moment  that  prospects  of  vast  wealth  broke  upon  his 
mind.  What  in  some  spirits  would  have  awakened  a  grasping 
and  sordid  avidity  to  accumulate,  immediately  filled  his  imagin- 
ation with  plans  of  magnificent  expenditure.  But  how  vain  are 
attempts  to  interpret  the  inscrutable  decrees  of  Providence ! 
The  shipwreck,  which  Columbus  considered  an  act  of  divine 
favor,  to  reveal  to  him  the  secrets  of  the  laud,  shackled  and 
limited  all  his  after  discoveries.  It  linked  his  fortunes,  for  the 
remainder  of  his  life,  to  this  island,  which  was  doomed  to  be  to 
him  a  source  of  cares  and  troubles,  to  involve  him  in  a  thousand 
perplexities,  and  to  becloud  his  declining  years  with  humiliation 
and  disappointment. 


LIFE  OF  CUEISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  147 


CHAPTER  XI. 

REGULATION    OF   THE    FORTRESS    OF   LA   NAVIDAD DEPARTURE  OP 

COLUMBUS    FOR   SPAIN. 

So  great  was  the  activity  of  the  Spaniards  in  the  construction 
of  their  fortress,  and  so  ample  the  assistance  rendered  by  the 
natives,  that  in  ten  days  it  was  sufficiently  complete  for  service. 
A  large  vault  had  been  made,  over  which  was  erected  a  strong 
wooden  tower,  and  the  whole  was  surrounded  by  a  wide  ditch. 
It  was  stored  with  all  the  ammunition  saved  from  the  wreck,  or 
that  could  be  spared  from  the  caravel ;  and  the  guns  being 
mounted,  the  whole  had  a  formidable  aspect,  sufficient  to  over- 
awe and  repulse  this  naked  and  unwarlike  people.  Indeed 
Columbus  was  of  opinion  that  but  little  force  was  necessary  to 
subjugate  the  whole  island.  He  considered  a  fortress,  and  the 
restrictions  of  a  garrison,  more  requisite  to  keep  the  Spaniards 
themselves  in  order,  and  prevent  their  wandering  about,  and 
committing  acts  of  licentiousness  among  the  natives. 

The  fortress  being  finished,  he  gave  it,  as  well  as  the  adjacent 
village  and  the  harbor,  the  name  of  La  Navidad,  or  the  Nativ- 
ity, in  memorial  of  their  having  escaped  from  the  shipwreck 
on  Christmas  Day.  Many  volunteered  to  remain  on  the  island, 
from  whom  he  selected  thirty-nine  of  the  most  able  and  exem- 
plary, and  among  them  a  physician,  ship-carpenter,  calker, 
cooper,  tailor,  and  gunner,  all  expert  at  their  several  callings. 
The  command  was  given  to  Diego  de  Arana,  a  native  of  Cor- 
dova, and  notary  and  alguazil  to  the  armament,  who  was  to  re- 
tain all  the  powers  vested  in  him  by  the  Catholic  sovereigns. 
In  case  of  his  death,  Pedro  Gutierrez  was  to  command,  and,  he 
dying,  Kodrigo  de  Escobedo.  The  boat  of  the  wreck  was  left 
with  them,  to  be  used  in  fishing  ;  a  variety  of  seeds  to  sow,  and 
a  large  quantity  of  articles  for  traffic,  that  they  might  procure 
as  much  gold  as  possible  against  the  admiral's  return.1 

As  the  time  drew  nigh  for  his  departure,  Columbus  assem- 
bled those  who  were  to  remain  in  the  island,  and  made  them 
an  earnest  address,  charging  them,  in  the  name  of  the  sove- 
reigns, to  be  obedient  to  the  officer  left  in  command  ;  to  maintain 
the  utmost  respect  and  reverence  for  the  cacique  Guacanagari 
and  his  chieftains,  recollecting  how  deeply  they  were  indebted 

1  I'ninur  Viugu  Uu  C'oloa.    .Xavarrete,  tom.  i.     Ilist.  del  Almirante,  cap.  03. 


148  LIFE  OF  CURISTOPUER   COLUMBUS. 

to  his  goodness,  and  how  important  a  continuance  of  it  was  to 
their  welfare.  To  be  circumspect  in  their  intercourse  with  the 
natives,  avoiding  disputes,  and  treating  them  always  with  gen- 
tleness and  justice ;  and,  above  all,  being  discreet  in  their 
conduct  toward  the  Indian  women,  misconduct  in  this  respect 
being  the  frequent  source  of  troubles  and  disasters  in  the  inter- 
course with  savage  nations.  He  warned  them,  moreover,  not  to 
scatter  themselves  asunder,  but  to  keep  together,  for  mutual 
safety;  and  not  to  stray  beyond  the  friendly  territory  of  Gua- 
canagari.  He  enjoined  it  upon  Arana,  and  the  others  in  com- 
mand, to  acquire  a  knowledge  of  the  productions  and  mines  of 
the  island,  to  procure  gold  and  spices,  and  to  seek  along  the 
coast  a  better  situation  for  a  settlement,  the  present  harbor 
being  inconvenient  and  dangerous,  from  the  rocks  and  shoals 
which  beset  its  entrance. 

On  the  2d  of  January,  1493,  Columbus  landed  to  take  a  fare- 
well of  the  generous  cacique  and  his  chieftains,  intending  the 
next  day  to  set  sail.  He  gave  them  a  parting  feast  at  the  house 
devoted  to  his  use,  and  commended  to  their  kindness  the  men, 
who  were  to  remain,  especially  Diego  de  Arana,  Pedro  Gutier- 
rez, and  Rodrigo  de  Escobedo,  his  lieutenants,  assuring  the 
cacique  that  when  he  returned  from  Castile  he  would  bring 
abundance  of  jewels  more  precious  than  any  he  or  his  people 
had  yet  seen.  The  worthy  Guacanagari  showed  great  concern 
at  the  idea  of  his  departure,  and  assured  him  that,  as  to  those 
who  remained,  he  would  furnish  them  with  provisions,  and 
render  them  every  service  in  his  power. 

Once  more  to  impress  the  Indians  with  an  idea  of  the  warlike 
prowess  of  the  white  men,  Columbus  caused  the  crews  to  per- 
form skirmishes  and  mock-fights,  with  swords,  bucklers,  lances, 
cross-bows,  arquebuses,  and  cannon.  The  Indians  were  aston- 
ished at  the  keenness  of  the  swords,  and  at  the  deadly  power  of 
the  cross-bows  and  arquebuses  ;  but  they  were  struck  with  awe 
when  the  heavy  Lombards  were  discharged  from  the  fortress, 
wrapping  it  in  wreaths  of  smoke,  shaking  the  forests  with  their 
report,  and  shivering  the  trees  with  the  balls  of  stone  used  in 
artillery  in  those  times.  As  these  tremendous  powers,  how- 
ever, were  all  to  be  employed  for  their  protection,  they  rejoiced 
while  they  trembled,  since  no  Carib  would  now  dare  to  invade 
their  island.1 

The  festivities  of  the  day  being  over,  Columbus  embraced  the 
cacique  and  his  principal  chieftains,  and  took  a  final  leave  of 

1  Primer  Viage  de  Colon.    Xavarrete,  torn.  i.  p.  121. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  149 

them.  Gnacanagari  shed  tears  ;  for  while  he  had  been  awed  by 
the  dignified  demeanor  of  the  admiral,  and  the  idea  of  his  super- 
human nature,  he  had  been  completely  won  by  the  benignity  of 
his  manners.  Indeed,  the  parting  scene  was  sorrowful  on  all 
sides.  The  arrival  of  the  ships  had  been  an  event  of  wonder 
and  excitement  to  the  islanders,  who  had  as  yet  known  nothing 
but  the  good  qualities  of  their  guests,  and  had  been  enriched  by 
their  celestial  gjfts  ;  while  the  rude  seamen  had  been  flattered 
by  the  blind  deference  paid  them,  and  captivated  by  the  kind- 
ness and  unlimited  indulgence  with  which  they  had  been  treated. 
The  sorest  parting  was  between  the  Spaniards  who  embarked 
and  those  who  remained  behind,  from  the  strong  sympathy  caused 
by  companionship  in  perils  and  adventures.  The  little  garrison, 
however,  evinced  a  stout  heart,  looking  forward  to  the  return  of 
the  admiral  from  Spain  with  large  re-enforcements,  when  they 
promised  to  give  him  a  good  account  of  all  things  in  the  island. 
The  caravel  was  detained  a  day  longer  by  the  absence  of  some  of 
the  Indians  whom  they  were  to  take  to  Spain.  At  length  the  sig- 
nal-gun was  fired  ;  the  crew  gave  a  parting  cheer  to  the  handful 
of  comrades  thus  left  in  the  wilderness  of  an  unknown  world, 
who  echoed  their  cheering  as  they  gazed  wistfully  after  them  from 
the  beach,  but  who  were  destined  never  to  welcome  their  return. 

NOTE  about  the  localities  in  the  preceding  chapter,  extracted  from  the  letter  of 
T.  S.  Ueneken,  Esq. 

Giiacanasari's  capital  town  was  called  Guarico.  From  the  best  Information  I  can 
gather,  it  was  situated  a  short  distance  from  the  beach,  where  the  village  of  Petit  Anse 
now  stands;  which  is  about  two  miles  south-east  of  Cape  Haytien. 

Oviedo  says  that  Columbus  took  in  water  for  his  homeward  voyage  from  a  small 
stream  to  the  north-west  of  the  anchorage;  and  presuming  him  to  have  beeo  at  anchor 
off  Petit  Anse,  this  stream  presents  itself  falling  from  the  Picolet  mountain,  crossing 
the  present  town  of  Cape  Ilaytien,  and  emptying  into  the  bay  near  the  Arsenal. 

The  stream  which  supplied  Columbus  with  water  was  dammed  up  at  the  foot  of  the 
mountain  by  the  French  when  in  possession  of  the  country,  and  its  water  now  feeds  a 
number  of  public  fountains. 

Punta  Santa  could  be  no  other  than  the  present  Point  Picolet. 

Beating  up  from  St.  Nicholas  Moln  along  an  almost  precipitous  and  iron-bound  coast, 
a  prospect  of  unrivalled  splendor  breaks  upon  the  view  on  turning  this  point;  the  spa- 
cious bay,  the  extensive  plains,  and  the  distant  Cordilleras  of  the  Cibao  mountains, 
impose  upon  the  mind  an  impression  of  vastness,  fertility,  and  beauty. 

The  fort  of  La  Navidad  must  have  been  erected  near  Haul  du  Cap,  as  it  could  be 
approached  in  boats  by  rowing  up  the  river,  and  there  is  no  other  river  iu  the  vicinity 
that  admits  a  passage  for  boats. 

The  locality  of  the  town  of  Guacanagari  has  always  been  known  by  the  name  of 
Guarico.  The  French  first  settled  at  Petit  Ause;  subsequently  they  removed  to  the  op- 
posite  side  of  the  bay  and  founded  the  town  of  Cape  Francais,  now  Cape  Haytien ;  but 
th-?  old  Indian  i.arae  Guarico  continues  i:i  use  among  a!l  the  Spanish  inhabitants  of  the 
vicinity. 


BOOK    V. 


CHAPTER  I. 

COASTING   TOWARD    THE    EASTERN    END    OF    IIISPANIOLA MEETING 

WITH    PINZON AFFAIR    WITH    THE    NATIVES    AT    THE    GULF    OF 

SAMANA. 

[1493.] 

IT  was  on  the  4th  of  January  that  Columbus  set  sail  from  La 
Navidad  on  his  return  to  Spain.  The  wind  being  light,  it  was 
necessary  to  tow  the  caravel  out  of  the  harbor,  and  clear  of  the 
reefs.  They  then  stood  eastward,  toward  a  lofty  promontory 
destitute  of  trees,  but  covered  with  grass,  and  shaped  like  a  tent, 
having  at  a  distance  the  appearance  of  a  towering  island,  being 
connected  with  Hispaniola  by  a  low  neck  of  land.  To  this  pro- 
montory Columbus  gave  the  name  of  Monte  Christi,  by  which 
it  is  still  known.  The  country  in  the  immediate  neighborhood 
was  level,  but  farther  inland  rose  a  high  range  of  mountains, 
well  wooded,  with  broad,  fruitful  valleys  between  them,  watered 
by  abundant  streams.  The  wind  being  contrary,  they  were  de- 
tained for  two  days  in  a  large  bay  to  the  west  of  the  promontory. 
On  the  Gth  they  again  made  sail  with  a  land  breeze,  and  weath- 
ering the  cape,  advanced  ten  leagues,  when  the  wind  again 
turned  to  blow  freshly  from  the  east.  At  this  time  a  sailor  sta- 
tioned at  the  masthead  to  look  out  for  rocks,  cried  out  that  he 
beheld  the  Pinta  at  a  distance.  The  certainty  of  the  fact  glad- 
dened the  heart  of  the  admiral,  and  had  an  animating  effect 
throughout  the  ship ;  for  it  was  a  joyful  event  to  the  mariners 
once  more  to  meet  with  their  comrades,  and  to  have  a  compan- 
ion bark  in  their  voyage  through  these  lonely  seas. 

The  Pinta  came  sweeping  toward  them,  directly  before  the 
wind.  The  admiral  was  desirous  of  having  a  conversation  with 
Martin  Alonzo  Piuzon,  and  seeing  that  all  attempt  was  fruitless 
from  the  obstinacy  of  the  adverse  wind,  and  that  there  was  no 
safe  anchorage  in  the  neighborhood,  he  put  back  to  the  bay  a 
150 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  151 

little  west  of  Monte  Christi,  whither  he  was  followed  by  the 
Pinta.  On  their  first  interview,  Piuzou  endeavored  to  excuse 
his  desertion,  alleging  that  he  had  been  compelled,  to  part  com- 
pany by  stress  of  weather,  and  had  ever  since  been  seeking  to 
rejoin  the  admiral.  Columbus  listened  passively  but  dubiously 
to  his  apologies  ;  and  the  suspicions  lie  had  conceived  appeared 
to  be  warranted  by  subsequent  information.  He  was  told  that 
Pinzon  had  been  excited  by  accounts  given  him  by  one  of  the 
Indians  on  board  of  his  vessel  of  a  region  to  the  eastward, 
abounding  in  gold.  Taking  advantage,  therefore,  of  the  supe- 
rior sailing  of  his  vessel,  he  had  worked  to  windward,  when  the 
other  ships  had  been  obliged  to  put  back,  and  had  sought  to  be 
the  first  to  discover  and  enjoy  this  golden  region.  After  separ- 
ating from  his  companions  he  had  been  entangled  for  several 
days  among  a  cluster  of  small  islands,  supposed  to  have  been 
the  Caicos,  but  had  at  length  been  guided  by  the  Indians  to  His- 
paniola.  Here  he  remained  three  weeks,  trading  with  the  natives 
iu  the  river  already  mentioned,  and  collected  a  considerable 
quantity  of  gold,  one  half  of  which  he  retained  as  captain,  the 
rest  he  divided  among  his  men  to  secure  their  fidelity  and  se- 
crecy. 

Such  were  the  particulars  privately  related  to  Columbus  ;  who, 
however  suppressed  his  indignation  at  this  flagrant  breach  of 
duty,  being  unwilling  to  disturb  the  remainder  of  his  voyage 
with  any  altercations  with  Pinzon,  who  had  a  powerful  party  of 
relatives  and  townsmen  in  the  armament.  To  such  a  degree, 
however,  was  his  confidence  in  his  confederates  impaired,  that 
he  determined  to  return  forthwith  to  Spain,  though,  under  other 
circumstances,  he  would  have  been  tempted  to  explore  the  coast 
in  hopes  of  freighting  his  ships  with  treasure.1 

The  boats  were  accordingly  despatched  to  a  large  river  in 
the  neighborhood,  to  procure  a  supply  of  wood  and  water  for  the 
voyage.  This  river,  called  by  the  natives  the  Yaqui,  flows 
from  the  mountains  of  the  interior  and  throws  itself  into  the 
bay,  receiving  in  its  course  the  contributions  of  various  minor 
streams.  Many  particles  of  gold  were  perceived  among  the  sands 
at  its  mouth,  and  others  were  found  adhering  to  the  hoops  of 
the  water-casks.2  Columbus  gave  it,  therefore,  the  name  of  Rio 
del  Oro,  or  the  golden  river  ;  it  is  at  present  called  the  Santiago. 

In  this  neighborhood  were  turtles  of  great  size.     Columbus 

1  Iliwt.  del  Almirante,  cap.  34. 

1  Las  ( 'iiKUK  BiiiiireKtn  that  these  may  been  particles  of  marcasite,  which  abounds  in  this 
river.  :i  M  i  .  the  other  streams  which  lull  from  the  luouiuuins  of  Ciliuu.  Las  Casae,  Hist. 
Ind.,  lib.  i.  cup  70. 


152  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

also  mentions  in  his  journal  that  he  saw  three  mermaids,  which 
elevated  themselves  above  the  surface  of  the  sea,  and  he  ob- 
serves that  he  had  before  seen  such  on  the  coast  of  Africa.  He 
adds  that  they  were  by  no  means  the  beautiful  beings  they  had 
been  represented,  although  they  possessed  some  traces  of  the 
human  countenance.  It  is  supposed  that  these  must  have  been 
inanati  or  sea-calves,  seen  indistinctly  at  a  distance  ;  and  that 
the  imagination  of  Columbus,  disposed  to  give  a  wonderful 
character  to  every  thing  in  this  new  world,  had  identified  these 
misshapen  animals  with  the  Sirens  of  ancient  story. 

On  the  evening  of  the  9th  of  January  they  again  made  sail, 
and  on  the  following  day  arrived  at  the  river  where  Pinzon  had 
been  trading,  to  which  Columbus  gave  the  name  of  Rio  de 
Gracia ;  but  it  took  the  appellation  of  its  original  discoverer, 
and  long  continued  to  be  known  as  the  river  of  Martin  Alonzo.1 
The  natives  of  this  place  complained  that  Pinzon,  on  his  pre- 
vious visit,  had  violently  carried  off  four  men  and  two  girls. 
The  admiral,  finding  they  were  retained  on  board  of  the  Pinta 
to  be  carried  to  Spain  and  sold  as  slaves,  ordered  them  to  be  im- 
mediately restored  to  their  homes,  with  many  presents,  and  well 
clothed,  to  atone  for  the  wrong  they  had  experienced.  This 
restitution  was  made  with  great  unwillingness  and  many  high 
words  on  the  part  of  Pinzon. 

The  wind  being  favorable,  for  in  these  regions  the  trade  wind 
is  often  alternated  during  autumn  and  winter  by  north-westerly 
breezes,  they  continued  coasting  the  island  until  they  came  to 
a  high  and  l>eautiful  headland,  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of 
Capo  del  Enamorado,  or  the  Lover's  Cape,  but  which  at  present 
is  known  as  Cape  Cabron.  A  little  beyond  this  they  anchored 
in  a  bay,  or  rather  gulf,  three  leagues  in  breadth,  and  extending 
so  far  inland  that  Columbus  at  first  supposed  it  an  arm  of  the 
sea,  separating  Ilispaniola  from  some  other  land.  On  landing 
they  found  the  natives  quite  different  from  the  gentle  and  paciiic 
people  hitherto  met  with  on  this  island.  They  were  of  a  fero- 
cious aspect,  and  hideously  painted.  Their  hair  was  long,  tied 
behind,  and  decorated  with  the  feathers  of  parrots  and  other 
birds  of  gaudy  plumage.  Some  were  armed  with  war-clubs  ; 
others  had  bows  of  the  length  of  those  used  by  the  English  arch- 
ers, with  arrows  of  slender  reeds,  pointed  with  hard  wood,  or 
tipped  with  bone  or  the  tooth  of  a  fish.  Their  swords  were  of 
palm-wood,  as  hard  and  heavy  as  iron  ;  not  sharp,  but  broad, 
nearly  of  the  thickness  of  two  fingers,  and  capable,  with  one 

1  It  is  now  called  Porto  Oaballo,  but  the  surrounding  plain  is  calkd  thi-  Savanna  of 
Mantu  Alo.jzo.  —  T.  fc>. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  153 

blow,  of  cleaving  through  a  helmet  to  the  very  brains.1  Though 
thus  prepared  for  combat,  they  made  no  attempt  to  molest  the 
Spaniards ;  on  the  contrary,  they  sold  them  two  of  their  bows 
and  several  of  their  arrows,  and  one  of  them  was  prevailed  upon 
to  go  on  board  of  the  admiral's  ship. 

Columbus  was  persuaded,  from  the  ferocious  looks  and  hardy, 
undaunted  manner  of  this  wild  warrior,  that  he  and  his  com- 
panions were  of  the  nation  of  Caribs,  so  much  dreaded  through- 
out these  seas,  and  that  the  gulf  in  which  he  was  anchored  must 
be  a  strait  separating  their  island  from  Hispaniola.  On  in- 
quiring of  the  Indian,  however,  he  still  pointed  to  the  east  as 
the  quarter  where  lay  the  Caribbean  Islands.  He  spoke  also  of 
an  island,  called  Mantinino,  which  Columbus  fancied  him  to  say 
was  peopled  merely  by  women,  who  received  the  Caribs  among 
them  once  a  year,  for  the  sake  of  continuing  the  population  of 
their  island.  All  the  male  progeny  resulting  from  such  visits 
were  delivered  to  the  fathers  ;  the  female  remained  with  the 
mothers. 

This  Amazonian  island  is  repeatedly  mentioned  in  the  course 
of  the  voyages  of  Columbus,  and  is  another  of  his  self-delusions, 
to  be  explained  by  the  work  of  Marco  Polo.  That  traveller  de- 
scribed two  islands  near  the  coast  of  Asia,  one  inhabited  solely 
by  women,  the  other  by  men,  between  which  a  similar  intercourse 
subsisted  ;  '2  and  Columbus,  supposing  himself  in  that  vicinity, 
easily  interpreted  the  signs  of  the  Indians  to  coincide  with  the 
descriptions  of  the  Venetian. 

Having  regaled  the  warrior,  and  made  him  various  presents, 
the  admiral  sent  him  on  shore,  in  hopes,  through  his  mediation, 
of  opening  a  trade  for  gold  with  his  companions.  As  the  boat 
approached  the  land,  upward  of  fifty  savages,  armed  with  l>ows 
and  arrows,  war-clubs,  and  javelins,  were  seen  lurking  among 
the  trees.  On  a  word  from  the  Indian  who  was  in  the  boat, 
they  laid  by  their  arms  and  came  forth  to  meet  the  Spaniards. 
The  latter,  according  to  directions  from  the  admiral,  endeavored 
to  purchase  several  of  their  weapons,  to  take  as  curiosities  to 
Spain.  They  parted  with  two  of  their  bows  ;  but,  suddenly 
conceiving  some  distrust,  or  thinking  to  overpower  this  handful 
of  strangers,  they  rushed  to  the  place  where  they  had  left  their 
weapons,  snatched  them  up,  and  returned  with  cords,  as  if  to 
bind  the  Spaniards.  The  latter  immediately  attacked  them, 
wounded  two,  put  the  rest  to  flight,  and  would  have  pursued 
them,  but  were  restrained  by  the  pilot  who  commanded  the  boat. 

1   l.as  C'asas,  Hint   Ind.,  lil>.  i.  cap.  77,  MS. 

*  Marco  I'olo,  book  iii.  cay.  31;    Eag.  edit,  of  Marsden. 


154  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

This  was  the  first  contest  with  the  Indians,  and  the  first  time 
that  native  blood  was  shed  by  the  white  men  in  the  New  World. 
Columbus  was  grieved  to  see  all  his  exertions  to  maintain  an 
amicable  intercourse  vain  ;  he  consoled  himself  with  the  idea, 
however,  that  if  these  were  Caribs,  or  frontier  Indians  of  war- 
like character,  they  would  be  inspired  with  a  dread  of  the  force 
and  weapons  of  the  white  men,  and  be  deterred  from  molesting 
the  little  garrison  of  Fort  Nativity.  The  fact  was,  that  these 
were  of  a  bold  and  hardy  race,  inhabiting  a  mountainous  dis- 
trict called  Ciguay,  extending  five  and  twenty  leagues  along  the 
coast,  and  several  leagues  into  the  interior.  They  differed  in 
language,  look,  and  manners  from  the  other  natives  of  the  is- 
land, and  had  the  rude  but  independent  and  vigorous  character 
of  mountaineers. 

Their  frank  and  bold  spirit  was  evinced  on  the  day  after  the 
skirmish,  when  a  multitude  appearing  on  the  beach,  the  admiral 
sent  a  large  party,  well  armed,  on  shore  in  the  boat.  The  na- 
tives approached  as  freely  and  confidently  as  if  nothing  had 
happened  ;  neither  did  they  betray,  throughout  their  subsequent 
intercourse,  any  signs  of  lurking  fear  or  enmity.  The  cacique 
who  ruled  over  the  neighboring  country  was  on  the  ghore.  He 
sent  to  the  boat  a  string  of  beads  formed  of  small  stones,  or 
rather  of  the  hard  part  of  shells,  which  the  Spaniards  understood 
to  be  a  token  and  assurance  of  amity ;  but  they  were  not  yet 
aware  of  the  full  meaning  of  this  symbol,  the  wampum  belt,  the 
pledge  of  peace,  held  sacred  among  the  Indians.  The  chieftain 
followed  shortly  after,  and  entering  the  boat  with  only  three 
attendants,  was  conveyed  on  board  of  the  caravel. 

The  frank  and  confiding  conduct,  so  indicative  of  a  brave 
and  generous  nature,  was  properly  appreciated  by  Columbus ; 
he  received  the  cacique  cordially,  set  before  him  a  collation  such 
as  the  caraval  afforded,  particularly  biscuits  and  honey,  which 
were  great  dainties  with  the  Indians,  and  after  showing  him  the 
wonders  of  the  vessel,  and  making  him  and  his  attendants  many 
presents,  sent  them  to  land  highly  gratified.  The  residence  of 
the  cacique  was  at  such  a  distance  that  he  could  not  repeat  his 
visit ;  but,  as  a  token  of  high  regard,  he  sent  to  the  admiral  his 
coronet  of  gold.  In  speaking  of  these  incidents,  the  historians 
of  Columbus  have  made  no  mention  of  the  name  of  this  moun- 
tain chief ;  he  was  doubtless  the  same  who,  a  few  years  after- 
ward, appears  in  the  history  of  the  island  under  the  name  of 
Mayonabex,  cacique  of  the  Ciguayans,  and  will  be  found  ac- 
quitting himself  with  valor,  frankness,  and  magnanimity,  under 
the  most  trying  circumstances. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  155 

Columbus  remained  a  day  or  two  longer  in  the  bay,  during 
which  time  the  most  friendly  intercourse  prevailed  with  the 
natives,  who  brought  cotton,  and  various  fruits  and  vegetables, 
but  still  maintained  their  warrior  character,  being  always  armed 
with  bows  and  arrows.  Four  young  Indians  gave  such  interest- 
ing accounts  of  the  islands  situated  to  the  east  that  Columbus 
determined  to  touch  there  on  his  way  to  Spain,  and  prevailed  on 
them  to  accompany  him  as  guides.  Taking  advantage  of  a 
favorable  wind,  therefore,  he  sailed  before  daylight  on  the  16th 
of  January  from  this  bay,  to  which,  in  consequence  of  the  skir- 
mish with  the  natives,  he  gave  the  name  of  Golfo  de  las  Flechas, 
or  the  Gulf  of  Arrows,  but  which  is  now  known  by  the  name  of 
the  Gulf  of  Samana. 

On  leaving  the  bay,  Columbus  at  first  steered  to  the  north- 
east, in  which  direction  the  young  Indians  assured  him  he  would 
find  the  island  of  the  Caribs,  and  that  of  Mantinino,  the  abode 
of  the  Amazons ;  it  being  his  desire  to  take  several  of  the  na- 
tives of  each,  to  present  to  the  Spanish  sovereigns.  After  sail- 
intr  alK>ut  sixteen  leagues,  however,  his  Indian  guides  changed 
their  opinion,  and  pointed  to  the  south-east.  This  would  have 
brought  him  to  Porto  Rico,  which,  in  fact,  was  known  among 
the  Indians  as  the  island  of  Carib.  The  admiral  immediately 
shifted  sail,  and  stood  in  this  direction.  He  had  not  proceeded 
two  leagues,  however,  when  a  most  favorable  breeze  sprang  up 
for  the  voyage  to  Spain.  He  observed  a  gloom  gathering  on 
the  countenances  of  the  sailors,  as  they  diverged  from  the  home- 
ward route.  Reflecting  upon  the  little  hold  he  had  upon  the 
feelings  and  affections  of  these  men,  the  insubordinate  spirit 
they  had  repeatedly  evinced,  the  uncertainty  of  the  good  faitli 
of  Pinzon,  and  the  leaky  condition  of  his  ships,  he  was  suddenly 
brought  to  a  pause.  As  long  as  he  protracted  his  return,  the 
whole  fate  of  his  discovery  was  at  the  mercy  of  a  thousand  con- 
tingencies, and  an  adverse  accident  might  bury  himself,  his 
crazy  barks,  and  all  the  records  of  his  voyage  forever  in  the 
ocean.  Repressing,  therefore,  the  strong  inclination  to  seek 
further  discoveries,  and  determined  to  place  what  he  had  already 
made  beyond  the  reach  of  accident,  he  once  more  shifted  sail, 
to  the  great  joy  of  his  crews,  and  resumed  his  course  for  Spain.1 

1  .Journal  of  Colunib.  Nuvunx-tu,  turn.  i.  Las  Csu&a,  liist.  Lud.,  lib.  i.  cap.  77.  liisU 
del.  AlmiiunU',  cap.  34,  35. 


156  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

CHAPTER  II. 

RETURN   VOYAGE  —  VIOLENT   STORMS  —  ARRIVAL    AT   THE   AZORES. 

[1493.] 

THE  trade-winds  which  had  been  so  propitious  to  Columbus 
on  his  outward  voyage,  were  equally  adverse  to  him  on  his  re- 
turn. The  favorable  breeze  soon  died  away,  and  throughout 
the  remainder  of  January  there  was  a  prevalence  of  light  winds 
from  the  eastward,  which  prevented  any  great  progress.  He 
was  frequently  detained  also  by  the  bad  sailing  of  the  Piuta,  the 
foremast  of  which  was  so  defective  that  it  could  carry  but  little 
sail.  The  weather  continued  mild  and  pleasant,  and  the  sea  so 
calm,  that  the  Indians  whom  they  were  taking  to  Spain  would 
frequently  plunge  into  the  water  and  swim  about  the  ships. 
They  saw  many  tunny  fish,  one  of  which  they  killed,  as  likewise 
a  large  shark  ;  these  gave  them  a  temporal1}'  supply  of  provisions, 
of  which  they  soon  began  to  stand  in  need,  their  sea-stock  being 
reduced  to  bread  and  wine  and  Agi  peppers,  which  last  they 
had  learnt  from  the  Indians  to  use  as  an  important  article  of 
food. 

In  the  early  part  of  February,  having  run  to  about  the  thirty- 
eighth  degvee  of  north  latitude,  and  got  out  of  the  track  swept 
by  the  trade-winds,  they  had  more  favorable  breezes,  and  were 
enabled  to  steer  direct  for  Spain.  From  the  frequent  changes 
of  their  course,  the  pilots  became  perplexed  in  their  reckonings, 
differing  widely  among  themselves,  and  still  more  widely  from 
the  truth.  Columbus,  besides  keeping  a  careful  reckoning,  was 
a  vigilant  observer  of  those  indications  furnished  by  the  sea,  the 
air,  and  the  sky ;  the  fate  of  himself  and  his  ships  in  the  un- 
known regions  which  he  traversed  often  depended  upon  these 
observations  ;  and  the  sagacity  at  which  he  arrived,  in  decipher- 
ing the  signs  of  the  elements,  was  looked  upon  by  the  common 
seamen  as  something  almost  supernatural.  In  the  present  in- 
stance, he  noticed  where  the  great  bands  of  floating  weeds  com- 
menced, and  where  they  finished  ;  and  in  emerging  from  among 
them,  concluded  himself  to  be  in  the  same  degree  of  longitude 
as  when  he  encountered  them  on  his  outward  voyage  ;  that  is  to 
say,  about  2GO  leagues  west  of  Ferro.  On  the  10th  of  Febru- 
ary, Vicente  Vanes  Pinzon,  and  the  pilots  Ruiz  and  Bartolomeo 
Roldau,  who  were  on  board  of  the  admiral's  ship,  examined 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  157 

the  charts  and  compared  their  reckonings  to  determine  their 
situation,  but  could  not  come  to  any  agreement.  They  all  sup- 
posed themselves  at  least  one  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  nearer 
Spain  than  what  Columbus  believed  to  be  the  true  reckoning, 
and  in  the  latitude  of  Madeira,  whereas  he  knew  them  to  be 
nearly  in  a  direction  for  the  Azores.  He  suffered  them,  how- 
ever, to  remain  in  their  error,  and  even  added  to  their  perplexity, 
that  they  might  retain  but  a  confused  idea  of  the  voyage,  and 
he  alone  possess  a  clear  knowledge  of  the  route  of  the  newly- 
discovered  countries.1 

On  the  1.2th  of  February,  as  they  were  flattering  themselves 
with  soon  coming  in  sight  of  land,  the  wind  came  on  to  blow 
violently,  with  a  heavy  sea ;  they  still  kept  their  course  to  the 
east,  but  with  great  labor  and  peril.  On  the  following  day,  after 
sunset,  the  wind  and  swell  increased  ;  there  were  three  flashes 
of  lightning  in  the  north-north-east,  considered  by  Columbus  as 
signals  of  an  approaching  tempest.  It  soon  burst  ui>on  them 
with  frightful  violence ;  their  small  and  crazy  vessels,  open 
and  without  decks,  were  little  fitted  for  the  wild  storms  of  the 
Atlantic ;  all  night  they  were  obliged  to  scud  under  bare  poles. 
As  the  morning  dawned  of  the  14th,  there  was  a  transient 
pause,  and  they  made  a  little  sail ;  but  the  wind  rose  again 
from  the  south  with  redoubled  vehemence,  raging  throughout 
the  day,  and  increasing  in  fury  in  the  night ;  while  the  vessels 
labored  terribly  in  a  cross  sea,  the  broken  waves  of  which 
threatened  at  each  moment  to  overwhelm  them  or  dash  them 
to  pieces.  For  three  days  they  lay  to,  with  just  sail  enough 
to  keep  them  above  the  waves  ;  but  the  tempest  still  augment- 
ing, they  were  obliged  again  to  scud  before  the  wind.  The 
Pinta  was  soon  lost  sight  of  in  the  darkness  of  the  night.  The 
admiral  kept  as  much  as  possible  to  the  north-east,  to  approach 
the  coast  of  Spain,  and  made  signal  lights  at  the  masthead  for 
the  Pinta  to  do  the  same,  and  to  keep  in  company.  The  latter, 
however,  from  the  weakness  of  her  foremast,  could  not  hold 
the  wind,  and  was  obliged  to  scud  before  it  directly  north. 
For  some  time  she  replied  to  the  signals  of  the  admiral,  but 
her  lights  gleamed  more  and  more  distant,  until  they  ceased 
entirely,  and  nothing  more  was  seen  of  her. 

Columbus  continued  to  scud  all  night,  full  of  forebodings  of 
the  fate  of  his  own  vessel,  and  of  fears  for  the  safety  of  that 
of  Pinzon.  As  the  day  dawned,  the  sea  presented  a  frightful 
waste  of  wild  broken  waves,  lashed  into  fury  by  the  gale ;  he 

1  Las  Casas,  Ih.-t.  1ml.,  lib.  i.  cap.  TO. 


158  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

looked  round  anxiously  for  the  Pinta,  but  she  was  nowhere  to 
be  seen.  He  now  made  a  little  sail,  to  keep  his  vessel  ahead  of 
the  sea,  lest  its  huge  waves  should  break  over  her.  As  the 
sun  rose,  the  wind  and  the  waves  rose  with  it,  and  throughout 
a  dreary  day  the  helpless  bark  was  driven  along  by  the  fury  of 
the  tempest. 

•Seeing  all  human  skill  baffled  and  confounded,  Columbus 
endeavored  to  propitiate  heaven  by  solemn  vows  and  acts  of 
penance.  By  his  orders,  a  number  of  beans,  equal  to  the  num- 
ber of  persons  on  board,  were  put  into  a  cap,  on  one  of  which 
was  cut  the  sign  of  the  cross.  Each  of  the  crew  made  a  vow 
that  should  he  draw  forth  the  marked  bean  he  would  make  a 
pilgrimage  to  the  shrine  of  Santa  Maria  de  Gaudalupe,  bearing 
a  wax  taper  of  five  pounds'  weight.  The  admiral  was  the  first 
to  put  in  his  hand,  and  the  lot  fell  upon  him.  From  that  mo- 
ment he  considered  himself  a  pilgrim,  bound  to  perform  the 
vow.  Another  lot  was  cast  in  the  same  way,  for  a  pilgrimage 
to  the  chapel  of  our  Lady  of  Loretto,  which  fell  upon  a  seaman 
named  Pedro  de  Villa,  and  the  admiral  engaged  to  bear  the 
expenses  of  his  journey.  A  third  lot  was  also  cast  for  a  pil- 
grimage to  Santa  Clara  de  Moguer,  to  perform  a  solemn  mass, 
and  to  watch  all  night  in  the  chapel,  and  this  likewise  fell 
upon  Columbus. 

The  tempest  still  raging  with  unabated  violence,  the  admiral 
and  all  the  mariners  made  a  vow,  that,  if  spared,  wherever 
they  first  landed,  they  would  go  in  procession  barefooted  and  in 
their  shirts,  to  offer  up  prayers  and  thanksgivings  in  some 
church  dedicated  to  the  Holy  Virgin.  Besides  these  general  acts 
of  propitiation,  each  one  made  his  private  vow,  binding  him- 
self to  some  pilgrimage,  or  vigil,  or  other  rite  of  penitence  and 
thanksgiving  at  his  favorite  shrine.  The  heavens  however, 
seemed  deaf  to  their  vows;  the  storm  grew  still  more  wild  and 
frightful,  and  each  man  gave  himself  up  for  lost.  The  danger 
of  the  ship  was  augmented  by  the  want  of  ballast,  the  consump- 
tion of  the  water  and  provisions  having  lightened  her  so  much 
that  she  rolled  and  tossed  about  at  the  mercy  of  the  waves. 
To  remedy  this,  and  to  render  her  more  steady,  the  admiral 
ordered  that  all  the  empty  casks  should  be  filled  with  sea-water, 
which  in  some  measure  gave  relief. 

During  this  long  and  awful  conflict  of  the  elements,  the  mind 
of  Columbus  was  a  prey  to  the  most  distressing  anxiety.  He 
feared  that  the  Pinta  had  foundered  in  the  storm.  In  such  case 
the  whole  history  of  his  discovery,  the  secret  of  the  New  World, 
depended  upon  his  own  feeble  bark,  and  one  surge  of  the  ocean 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  159 

might  bury  it  forever  in  oblivion.  The  tumult  of  his  thoughts 
may  be  judged  from  his  own  letter  to  the  sovereigns.  "  I  could 
have  supported  this  evil  fortune  with  less  grief,"  said  he,  "  had 
my  person  alone  been  in  jeopardy,  since  I  am  debtor  for  my 
life  to  the  supreme  Creator,  and  have  at  other  times  been  within 
a  step  of  death.  But  it  was  a  cause  of  infinite  sorrow  and 
trouble  to  think  that,  after  having  been  illuminated  from  on 
high  with  faith  and  certainty  to  undertake  this  enterprise,  after 
having  victoriously  achieved  it,  and  when  on  the  point  of  con- 
vincing my  opponents,  and  securing  to  your  highnesses  great 
glory  and  vast  increase  of  dominions,  it  should  please  the  divine 
Majesty  to  defeat  all  by  my  death.  It  would  have  been  more 
supportable  also,  had  1  not  been  accompanied  by  others  who 
had  been  drawn  on  by  my  persuasions,  and  who,  in  their  dis- 
tress, cursed  not  only  the  hour  of  their  coming,  but  the  fear 
inspired  by  my  words  which  prevented  their  turning  back,  as 
they  had  at  various  times  determined.  Above  all,  my  grief 
was  doubled  when  I  thought  of  my  two  sons,  whom  I  had  left 
at  school  in  Cordova,  destitute,  in  a  strange  land,  without  any 
testimony  of  the  services  rendered  by  their  father,  which,  if 
known,  might  have  inclined  your  highnesses  to  befriend  them. 
And  although,  on  the  one  hand,  I  was  comforted  by  faith  that 
the  Deity  would  not  permit  a  work  of  such  great  exaltation  to 
his  church,  wrought  through  so  many  troubles  and  contradic- 
tions, to  remain  imperfect ;  yet,  on  the  other  hand,  I  reflected 
on  my  sins,  as  a  punishment  for  which  he  might  intend  that  I 
should  be  deprived  of  the  glory  which  would  redound  to  me  in 
this  world." 

In  the  midst  of  these  gloomy  apprehensions,  an  expedient 
suggested  itself,  by  which,  though  he  and  his  ship  should  perish, 
the  glory  of  his  achievement  might  survive  to  his  name,  and  its 
advantages  be  secured  to  his  sovereigns.  He  wrote  on  parch- 
ment a  brief  account  of  his  voyage  and  discovery,  and  of  his 
having  taken  possession  of  the  newly-found  lands  in  the  name 
of  their  Catholic  majesties.  This  he  seale'd  and  directed  to  the 
king  and  queen  ;  superscribing  a  promise  of  a  thousand  ducats 
to  whomsoever  should  deliver  the  packet  unopened.  He  then 
wrapped  it  in  a  waxed  cloth,  which  he  placed  in  the  centre  of 
a  cake  of  wax,  and  inclosing  the  whole  in  a  large  barrel,  threw  it 
into  the  sea,  giving  his  men  to  suppose  he  was  performing  some 
religious  vow.  Lest  this  memorial  should  never  reach  the  land, 
he  enclosed  a  copy  in  a  similar  manner,  and  placed  it  upon  the 

*  Ilist.  del  Aluiirautc,  cap.  30. 


160  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

poop,  so  that,  should  the  caravel  l)e  swallowed  up  by  the  waves, 
the  barrel  might  float  off  and  survive. 

These  precautions  in  some  measure  mitigated  his  anxiety,  and 
he  was  still  more  relieved  when,  after  heavy  showers,  there  ap- 
peared at  sunset  a  streak  of  clear  sky  in  the  west,  giving  hopes 
that  the  wind  was  about  to  shift  to  that  quarter.  These  hopes 
were  confirmed  ;  a  favorable  breeze  succeeded,  but  the  sea  still 
ran  so  high  and  tuniultuously  that  little  sail  could  be  carried 
during  the  night. 

On  the  morning  of  the  loth,  at  daybreak,  the  cry  of  land  was 
given  by  Rui  Garcia,  a  mariner  in  the  maintop.  The  trans- 
ports of  the  crew,  at  once  more  gaining  sight  of  the  Old  World, 
were  almost  equal  to  those  experienced  on  first  beholding  the 
New.  The  laud  bore  east-north-east,  directly  over  the  prow  of 
the  caravel ;  and  the  usual  diversity  of  opinion  concerning  it 
arose  among  the  pilots.  One  thought  it  the  island  of  Madeira; 
another  the  rock  of  Cintra  near  Lisbon  ;  the  most  part,  deceived 
by  their  ardent  wishes,  placed  it  near  Spain.  Columbus,  how- 
ever, from  his  private  reckonings  and  observations,  concluded 
it  to  be  one  of  the  Azores.  A  nearer  approach  proved  it  to  be 
an  island  ;  it  was  but  five  leagues  distant,  and  the  voyagers 
were  congratulating  themselves  upon  the  assurance  of  speedily 
being  in  port,  when  the  wind  veered  again  to  the  east-north- 
east, blowing  directly  from  the  land,  while  a  heavy  sea  kept 
rolling  from  the  west. 

For  two  days  they  hovered  in  sight  of  the  island,  vainly  striv- 
ing to  reach  it,  or  to  arrive  at  another  island  of  which  they 
caught  glimpses  occasionally  through  the  mist  and  rack  of  the 
tempest.  On  the  evening  of  the  17th  they  approached  so  near 
the  first  island  as  to  cast  anchor,  but  parting  their  cable,  had  to 
put  to  sea  again,  where  they  remained  beating  about  until  the 
following  morning,  when  they  anchored  under  shelter  of  its 
northern  side.  For  several  days  Columbus  had  been  in  such  a 
state  of  agitation  and  anxiety  as  scarcely  to  take  food  or  repose. 
Although  suffering  greatly  from  a  gouty  affection  to  which  he 
was  subject,  yet  he  had  maintained  his  watchful  post  on  deck, 
exposed  to  wintry  cold,  to  the  pelting  of  the  storm,  and  the 
drenching  surges  of  the  sea.  It  was  not  until  the  night  of 
the  17th  that  he  got  a  little  sleep,  more  from  the  exhaustion  of 
nature  than  from  any  tranquillity  of  mind.  Such  were  the  difti- 
culties  and  perils  which  attended  his  return  to  Europe  ;  had  one 
tenth  part  of  them  l>eset  his  outward  voyage,  his  timid  and 
factious  crew  would  have  risen  in  arms  against  the  enterprise, 
and  he  never  would  have  discovered  the  New  World. 


LIFE  OF  CUUISTOPLLELI   COLUMBUS.  161 

CHAPTER  III. 

TRANSACTIONS   AT   THE    ISLAND   OF   ST.    MARY'S. 
[1493.] 

Ox  sending  the  boat  to  land,  Columbus  ascertained  the  island 
to  be  St.  Mary's,  the  most  southern  of  the  Azores,  and  a  pos- 
session of  the  crown  of  Portugal.  The  inhabitants,  when  they 
beheld  the  light  caravel  riding  at  anchor,  were  astonished  that 
it  had  been  able  to  live  through  the  gale,  which  had  raged  for 
fifteen  days  with  unexampled  fury ;  but  when  they  heard  from 
the  boat's  crew  that  this  tempest- tossed  vessel  brought  tidings 
of  a  strange  country  beyond  the  ocean,  they  were  filled  with 
wonder  and  curiosity.  To  the  inquiries  about  a  place  where  the 
caravel  might  anchor  securely,  they  replied  by  pointing  out  a 
harbor  in  the  vicinity,  but  prevailed  on  three  of  the  mariners  to 
remain  on  shore,  and  gratify  them  with  further  particulars  of 
this  unparalleled  voyage. 

In  the  evening  three  men  of  the  island  hailed  the  caravel,  and 
a  l»oat  being  sent  for  them,  they  brought  on  board  fowls,  bread, 
and  various  refreshments,  from  Juan  de  Castaneda,  governor 
of  the  island,  who  claimed  an  acquaintance  with  Columbus,  and 
sent  him  many  compliments  and  congratulations.  He  apolo- 
gized for  not  coming  in  person,  owing  to  the  lateness  of  the  hour 
and  the  distance  of  his  residence,  but  promised  to  visit  the  car- 
avel the  next  morning,  bringing  further  refreshments,  and  the 
three  men,  whom  he  still  kept  with  him  to  satisfy  his  extreme 
curiosity  respecting  the  voyage.  As  there  were  no  houses  on 
the  neighboring  shore,  the  messengers  remained  on  board  all 
night. 

On  the  following  morning  Columbus  reminded  his  people  of 
their  vow  to  perform  a  pious  procession  at  the  first  place  where 
they  should  land.  On  the  neighboring  shore,  at  no  great  dis- 
tance from  the  sea,  was  a  small  hermitage  or  chapel  dedicated 
to  the  Virgin,  and  he  made  immediate  arrangements  for  the 
performance  of  the  rite.  The  three  messengers,  on  returning 
to  the  village,  sent  a  priest  to  perform  mass,  and  one  half  of  the 
crew  landing,  walked  in  procession,  barefooted,  and  in  their 
shirts,  to  the  chapel ;  while  the  admiral  awaited  their  return,  to 
i*Tfonn  the  same  ceremony  with  the  remainder. 

An  ungenerous  reception,  however,  awaited  the  poor  tempest- 


1G2  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

tossed  mariners  on  their  first  return  to  the  alxxle  of  civilized 
men,  far  different  from  the  sympathy  and  hospitality  they  hud 
experienced  among  the  savages  of  the  New  World.  Scarcely 
had  they  begun  their  prayers  and  thanksgivings,  when  the 
rabble  of  the  village,  horse  and  foot,  headed  by  the  governor, 
surrounded  the  hermitage  and  took  them  all  prisoners. 

As  an  intervening  point  of  land  hid  the  hermitage  from  the 
view  of  the  caravel,  the  admiral  remained  in  ignorance  of  this 
transaction.  When  eleven  o'clock  arrived  without  the  return 
of  the  pilgrims,  he  began  to  fear  that  they  were  detained  by  the 
Portuguese,  or  that  the  boat  had  been  shattered  upon  the  surf- 
beaten  rocks  which  bordered  the  island.  Weighing  anchor, 
therefore,  he  stood  in  a  direction  to  command  a  view  of  the 
chapel  and  the  adjacent  shore ;  whence  he  beheld  a  number  of 
armed  horsemen,  who,  dismounting,  entered  the  boat  and  made 
for  the  caravel.  The  admiral's  ancient  suspicions  of  Portuguese 
hostility  toward  himself  and  his  enterprises  were  immediately 
revived,  and  he  ordered  his  men  to  arm  themselves,  but  to  keep 
out  of  sight,  ready  either  to  defend  the  vessel  or  surprise  the 
boat.  The  latter,  however,  approached  in  a  pacific  manner ; 
the  governor  of  the  island  was  on  board,  and,  coming  within 
hail,  demanded  assurance  of  personal  safety  in  case  he  should 
enter  the  caravel.  This  the  admiral  readily  gave,  but  the  Por- 
tuguese still  continued  at  a  wary  distance.  The  indignation  of 
Columbus  now  broke  forth  ;  he  reproached  the  governor  with 
his  perfidy,  and  with  the  wrong  he  did,  not  merely  to  the 
Spanish  monarchs,  but  to  his  own  sovereign,  by  such  a  dishon- 
orable outrage.  He  informed  him  of  his  own  rank  and  dignity  ; 
displayed  his  letters  patent,  sealed  with  the  royal  seal  of  Castile 
and  threatened  him  with  the  vengeance  of  his  government. 
Castaiieda  replied  in  a  vein  of  contempt  and  defiance,  declaring 
that  all  he  had  done  was  in  conformity  to  the  commands  of  the 
king  his  sovereign. 

After  an  unprofitable  altercation,  the  boat  returned  to  shore, 
leaving  Columbus  much  perplexed  by  this  unexpected  hostility, 
and  fearful  that  a  war  might  have  broken  out  between  Spain 
and  Portugal  during  his  absence.  The  next  day  the  weather 
became  so  tempestuous  that  they  were  driven  from  their  an- 
chorage and  obliged  to  stand  to  sea  toward  the  island  of  St. 
Michael.  For  two  days  the  ship  continued  beating  about  in 
great  peril,  half  of  her  crew  being  detained  on  shore,  and  the 
greater  part  of  those  on  board  being  landsmen  and  Indians, 
almost  equally  useless  in  diilicult  navigation.  Fortunately, 
although  the  waves  ran  high,  there  were  none  of  those  cross 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  163 

seas  which  had  recently  prevailed,  otherwise,  being  so  feebly 
manned,  the  caravel  could  scarcely  have  lived  through  the 
storm. 

On  the  evening  of  the  22d,  the  weather  having  moderated, 
Columbus  returned  to  his  anchorage  at  St.  Mary's.  Shortly 
after  his  arrival,  a  boat  came  off,  bringing  two  priests  and  a 
notary.  After  a  cautious  parley  and  an  assurance  of  safety, 
they  came  on  board,  and  requested  a  sight  of  the  papers  of  Co- 
lumbus, on  the  part  of  Castaneda,  assuring  him  that  it  was  the 
disposition  of  the  governor  to  render  him  every  service  in  his 
power,  provided  he  really  sailed  in  service  of  the  Spanish  sover- 
eigns. Columbus  supposed  it  a  manoeuvre  of  Castaneda  to 
cover  a  retreat  from  the  hostile  position  he  had  assumed  ;  re- 
straining his  indignation,  however,  and  expressing  his  thanks 
for  the  friendly  disposition  of  the  governor,  he  showed  his  let- 
ters of  commission,  which  satisfied  the  priests  and  the  notary. 
On  the  following  morning  the  boat  and  mariners  were  lilxrated. 
The  latter,  during  their  detention,  had  collected  information 
from  the  inhabitants  which  elucidated  the  conduct  of  Castaneda. 

The  King  of  Portugal,  jealous  lest  the  expedition  of  Colum- 
bus might  interfere  with  his  own  discoveries,  had  sent  orders  to 
his  commanders  of  islands  and  distant  ports  to  seize  and  detain 
him  whenever  he  should  be  met  with.1  In  compliance  with 
these  orders,  Castaneda  had,  in  the  first  instance,  hoped  to 
surprise  Columbus  in  the  chapel,  and,  failing  in  that  attempt, 
had  intended  to  get  him  in  his  power  by  stratagem,  but  was 
deterred  by  finding  him  on  his  guard.  Such  was  the  first  re- 
ception of  the  admiral  on  his  return  to  the  Old  World,  an  earn- 
est of  the  crosses  and  troubles  with  which  he  was  to  be  requited 
throughout  life,  for  one  of  the  greatest  benefits  that  ever  mau 
conferred  upon  his  fellow-beings. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

ARRIVAL    AT   PORTUGAL  —  VISIT   TO   THE   COURT. 
[1493.] 

COLUMBUS  remained  two  days  longer  at  the  island  of  St. 
Mary's,  endeavoring  to  take  in  wood  and  ballast,  but  was  pre- 
vented by  the  heavy  surf  which  broke  upon  the  shore.  The 

1  Hist,  del  Almiraute,  cup.  39.     Las  Car-us,  Hist.  Incl.,  lib.  i.  cap.  7J. 


164  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

wind  veering  to  the  south,  and  being  dangerous  for  vessels  at 
anchor  off  the  island,  but  favorable  for  the  voyage  to  Spain,  he 
set  sail  on  the  24th  of  February,  and  had  pleasant  weather  until 
the  27th,  when,  being  within  one  hundred  and  twenty-five 
leagues  of  Cape  St.  Vincent,  he  again  encountered  contrary 
gales  and  a  boisterous  sea.  His  fortitude  was  scarcely  proof 
against  these  perils  and  delays,  which  appeared  to  increase,  the 
nearer  he  approached  his  home  ;  and  he  could  not  help  uttering 
a  complaint  at  thus  being  repulsed,  as  it  were,  "  from  the  very 
door  of  the  house."  He  contrasted  the  rude  storms  which  raged 
about  the  coasts  of  the  Old  World,  with  the  genial  airs,  the  tran- 
quil seas,  and  balmy  weather  which  he  supposed  perpetually  to 
prevail  about  the  countries  he  had  discovered.  "  Well,"  says 
he,  '-may  the  sacred  theologians  and  sage  philosophers  declare 
that  the  terrestrial  paradise  is  in  the  uttermost  extremity  of  the 
East,  for  it  is  the  most  temperate  of  regions." 

After  experiencing  several  days  of  stormy  and  adverse 
weather,  about  midnight  on  Saturday,  the  2d  of  March,  the 
caravel  was  struck  by  a  squall  of  wind  which  rent  all  her  sails, 
and,  continuing  to  blow  with  resistless  violence,  obliged  her 
to  scud  under  bare  poles,  threatening  her  each  moment  with 
destruction.  In  this  hour  of  darkness  and  peril,  the  crew  again 
called  upon  the  aid  of  Heaven.  A  lot  was  cast  for  the  perform- 
ance of  a  barefooted  pilgrimage  to  the  shrine  of  Santa  Maria  de 
la  Cueva  in  Huelva,  and,  as  usual,  the  lot  fell  upon  Columbus. 
There  was  something  singular  in  the  recurrence  of  this  circum- 
stance. Las  Casas  devoutly  considers  it  as  an  intimation  from 
the  Deity  to  the  admiral  that  these  storms  were  all  on  his  ac- 
count, to  humble  his  pride,  and  prevent  his  arrogating  to  him- 
self the  glory  of  a  discovery  which  was  the  work  of  God,  and 
for  which  he  had  merely  been  chosen  as  an  instrument.1 

Various  signs  appeared  of  the  vicinity  of  land,  which  they 
supposed  must  be  the  coast  of  Portugal ;  the  tempest,  however, 
increased  to  such  a  degree  that  they  doubted  whether  any  of 
them  would  survive  to  reach  a  port.  The  whole  crew  made  a 
vow,  in  case  their  lives  were  spared,  to  fast  upon  bread  and 
water  the  following  Saturday.  The  turbulence  of  the  elements 
was  still  greater  in  the  course  of  the  following  night.  The 
sea  was  broken,  wild,  and  mountainous  ;  at  one  moment  the 
light  caravel  was  tossed  high  in  the  air,  and  the  next  mo- 
ment seemed  sinking  in  a  yawning  abyss.  The  rain  at  times 
fell  in  torrents,  and  the  lightning  flashed  and  thunder  pealed 
from  various  parts  of  the  heavens. 

1  La*  (.,\i.si.-,  Ilist.  lud.,  lib.  i.  cap.  73. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  165 

In  the  first  watcli  of  this  fearful  night  the  seamen  gave  the 
usually  welcome  cry  of  land,  but  it  now  only  increased  the  gen' 
eral  alarm.  They  knew  not  where  they  were,  nor  where  to 
look  for  a  harbor;  they  dreaded  lx-ing  driven  on  shore,  or 
dashed  upon  rocks;  and  thus  the  very  land  they  had  so  ear- 
nestly desired  was  a  terror  to  them.  Taking  in  sail,  therefore, 
they  kept  to  sea  as  much  as  possible,  and  waited  anxiously  for 
the  morning  light. 

At  daybreak  on  the  4th  of  March  they  found  themselves  off 
the  rock  of  Cintra,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tagus.  Though  enter- 
taining a  strong  distrust  of  the  good-will  of  Portugal,  the  still 
prevailing  tempest  left  Columbus  no  alternative  but  to  run  in 
for  shelter  ;  he  accordingly  anchored,  attout  three  o'clock,  oppo- 
site to  the  Rastello,  to  the  great  joy  of  the  crew,  who  returned 
thanks  to  God  for  their  escape  from  so  many  perils. 

The  inhabitants  came  off  from  various  parts  of  the  shore, 
congratulating  them  upon  what  they  considered  a  miraculous 
preservation.  They  had  been  watching  the  vessel  the  whole 
morning  with  great  anxiety,  and  putting  up  prayers  for  her 
safety.  The  oldest  mariners  of  the  place  assured  Columbus 
they  had  never  known  so  tempestuous  a  winter ;  many  vessels 
had  remained  for  months  in  port,  weather-bound,  and  there  had 
been  numerous  shipwrecks. 

Immediately  on  his  arrival  Columbus  despatched  a  courier  to 
the  King  and  (Jueen  of  Spain,  with  tidings  of  his  discovery. 
He  wrote  also  to  the  King  of  Portugal,  then  at  Valparaiso,  re- 
questing permission  to  go  with  his  vessel  to  Lisbon  ;  for  a  report 
had  gone  abroad  that  his  caravel  was  laden  with  gold,  and  he 
felt  insecure  in  the  mouth  of  the  Tagus,  in  the  neighborhood  of 
a  place  like  Rastello,  scantily  peopled  by  needy  and  adven- 
turous inhabitants.  To  prevent  any  misunderstanding  as  to 
the  nature  of  his  voyage,  he  assured  the  king  that  he  had  not 
been  on  the  coast  of  Guinea,  nor  to  any  other  of  the  Portuguese 
colonies,  but  had  come  from  Cipango,  and  the  extremity  of 
India,  which  he  had  discovered  by  sailing  to  the  west. 

On  the  following  day,  Don  Alonzo  de  Acufia,  the  captain  of  a 
large  Portuguese  man-of-war  stationed  at  Rastello,  summoned 
Columbus  on  board  his  ship,  to  give  an  account  of  himself  and 
his  vessel.  The  latter  asserted  his  rights  and  dignities  as 
admiral  of  the  Castilian  sovereigns,  and  refused  to  leave  his 
vessel,  or  to  send  any  one  in  his  place.  No  sooner,  however, 
did  the  commander  learn  his  rank,  and  the  extraordinary 
nature  of  his  voyage,  than  he  came  to  the  caravel  with  great 
sound  of  drums,  fifes,  and  trumpets,  manifesting  the  courtesy 


166  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

of  a  brave  and  generous  spirit,  and  making  the  fullest  offer  of 
his  services. 

When  the  tidings  reached  Lisbon  of  this  wonderful  bark, 
anchored  in  the  Tagus,  freighted  with  the  people  and  produc- 
tions of  a  newly-discovered  world,  the  effect  may  be  more 
easily  conceived  than  described.  Lisbon,  for  nearly  a  century, 
had  derived  its  chief  glory  from  its  maritime  discoveries,  but 
here  was  an  achievement  that  eclipsed  them  all.  Curiosity 
could  scarcely  have  been  more  excited  had  the  vessel  come 
freighted  with  the  wonders  of  another  planet.  For  several 
days  the  Tagus  presented  a  gay  and  moving  picture,  covered 
with  barges  and  boats  of  every  kind,  swarming  round  the 
caravel.  From  morning  till  night  the  vessel  was  thronged  with 
visitors,  among  whom  were  cavaliers  of  high  distinction,  and 
various  officers  of  the  crown.  All  hung  with  rapt  attention  upon 
the  accounts  given  by  Columbus  and  his  crew,  of  the  events  of 
their  voyage,  and  of  the  New  World  they  had  discovered ;  and 
gazed  with  insatiable  curiosity  upon  the  specimens  of  unknown 
plants  and  animals,  but  above  all  upon  the  Indians,  so  different 
from  any  race  of  men  hitherto  known.  Some  were  filled  with 
generous  enthusiasm  at  the  idea  of  a  discovery,  so  sublime  and 
so  beneficial  to  mankind  ;  the  avarice  of  others  was  inflamed 
by  the  description  of  wild,  unappropriated  regions  teeming  with 
gold,  with  pearls  and  spices  ;  while  others  repined  at  the  incre- 
dulity of  the  king  and  his  councillors,  by  which  so  immense  an 
acquisition  had  been  forever  lost  to  Portugal. 

On  the  8th  of  March  a  cavalier,  called  Don  Martin  de  Noro- 
na,  came  with  a  letter  from  King  John,  congratulating  Colum- 
bus on  his  arrival,  and  inviting  him  to  the  court,  which  was 
then  at  Valparaiso,  about  nine  leagues  from  Lisbon.  The  king, 
with  his  usual  magnificence,  issued  orders  at  the  same  time 
that  every  thing  which  the  admiral  required  for  himself,  his 
crew,  or  his  vessel,  should  be  furnished  promptly  and  abun- 
dantly, without  cost. 

Columbus  would  gladly  have  declined  the  royal  invitation, 
feeling  distrust  of  the  good  faith  of  the  king ;  but  tempestuous 
weather  had  placed  him  in  his  power,  and  he  thought  it  pru- 
dent to  avoid  all  appearance  of  suspicion.  He  set  forth,  there- 
fore, that  very  evening  for  Valparaiso  accompanied  by  his  pilot. 
The  first  night  he  slept  at  Sacambeu,  where  preparations  had 
been  made  for  his  honorable  entertainment.  The  weather  being 
rainy,  he  did  not  reach  Valparaiso  until  the  following  night. 
On  approaching  the  royal  residence,  the  principal  cavaliers  of 
the  king's  household  came  forth  to  meet  him,  and  attended  him 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  167 

with  great  ceremony  to  the  palace.  His  reception  by  the  mon- 
arch was  worthy  of  an  enlightened  prince.  He  ordered  him 
to  seat  himself  in  his  presence,  an  honor  only  granted  to  persons 
of  royal  dignity ;  and  after  many  congratulations  on  the  result 
of  his  enterprise,  assured  him  that  every  thing  in  his  kingdom 
that  could  be  of  service  to  his  sovereigns  or  himself  was  at  his 
command. 

A  long  conversation  ensued,  in  which  Columbus  gave  an 
account  of  his  voyage,  and  of  the  countries  he  had  discovered. 
The  king  listened  with  much  seeming  pleasure,  but  with  secret 
grief  and  mortification  ;  reflecting  that  this  splendid  enterprise 
had  once  been  offered  to  himself,  and  had  been  rejected.  A 
casual  observation  showed  what  was  passing  in  his  thoughts. 
He  expressed  a  doubt  whether  the  discovery  did  not  really 
appertain  to  the  crown  of  Portugal,  according  to  the  capitula- 
tions of  the  treaty  of  1479  with  the  Castilian  sovereigns.  Colum- 
bus replied  that  he  had  never  seen  those  capitulations,  nor 
knew  any  thing  of  their  nature ;  his  orders  had  been  not  to 
go  to  La  Mina,  nor  the  coast  of  Guinea,  which  orders  he  had 
carefully  observed.  The  king  made  a  gracious  reply,  express- 
ing himself  satisfied  that  he  had  acted  correctly,  and  persuaded 
that  these  mutters  would  be  readily  adjusted  between  the  two 
powers,  without  the  need  of  umpires.  On  dismissing  Columbus 
for  the  night,  he  gave  him  in  charge  as  guest  to  the  prior  of 
Crato,  the  principal  personage  present,  by  whom  he  was  honor- 
ably and  hospitably  entertained. 

On  the  following  day  the  king  made  many  nfinute  inquiries 
as  to  the  soil,  productions,  and  people  of  the  newly-discovered 
countries,  and  the  route  taken  in  the  voyage ;  to  all  which 
Columbus  gave  the  fullest  replies,  endeavoring  to  show  in  the 
clearest  manner  that  these  were  regions  heretofore  undiscov- 
ered and  unappropriated  by  any  Christian  power.  Still  the 
king  was  uneasy  lest  this  vast  and  undefined  discovery  should 
in  some  way  interfere  with  his  own  newly-acquired  territories. 
He  doubted  whether  Columbus  had  not  found  a  short  way  to 
those  very  countries  which  were  the  object  of  his  own  expedi- 
tions, and  which  were  comprehended  in  the  papal  bull,  grant- 
ing to  the  crown  of  Portugal  all  the  lands  which  it  should  dis- 
cover from  Cape  Non  to  the  Indies. 

On  suggesting  these  doubts  to  his  councillors,  they  eagerly 
confirmed  them.  Some  of  these  were  the  very  persons  who  had 
once  derided  this  enterprise,  and  scoffed  at  Columbus  as  a 
dreamer.  To  them  its  success  was  a  source  of  confusion  ;  and 
the  return  of  Columbus,  covered  with  glory,  a  deep  humiliation. 


108  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

Incapable  of  conceiving  the  high  and  generous  thoughts  which 
elevated  him  at  that  moment  above  all  mean  considerations, 
they  attributed  to  all  his  actions  the  most  petty  and  ignoble 
motives.  His  rational  exultation  was  construed  into  an  insult- 
ing triumph,  and  they  accused  him  of  assuming  a  boastful  and 
vainglorious  tone,  when  talking  with  the  king  of  his  discovery  ; 
as  if  he  would  revenge  himself  upon  the  monarch  for  having 
rejected  his  propositions.1  With  the  greatest  eagerness,  there- 
fore, they  sought  to  foster  the  doubts  which  had  sprung  up  in 
the  royal  mind.  Some  who  had  seen  the  natives  brought  in 
the  caravel,  declared  that  their  color,  hair,  and  manners  agreed 
with  the  descriptions  of  the  people  of  that  part  of  India  which 
lay  within  the  route  of  the  Portuguese  discoveries,  and  which 
had  been  included  in  the  papal  bull.  Others  observed  that  there 
was  but  little  distance  between  the  Tercera  Islands  and  those 
which  Columbus  had  discovered,  and  that  the  latter,  therefore, 
clearly  appertained  to  Portugal.  Seeing  the  king  much  per- 
turbed in  spirit,  some  even  went  so  far  as  to  propose,  as  a 
means  of  impeding  the  prosecution  of  these  enterprises,  that 
Columbus  should  be  assassinated  ;  declaring  that  he  deserved 
death  for  attempting  to  deceive  and  embroil  the  two  nations  by 
his  pretended  discoveries.  It  was  suggested  that  his  assas- 
sination might  easily  be  accomplished  without  incurring  any 
odium  ;  advantage  might  be  taken  of  his  lofty  deportment  to 
pique  his  pride,  provoke  him  into  an  altercation,  and  then 
despatch  him  as  if  in  casual  and  honorable  encounter. 

It  is  difficult?  to  believe  that  such  wicked  and  dastardly  counsel 
could  have  been  proposed  to  a  monarch  so  upright  as  John  JI., 
but  the  fact  is  asserted  by  various  historians,  Portuguese  as 
well  as  Spanish,2  and  it  accords  with  the  perfidious  advice  for- 
merly given  to  the  monarch  in  respect  to  Columbus.  There  is  a 
spurious  loyalty  about  courts,  which  is  often  prone  to  prove  its 
zeal  by  its  baseness  ;  and  it  is  the  weakness  of  kings  to  tolerate  the 
grossest  faults  when  they  appear  to  arise  from  personal  devotion. 

Happily,  the  king  had  too  much  magnanimity  to  adopt  the 
iniquitous  measure  proposed.  He  did  justice  to  the  great  merit 
of  Columbus,  and  honored  him  as  a  distinguished  benefactor  of 

1  Vasconcelos,  Vida  de  D.  Juan  II.,  lib.  vi.  The  Portuguese  historians  in  general 
charge  Oilmnbus  with  having  conducted  himself  loftily,  and  talked  in  vaunting 
terms  of  his  discoveries,  in  his  conversations  with  the  king.  It  in  evident  their  infor- 
mation must  have  been  derived  from  prejudiced  courtiers.  Faria  y  Souza,  in  his 
"  Kuropa  Poi-tiiaue.-'a  "  (I'arte  iii.  cup.  4),  goes  so  far  as  to  s;iy  that  Columbus  entered 
into  the  port  of  liastello  merely  to  make  Portugal  sensible,  by  the  sight  of  the  trophies 
of  bis  discovery,  how  much  she  bad  lost  by  not  accepting  his  propositions. 

*  Vasconcelos,  Vida  de!  Uei.  Don  Juan  II.,  lib.  vi.  Garcia  de  lleseude,  vida  do  Dom 
Joam  11.  Las  Casus,  Hist,  lud.,  lib.  i.  cap.  74,  MS. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  169 

mankind  ;  and  he  felt  it  his  duty,  as  a  generous  prince,  to  pro- 
tect till  strangers  driven  by  ad  verse  fortune  to  his  ports.  Others 
of  his  council  suggested  a  more  bold  and  martial  line  of  policy. 
They  advised  that  Columbus  should  be  permitted  to  return  to 
Spain  ;  but  that,  before  he  could  tit  out  a  second  expedition,  a 
powerful  armament  should  be  despatched,  under  the  guidance  of 
two  Portuguese  mariners  who  had  sailed  with  the  admiral,  to 
take  possession  of  the  newly-discovered  country ;  possession 
being  after  all  the  best  title,  and  an  appeal  to  arms  the  clearest 
modi1  of  settling  so  doubtful  a  question. 

This  council,  in  which  there  was  a  mixture  of  courage  and 
craft,  was  more  relished  by  the  king,  and  he  resolved  privately, 
but  promptly,  to  put  it  in  execution,  fixing  upon  Don  Francisco 
dc  Almeida,  one  of  the  most  distinguished  captains  of  the  age, 
to  command  the  expedition.1 

In  the  mean  time  Columbus,  after  being  treated  with  distin- 
guished attention,  was  escorted  back  to  his  ship  by  Don  Martin 
de  Noroiia.  and  a  numerous  train  of  cavaliers  of  the  court,  a 
mule  being  provided  for  himself,  and  another  for  his  pilot,  to 
whom  the  king  made  a  present  of  twenty  espadinas,  or  ducats 
of  gold.2  On  his  way  Columbus  stopped  at  the  monastery  of 
San  Antonio,  at  Villa  Franca,  to  visit  the  queen,  who  had 
expressed  an  earnest  wish  to  see  this  extraordinary  and  enter- 
prising man,  whose  achievement  was  the  theme  of  every  tongue. 
He  found  her  attended  by  a  few  of  her  favorite  ladies,  and 
experienced  the  most  flattering  reception.  Her  majesty  made 
him  relate  the  principal  events  of  his  voyage,  and  descril>e  the 
countries  he  had  found  ;  and  she  and  her  ladies  hung  with  eager 
curiosity  upon  his  narration.  That  night  he  slept  at  Llandra, 
and  being  on  the  point  of  departing  in  the  morning  a  servant  of 
the  king  arrived,  to  attend  him  to  the  frontier,  if  he  preferred 
to  return  to  Spain  by  land,  and  to  provide  horses,  lodgings,  and 
every  thing  he  might  stand  in  need  of,  at  the  royal  expense. 
The  weather,  however,  having  moderated,  he  preferred  return- 
ing in  his  caravel.  Putting  to  sea,  therefore,  on  the  13th  of 
31  arch,  he  arrived  safely  at  the  bar  of  Saltes  on  sunrise  of  the 
fifteenth,  and  at  mid-day  entered  the  harbor  of  Palos  ;  whence 
he  had  sailed  on  the  3d  of  August  in  the  preceding  year,  having 
taken  not  quite  seven  months  and  a  half  to  accomplish  this 
most  momentous  of  all  maritime  enterprises.8 

1  VasconceloR,  lib.  vi. 

*  Twenty-eight  dollars  in  ^old  of  the  present  day,  and  equivalent  to  seventy-four 
dollars,  considering  the  depreciation  of  the  precious  metals. 

3  Works  generally  consulted  in  this  chapter:  I>iis  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.,  lib.  i.  cap.  17; 
Ilist.  del  AUuiraute,  cup.  39,  4J,  41;  Journal  of  Columb.  Navarrete,  torn.  i. 


170  LIFE  OF  C1IRISTOPUER   COLUMBUS. 

CHAPTER   V. 

RECEPTION   OF  COLUMBUS   AT   PALOS. 
[1493.] 

THE  triumphant  return  of  Columbus  was  a  prodigious  event 
in  the  history  of  the  little  port  of  Palos,  where  everybody  was 
more  or  less  interested  in  the  fate  of  his  expedition.  The  most 
important  and  wealthy  sea-captains  of  the  place  had  engaged  in 
it,  and  scarcely  a  family  but  had  some  relative  or  friend  among 
the  navigators.  The  departure  of  the  ships  upon  what  appeared 
a  chimerical  and  desperate  cruise,  had  spread  gloom  and  dismay 
over  the  place  ;  and  the  storms  which  had  raged  throughout  the 
winter  had  heightened  the  public  despondency.  Many  lamented 
their  friends  as  lost,  while  imagination  lent  mysterious  horrors 
to  their  fate,  picturing  them  as  driven  about  over  wild  and 
desert  wastes  of  water  without  a  shore,  or  as  perishing  amid 
rocks  and  quicksands  and  whirlpools  ;  or  a  prey  to  those  mon- 
sters of  the  deep,  with  which  credulity  peopled  every  distant 
and  unfrequented  sea.  There  was  something  more  awful  in 
such  a  mysterious  fate  than  in  death  itself,  under  any  defined 
and  ordinary  form.1 

Great  was  the  agitation  of  the  inhabitants,  therefore,  when 
they  beheld  one  of  the  ships  standing  up  the  river ;  but  when 
they  learned  that  she  returned  in  triumph  from  the  discovery  of 
a  world,  the  whole  community  broke  forth  into  transports  of  joy. 
The  bells  were  rung,  the  shops  shut,  all  business  was  suspended  : 
for  a  time  there  was  nothing  but  hurry  and  tumult.  Some  were 
anxious  to  know  the  fate  of  a  relative,  others  of  a  friend,  and 
all  to  learn  the  particulars  of  so  wonderful  a  voyage.  When 
Columbus  landed,  the  multitude  thronged  to  see  and  welcome 
him,  and  a  grand  procession  was  formed  to  the  principal  church, 
to  return  thanks  to  God  for  so  signal  a  discovery  made  by  the 
people  of  that  place  —  forgetting,  in  their  exultation,  the  thou- 
sand difficulties  they  had  thrown  in  the  way  of  the  enterprise. 
Wherever  Columbus  passed,  he  was  hailed  with  shouts  and 

1  In  the  maps  and  charts  of  those  times,  and  even  in  those  of  a  much  later  date,  the 
variety  of  formidable  and  hideous  monsters  depicted  in  all  remote  parts  of  the  ocean 
evince  the  terrors  and  dangers  with  which  the  imagination  clothed  it.  The  same  may 
also  be  said  of  distant  and  unknown  lands;  the  remote  parts  of  Asia  and  Africa  have 
monsters  depicted  iu  them  which  it  would  be  difficult  to  trace  to  auy  originals  iu  natural 
history. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  171 

acclamations.  What  a  contrast  to  his  departure  a  few  months 
before,  followed  by  murmurs  and  execrations  ;  or,  rather,  what 
a  contrast  to  his  first  arrival  at  Palos,  a  poor  pedestrian,  craving 
bread  and  water  for  his  child  at  the  gate  of  a  convent ! 

Understanding  that  the  court  was  at  Barcelona,  lie  felt  dis- 
posed to  proceed  thither  immediately  in  his  caravel :  reflecting, 
however,  on  the  dangers  and  disasters  he  had  already  experi- 
enced on  the  seas,  lie  resolved  to  proceed  by  land.  He  despatched 
a  letter  to  the  king  and  queen,  informing  them  of  his  arrival, 
and  soon  afterward  departed  for  Seville  to  await  their  orders, 
taking  with  him  six  of  the  natives  whom  he  had  brought  from 
the  New  World.  One  had  died  at  sea,  and  three  were  left  ill 
at  Palos. 

Jt  is  a  singular  coincidence,  which  appears  to  be  well  authen- 
ticated, that  on  the  very  evening  of  the  arrival  of  Columbus  at 
Palos,  and  while  the  peals  of  triumph  were  still  ringing  from  its 
towers,  the  Pinta,  commanded  by  Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon,  like- 
wise entered  the  river.  After  her  separation  from  the  admiral 
in  the  storm,  she  had  been  driven  before  the  gale  into  the  Bay 
of  Biscay,  and  had  made  the  port  of  Bayoune.  Doubting 
whether  Columbus  hud  survived  the  tempest,  Pinzon  had  imme- 
diately written  to  the  sovereigns  giving  information  of  the 
discovery  he  had  made,  and  had  requested  permission  to  come 
to  court  and  communicate  the  particulars  in  person.  As  soon 
as  the  weather  permitted,  he  had  again  set  sail,  anticipating  a 
triumphant  reception  in  his  native  port  of  Palos.  When,  on 
entering  the  harbor,  he  lx?held  the  vessel  of  the  admiral  riding 
at  anchor,  and  learnt  the  enthusiasm  with  which  he  had  been 
received,  the  heart  of  Pinzon  died  within  him.  It  is  said  that 
he  feared  to  meet  Columbus  in  this  hour  of  his  triumph,  lest  he 
should  put  him  under  arrest  for  his  desertion  on  the  coast  of 
Cuba ;  but  he  was  a  man  of  too  much  resolution  to  indulge  in 
such  a  fear.  It  is  more  probable  that  a  consciousness  of  his 
misconduct  made  him  unwilling  to  appear  before  the  public  in 
the  midst  of  their  enthusiasm  for  Columbus,  and  perhaps  he 
sickened  at  the  honors  heaped  upon  a  man  whose  superiority  he 
had  been  so  unwilling  to  acknowledge.  Getting  into  his  boat, 
therefore,  he  landed  privately  and  kept  out  of  sight  until  he 
heard  of  the  admiral's  departure.  He  then  returned  to  his 
home,  broken  in  health  and  deeply  dejected,  considering  all  the 
honors  and  eulogiums  heaped  upon  Columbus  as  so  many 
reproaches  on  himself.  The  reply  of  the  sovereigns  to  his 
letter  at  length  arrived.  It  was  of  a  reproachful  tenor,  and 
forbade  his  appearance  at  court.  This  letter  completed  his 


172  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

humiliation  ;  the  anguish  of  his  feelings  gave  virulence  to  his 
bodily  malady,  and  in  a  few  days  he  died,  a  victim  to  deep 
chagrin.1 

Let  no  one,  however,  indulge  in  harsh  censures  over  the 
grave  of  Pinzon  !  His  merits  and  services  are  entitled  to  the 
highest  praise  ;  his  errors  should  be  regarded  with  indulgence, 
lie  was  one  of  the  foremost  in  Spain  to  appreciate  the  project 
of  Columbus,  animating  him  by  his  concurrence  and  aiding  him 
with  his  purse,  when  poor  and  unknown  at  Palos.  He  after 
ward  enabled  him  to  procure  and  fit  out  ships,  when  even  the 
mandates  of  the  sovereigns  were  ineffectual ;  and  finally  em- 
barked in  the  expedition  with  his  brothers  and  his  friends,  stak- 
ing life,  property,  every  thing  upon  the  event.  He  thus  entitled 
himself  to  participate  largely  in  the  glory  of  this  immortal 
enterprise ;  but  unfortunately,  forgetting  for  a  moment  the 
grandeur  of  the  cause,  and  the  implicit  obedience  due  to  his 
commander,  he  yielded  to  the  incitements  of  self-interest,  and 
committed  that  act  of  insubordination  which  has  cast  a  shade 
upon  his  name.  In  extenuation  of  his  fault,  however,  may  be 
alleged  his  habits  of  command,  which  rendered  him  impatient 
of  control ;  his  consciousness  of  having  rendered  great  services 
to  the  expedition,  and  of  possessing  property  in  the  ships. 
That  he  was  a  man  of  great  professional  merit  is  admitted  by 
all  his  contemporaries  ;  that  he  naturally  possessed  generous 
sentiments  and  an  honorable  ambition,  is  evident,  from  the 
poignancy  with  which  he  felt  the  disgrace  drawn  on  him  by 
his  misconduct.  A  mean  man  would  not  have  fallen  a  victim 
to  self-upbraiding  for  having  been  convicted  of  a  mean  action. 
His  story  shows  how  one  lapse  from  duty  may  counterbalance 
the  merits  of  a  thousand  services ;  how  one  moment  of  weak- 
ness may  mar  the  beauty  of  a  whole  life  of  virtue ;  and  how 
important  it  is  for  a  man,  under  all  circumstances,  to  be  true 
not  merely  to  others,  but  to  himself.2 

»  Munoz,  Hist.  N.  Mundo,  lib.  iv.  §  14.    Charlevoix,  Hist.  St.  Doinin.,  lib.  ii. 

*  After  a  lapse  of  years,  the  descendants  of  the  Pinzons  made  strenuous  representa- 
tions to  the  crown  of  the  merits  and  services  of  their  family,  endeavoring  to  prove, 
among  other  things,  that  but  for  the  aid  and  encouragement  of  Martin  Alonzo  and  his 
brothers,  Columbus  would  never  have  made  his  discovery.  Some  of  the  testimony 
rendered  on  this  and  another  occasioi.  was  rather  extravagant  and  absurd,  as  will  be 
shown  in  another  part  of  this  work.*  The  Emperor  Charles  V.,  however,  taking  into 
consideration  the  real  services  of  the  brothers  in  the  first  voyage,  and  the  subsequent 
expeditions  and  discoveries  of  that  able  and  intrepid  navigator,  Vincente  Yanez  I'inzon, 
granted  to  the  family  the  well-merited  rank  and  privileges  of  Hiilnlgiiiit,  &  degree  of 
nobility  which  constituted  them  noble  hidalgos,  with  the  right  of  prefixing  the  title 
of  Don  to  their  names.  A  coat  of  arras  was  also  given  them,  emblematical  of  their  ser- 
vices its  discoverers.  These  privileges  and  arms  are  carefully  preserved  by  the  family  at 
the  present  day. 

The  I'in/.ons  at  present  reside  principally  in  the  little  city  of  Moguer,  about  a  league 

*  Vide  illustrations,  article  "  Martin  Alouzo  IMnzou." 


LIFE  OF  cnmsroruER  COLUMBUS.  173 

CHAPTER  VI. 

RECEPTION  OF  COLUMBUS  BY  THE  SPANISH  COURT  AT  BARCELONA. 

THE  letter  of  Columbus  to  the  Spanish  monarchs  had  pro- 
duced the  greatest  sensation  at  court.  The  event  be  announced 
was  considered  the.  most  extraordinary  of  their  prosperous  reign, 
and  following  so  close  upon  the  conquest  of  Granada,  was 
pronounced  a  signal  mark  of  divine  favor  for  that  triumph 
achieved  in  the  cause  of  the  true  faith.  The  sovereigns  them- 
selves were  for  a  time  dazzled  by  this  sudden  and  easy  ac- 
quisition of  a  new  empire,  of  indefinite  extent,  and  apparently 
boundless  wealth  ;  and  their  first  idea  was  to  secure  it  beyond 
the  reach  of  dispute.  Shortly  after  his  arrival  in  Seville,  Colum- 
bus received  a  letter  from  them  expressing  their  great  delight, 
and  requesting  him  to  repair  immediately  to  court,  to  concert 
plans  for  a  second  and  more  extensive  expedition.  As  the 
summer,  the  time  favorable  for  a  voyage,  was  approaching, 
they  desired  him  to  make  any  arrangements  at  Seville  or  else- 
where that  might  hasten  the  expedition,  and  to  inform  them,  by 
the  return  of  the  courier,  what  was  to  be  done  on  their  part. 
This  letter  was  addressed  to  him  by  the  title  of  "  Don  Chris- 
topher Columbus,  our  admiral  of  the  ocean  sea,  and  viceroy  and 
governor  of  the  islands  discovered  in  the  Indies  ;  "  at  the  same 
time  he  was  promised  still  further  rewards.  Columbus  lost  no 
time  in  complying  with  the  commands  of  the  sovereigns.  He 
sent  a  memorandum  of  the  ships,  men,  and  munitions  requisite, 
and  having  made  such  dispositions  at  Seville  as  circumstances 
permitted,  set  out  for  Barcelona,  taking  with  him  the  six  In- 
dians, and  the  various  curiosities  and  productions  brought  from 
the  New  World. 

The  fame  of  his  discovery  had  resounded  throughout  the  na- 
tion, and  as  his  route  lay  through  several  of  the  finest  and  most 

from  Palos,  and  possess  vineyard*  and  estates  about  the  neighborhood.  They  are  in 
easy,  if  not  affluent  circumstances,  and  inhabit  the  best  house*  in  Moguer.  Here  they 
have  continued,  from  veneration  to  gem-ration,  since  the  time  of  the  discovery,  filling 
place*  of  public  trust  and  dignity,  enjoying  the  good  opinion  and  good  will  of  their 
fellow-citizens,  and  flourishing  in  nearly  the  name  state  in  which  they  were  found  by 
Columbus,  on  his  first  visit  lo  i'alos.  It  is  rare  indeed  to  find  a  family,  in  thi*  fluctu- 
ating world,  no  little  changed  by  the  revolution*  of  nearly  three  centime*  and  a  half. 

Whatever  I'alos  may  have  been  in  the  time  of  Columbus,  it  i*  now  a  paltry  village  <>f 
about  four  hundred  inhabitants,  who  subsist  chiefly  by  laboring  in  the  fields  and  vine- 
yards. The  convent  of  La  Uabida  still  exists,  but  is  inhabited  merely  by  two  friars,  with 
a  novitiate  and  a  lay  brother.  It  is  situated  on  a  hill,  surrounded  by  a  scattered  forest 
of  pine  trees,  and  overlooks  the  low  sandy  country  of  the  seacoajsl.  and  the  windings  of 
the  river  by  which  Coluinbud  tallied  forth  upou  the  ocean. 


174  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

populous  provinces  of  Spain,  his  journey  appeared  liloe  the  pro- 
gress of  a  sovereign.  Wherever  he  passed  the  country  poured 
forth  its  inhabitants,  who  lined  the  road  and  thronged  the  vil- 
lages. The  streets,  windows,  and  balconies  of  the  towns  were 
filled  with  eager  spectators,  who  rent  the  air  with  acclamations. 
His  journey  was  continually  impeded  by  the  multitude  pressing 
to  gain  a  sight  of  him  and  of  the  Indians,  who  were  regarded 
with  as  much  astonishment  as  if  they  had  been  natives  of  another 
planet.  It  was  impossible  to  satisfy  the  craving  curiosity  which 
assailed  him  and  his  attendants  at  every  stage  with  innumerable 
questions  ;  popular  rumor,  as  usual,  had  exaggerated  the  truth, 
and  had  filled  the  newly-found  country  with  all  kinds  of  wonders. 
About  the  middle  of  April,  Columbus  arrived  at  Barcelona, 
where  every  preparation  had  been  made  to  give  him  a  solemn 
and  magnificent  reception.  The  beauty  and  serenity  of  the 
weather  in  that  genial  season  and  favored  climate  contributed 
to  give  splendor  to  this  memorable  ceremony.  As  he  drew  near 
the  place,  many  of  the  youthful  courtiers  and  hidalgos,  together 
with  a  vast  concourse  of  the  populace,  came  forth  to  meet  and 
welcome  him.  His  entrance  into  this  noble  city  has  been  com- 
pared to  one  of  those  triumphs  which  the  Romans  were  accus- 
tomed to  decree  to  conquerors.  First  were  paraded  the  Indians, 
painted  according  to  their  savage  fashion,  and  decorated  with 
their  national  ornaments  of  gold.  After  these  were  borne 
various  kinds  of  live  parrots,  together  with  stuffed  birds  and 
animals  of  unknown  species,  and  rare  plants  supposed  to  be  of 
precious  qualities  ;  while  great  care  was  taken  to  make  a  con- 
spicuous display  of  Indian  coronets,  bracelets,  and  other  decora- 
tions of  gold,  which  might  give  an  idea  of  the  wealth  of  the 
newly-discovered  regions.  After  this,  followed  Columbus  on 
horseback,  surrounded  by  a  brilliant  cavalcade  of  Spanish  chiv- 
alry. The  streets  were  almost  impassible  from  the  countless 
multitude  ;  the  windows  and  balconies  were  crowded  with  the 
fair  :  the  very  roofs  were  covered  with  spectators.  It  seemed 
as  if  the  public  eye  could  not  be  sated  with  gazing  on  these 
trophies  of  an  unknown  world,  or  on  the  remarkable  man  by 
whom  it  had  been  discovered.  There  was  a  sublimity  in  this 
event  that  mingled  a  solemn  feeling  with  the  public  joy.  It 
was  looked  upon  as  a  vast  and  signal  dispensation  of  Providence, 
in  reward  for  the  piety  of  the  monarchs  ;  and  the  majestic  and 
venerable  appearance  of  the  discoverer,  so  different  from  the 
youth  and  buoyancy  generally  expected  from  roving  enterprise, 
seemed  in  harmony  with  the  grandeur  and  dignity  of  his 
achievement. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  175 

To  receive  him  with  suitable  pomp  and  distinction,  the  sov- 
ereigns had  ordered  their  throne  to  be  placed  in  public  under  a 
rich  canopy  of  brocade  of  gold,  in  a  vast  and  splendid  saloon. 
Here  the  king  and  queen  awaited  his  arrival,  seated  in  state, 
with  the  prince  Juan  beside  them,  and  attended  by  the  digni- 
taries of  their  court,  and  the  principal  nobility  of  Castile,  Va- 
lentia,  Catalonia,  and  Arragon,  all  impatient  to  behold  the  man 
who  had  conferred  so  incalculable  a  benefit  upon  the  nation. 
At  length  Columbus  entered  the  hall,  surrounded  by  a  brilliant 
crowd  of  cavaliers,  among  whom,  says  Las  Casas,  he  was  con- 
spicuous for  his  stately  and  commanding  person,  which  with 
his  countenance,  rendered  venerable  by  his  gray  hairs,  gave 
him  the  august  appearance  of  a  senator  of  Home  ;  a  modest 
smile  lighted  up  his  features,  showing  that  he  enjoyed  the  state 
and  glory  in  which  he  came  ; 1  and  certainly  nothing  could  be 
more  deeply  moving  to  a  mind  inflamed  by  noble  ambition,  and 
conscious  of  having  greatly  deserved,  than  these  testimonials 
of  the  admiration  and  gratitude  of  a  nation,  or  rather  of  a  world. 
As  Columbus  approached  the  sovereigns  rose,  as  if  receiving  a 
person  of  the  highest  rank.  Bending  his  knees,  he  offered  to 
kiss  their  hands  ;  but  there  was  some  hesitation  on  their  part 
to  permit  this  act  of  homage.  Raising  him  in  the  most  gracious 
manner,  they  ordered  him  to  seat  himself  in  their  presence ;  a 
rare  honor  in  this  proud  and  punctilious  court.'2 

At  their  request,  he  now  gave  an  account  of  the  most  striking 
events  of  his  voyage,  and  a  description  of  the  islands  discovered. 
He  displayed  specimens  of  unknown  birds  and  other  animals  ; 
of  rare  plants  of  medicinal  and  aromatic  virtues  ;  of  native  gold 
in  dust,  in  crude  masses,  or  labored  into  barbaric  ornaments ; 
and,  above  all,  the  natives  of  these  countries,  who  were  objects 
of  intense  and  inexhaustible  interest.  All  these  he  pronounced 
mere  harbingers  of  greater  discoveries  yet  to  be  made,  which 
would  add  realms  of  incalculable  wealth  to  the  dominions  of 
their  majesties,  and  whole  nations  of  proselytes  to  the  true  faith. 

When  he  had  finished,  the  sovereigns  sank  on  their  knees, 
and  raising  their  clasped  hands  to  heaven,  their  eyes  tilled  with 
tears  of  joy  and  gratitude,  poured  forth  thanks  and  praises  to 
God  for  so  great  a  providence ;  all  present  followed  their  exam- 
ple ;  a  deep  and  solemn  enthusiasm  pervaded  that  splendid  as- 
sembly, and  prevented  all  common  acclamations  of  triumph. 
The  anthem  Te  Deum  laudamus,  chanted  by  the  choir  of  the 
royal  chapel,  with  the  accompaniment  of  instruments,  rose  in 

1  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Inil.,  lib.  i.  cap.  7S.  MS. 

2  L*t  Ca.«u.-,  Hist,  lud.,  lib.  i.  cap.  78.    llist.  del  Almiraute,  cap.  81. 


176  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS. 

full  body  of  sacred  harmony ;  bearing  up,  as  it  were,  the  feel- 
ings and  thoughts  of  the  auditors  to  heaven,  "so  that,"  says 
the  venerable  Las  Casas,  "  it  seemed  as  if  in  that  hour  they 
communicated  with  celestial  delights."  Such  was  the  solemn 
and  pious  manner  in  which  the  brilliant  court  of  Spain  cele- 
brated this  sublime  event ;  offering  up  a  grateful  tribute  of 
melody  and  praise,  and  giving  glory  to  God  for  the  discovery 
of  another  world. 

When  Columbus  retired  from  the  royal  presence,  he  was  at- 
tended to  his  residence  by  all  the  court,  and  followed  by  the 
shouting  populace.  For  many  days  he  was  the  object  of  uni- 
versal curiosity,  and  wherever  he  appeared  was  surrounded  by 
an  admiring  multitude. 

While  his  mind  was  teeming  with  glorious  anticipations,  his 
pious  scheme  for  the  deliverance  of  the  holy  sepulchre  was  not 
forgotten.  It  has  been  shown  that  he  suggested  it  to  the  Span- 
ish sovereigns  at  the  time  of  first  making  his  propositions,  hold- 
ing it  forth  as  the  great  object  to  be  effected  by  the  profits  of 
his  discoveries.  Flushed  with  the  idea  of  the  vast  wealth  now 
to  accrue  to  himself,  he  made  a  vow  to  furnish  within  seven 
years  an  army,  consisting  of  four  thousand  horse  and  lit' 13" 
thousand  foot,  for  the  rescue  of  the  holy  sepulchre,  and  a  simi- 
lar force  within  the  five  following  years.  This  vow  was  re- 
corded in  one  of  his  letters  to  the  sovereigns,  to  which  he  re  fere, 
but  which  is  no  longer  extant ;  nor  is  it  certain  whether  it  was 
made  at  the  end  of  his  first  voyage  or  at  a  subsequent  date, 
when  the  magnitude  and  wealthy  result  of  his  discoveries  became 
more  fully  manifest.  He  often  alludes  to  it  vaguely  in  his 
writings,  and  he  refers  to  it  expressly  in  a  letter  to  Pope 
Alexander  VI.,  written  in  1502,  in  which  he  accounts  also  for 
its  non-fulfilment.  It  is  essential  to  a  full  comprehension  of 
the  character  and  motives  of  Columbus,  that  this  visionary 
project  should  be  borne  in  recollection.  It  will  be  found  to 
have  intwined  itself  in  his  mind  with  his  enterprise  of  discov- 
ery, and  that  a  holy  crusade  was  to  be  the  consummation  of 
those  divine  purposes,  for  which  he  considered  himself  selected 
by  Heaven  as  an  agent.  It  shows  how  much  his  mind  was  ele- 
vated al)ove  selfish  and  mercenary  views  —  how  it  was  filled 
with  those  devout  and  heroic  schemes,  which  in  the  time  of  the 
Crusades  had  inflamed  the  thoughts  and  directed  the  enterprises 
of  the  bravest  warriors  and  most  illustrious  princes. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  177 


CHAPTER  VII. 

SOJOURN    OF  COLUMBUS     AT    BARCELONA ATTENTIONS     PAID    HIM 

BY   THE    SOVEREIGNS    AND    COURTIERS. 

THE  joy  occasioned  by  the  great  discovery  of  Columbus  was 
not  confined  to  Spain  ;  the  tidings  were  spread  far  and  wide  l>y 
the  communications  of  ambassadors,  the  correspondence  of  the 
learned,  the  negotiations  of  merchants,  and  the  reports  of  trav- 
ellers, and  the  whole  civilized  world  was  filled  with  wonder  and 
drlight.  How  gratifying  would  it  have  been,  had  the  press  at 
that  time,  as  at  present,  poured  forth  its  daily  tide  of  specula- 
tion on  every  passing  occurrence  !  With  what  eagerness  should 
we  seek  to  know  the  first  ideas  and  emotions  of  the  public,  on 
an  event  so  unlocked  for  and  sublime !  Even  the  first  an- 
nouncements of  it  by  contemporary  writers,  though  brief  and 
incidental,  derive  interest  from  being  written  at  the  time  ;  and 
from  showing  the  casual  way  in  which  such  great  tidings  were 
conveyed  alx>ut  the  world.  Allegretto  Allegretti,  in  his  annals 
of  Sienna  for  1493,  mentions  it  as  just  made  known  there  by 
the  letters  of  their  merchants  who  were  in  Spain,  and  by  the 
mouths  of  various  travellers.1  The  news  was  brought  to  Genoa 
by  the  return  of  her  ambassadors  Francisco  Marches!  and  Gio- 
vanni Antonio  Grimaldi,  and  was  recorded  among  the  trium- 
phant events  of  the  year ; 2  for  the  republic,  though  she  may 
have  slighted  the  opportunity  of  making  herself  mistress  of  the 
discovery,  has  ever  since  been  tenacious  of  the  glory  of  having 
given  birth  to  the  discoverer.  The  tidings  were  soon  carried  to 
England,  which  as  yet  was  but  a  maritime  power  of  inferior 
importance.  They  caused,  however,  much  wonder  in  London, 
and  great  talk  and  admiration  in  the  court  of  Henry  VII.,  where, 
the  discovery  was  pronounced  "a  thing  more  divine  than  hu- 
man." We  have  this  on  the  authority  of  Sebastian  Calx>t  him- 
self, the  future  discoverer  of  the  northern  continent  of  America, 
who  was  in  London  at  the  time,  and  was  inspired  by  the  event 
with  a  generous  spirit  of  emulation.8 

Every  member  of  civilized  society,  in  fact,  rejoiced  in  the  oc- 
currence, as  one  in  which  he  was  more  or  less  interested.  To 

»  DmrJ  Senwi  <le  Alleg.  Alloennti.     Muratori,  Ital.  Senpt.,  torn,  xxiii. 

-  Koglieta,  Istoriade  OcDOVa,  lil>.  h. 

*  llackluyt,  Collect    Voyageu,  vol.  iii  p.  1. 


178  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

some  it  opened  a  new  and  unbounded  field  of  inquiry  ;  to  others, 
of  enterprise  ;  and  every  one  awaited  with  intense  eagerness 
the  further  development  of  this  unknown  world,  still  covered 
with  mystery,  the  partial  glimpses  of  which  were  so  full  of 
wonder.  AVe  have  a  brief  testimony  of  the  emotions  of  the 
learned  in  a  letter,  written  at  the  time  by  Peter  Martyr  to  his 
friend  Pomponius  Laetus.  "  You  tell  me,  my  amiable  Pom- 
ponius,"  he  writes,  "that  you  leaped  for  joy,  and  that  your 
delight  was  mingled  with  tears,  when  you  read  my  epistle,  certi- 
fying to  you  the  hitherto  hidden  world  of  the  antipodes.  You 
have  felt  and  acted  as  became  a  man  eminent  for  learning,  for 
I  can  conceive  no  aliment  more  delicious  than  such  tidings  to  a 
cultivated  and  ingenuous  mind.  I  feel  a  wonderful  exultation 
of  spirits  when  I  converse  with  intelligent  men  who  have  re- 
turned from  these  regions.  It  is  like  an  accession  of  wealth  to 
a  miser.  Our  minds,  soiled  and  debased  by  the  common  con- 
cerns of  life  and  the  vices  of  society,  become  elevated  and 
ameliorated  by  contemplating  such  glorious  events."1 

Notwithstanding  this  universal  enthusiasm,  however,  no  one 
was  aware  of  the  real  importance  of  the  discovery.  No  one 
had  an  idea  that  this  was  a  totally  distinct  portion  of  the  globe, 
separated  by  oceans  from  the  ancient  world.  The  opinion  of 
Columbus  was  universally  adopted,  that  Cuba  was  the  end  of 
the  Asiatic  continent,  and  that  the  adjacent  islands  were  in  the 
Indian  seas.  This  agreed  with  the  opinions  of  the  ancients, 
heretofore  cited,  about  the  moderate  distance  from  Spain  to  the 
extremity  of  India,  sailing  westwardly.  The  parrots  were  also 
thought  to  resemble  those  described  by  Pliny,  as  abounding  in 
the  remote  parts  of  Asia.  The  lands,  therefore,  which  Colum- 
bus had  visited  were  called  the  AArest  Indies  ;  and  as  he  seemed 
to  have  entered  upon  a  vast  region  of  unexplored  countries, 
existing  in  a  state  of  nature,  the  whole  received  the  compre- 
hensive appellation  of  "The  New  AA'orld." 

During  the  whole  of  his  sojourn  at  Barcelona,  the  sovereigns 
took  every  occasion  to  bestow  on  Columbus  personal  marks  of 
their  high  consideration.  He  was  admitted  at  all  times  to  the 
royal  presence,  and  the  queen  delighted  to  converse  with  him 
on  the  subject  of  his  enterprises.  The  king,  too,  appeared  oc- 
casionally on  horseback,  with  Prince  Juan  on  one  side,  and 
Columbus  on  the  other.  To  perpetuate  in  his  family  the  glory 
of  his  achievement,  a  coat  of  arms  was  assigned  him,  in  which 
the  royal  arms,  the  castle  and  lion,  were  quartered  with  his 

>  Letters  of  T.  Martyr,  let.  153. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  179 

proper  bearings,  which  were  a  group  of  islands  surrounded  by 
waves.     To  these  arms  was  afterward  aimexed  the  motto : 

A  CaMilla  y  a  Leon, 
Kuero  rnuudo  dlo  Colon. 

(To  Castile  and  Leon 
Columbus  gave  a  new  world.) 

The  pension  which  had  been  decreed  by  the  sovereigns  to  him 
who  in  the  first  voyage  should  discover  land,  was  adjudged  to 
Columbus,  for  having  first  seen  the  light  on  the  shore.  It  is 
said  that  the  seaman  who  first  descried  the  land  was  so  incensed 
at  being  disappointed  at  what  he  conceived  his  merited  reward, 
that  he  renounced  his  country  and  his  faith,  and  going  into 
Africa  turned  Mussulman  ;  an  anecdote  which  rests  merely  on 
the  authority  of  Oviedo,1  who  is  extremely  incorrect  in  his  nar- 
ration of  this  voyage,  and  inserts  many  falsehoods  told  him 
by  the  enemies  of  the  admiral. 

It  may  at  first  sight  appear  but  little  accordant  with  the 
acknowledged  magnanimity  of  Columbus,  to  have  borne  away 
the  prize  from  this  poor  sailor,  but  this  was  a  subject  in  which 
his  whole  ambition  was  involved,  and  he  was  doubtless  proud 
of  the  honor  of  being  personally  the  discoverer  of  the  laud  as 
well  as  projector  of  the  enterprise. 

Next  to  the  countenance  shown  him  by  the  king  and  queen 
may  be  mentioned  that  of  Pedro  Gonzalez  de  Mendoza,  the 
Grand  Cardinal  of  Spain,  and  first  subject  of  the  realm  ;  a  man 
whose  elevated  character  for  piety,  learning,  and  high  prince- 
like  qualities,  gave  signal  value  to  his  favors.  He  invited 
Columbus  to  the  banquet,  where  he  assigned  him  the  most  hon- 
orable place  at  table,  and  had  him  served  with  the  ceremonials 
which  in  those  punctilious  times  were  observed  toward  sover- 
eigns. At  this  repast  is  said  to  have  occurred  the  well-known 
anecdote  of  the  egg.  A  shallow  courtier  present,  impatient  of 
the  honors  paid  to  Columbus,  and  meanly  jealous  of  him  as  a 
foreigner,  abruptly  asked  him  whether  he  thought  that,  in  case 
he  had  not  discovered  the  Indies,  there  were  not  other  men  in 
Spain  who  would  have  been  capable  of  the  enterprise  ?  To  this 
Columbus  made  no  immediate  reply,  but,  taking  an  egg,  invited 
the  company  to  make  it  stand  on  one  end.  Every  one  at- 
tempted it,  but  in  vain  ;  whereupon  he  struck  it  upon  the  table 
so  as  to  break  the  end,  and  left  it  standing  on  the  broken 

1  Oviedo,  Crouico  du  las  India*,  lib.  ii.  cap.  2. 


180  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

part ;  illustrating  in  this  simple  manner  that  when  he  had  once 
shown  the  way  to  the  New  World  nothing  was  easier  than  to 
follow  it.1 

The  favor  shown  Columbus  by  the  sovereigns  insured  him  for 
a  time  the  caresses  of  the  nobility  ;  for  in  a  court  everyone  vies 
with  his  neighbor  in  lavishing  attentions  upon  the  man  tl  whom 
the  king  delighteth  to  honor."  Columbus  bore  all  these  caresses 
and  distinctions  with  becoming  modesty,  though  he  must  have 
felt  a  proud  satisfaction  in  the  idea  that  they  had  been  wrested, 
as  it  were,  from  the  nation  by  his  courage  and  perseverance. 
One  can  hardly  recognize  in  the  individual  thus  made  the  com- 
panion of  princes,  and  the  theme  of  general  wonder  and  admira- 
tion, the  same  obscure  stranger  who  but  a  short  time  before  had 
been  a  common  scoff  and  jest  in  this  very  court,  derided  by 
some  as  an  adventurer,  and  pointed  at  by  others  as  a  madman. 
Those  who  had  treated  him  with  contumely  during  his  long 
course  of  solicitation,  now  sought  to  efface  the  remembrance  of 
it  by  adulations.  Every  one  wha  had  given  him  a  little  cold 
countenance,  or  a  few  courtly  smiles,  now  arrogated  to  himself 
the  credit  of  having  been  a  patron  and  of  having  promoted  the 
discovery  of  the  New  World.  Scarce  a  great  man  about  the 
court  but  has  been  enrolled  by  his  historian  or  biographer  among 
the  benefactors  of  Columbus  ;  though,  had  one-tenth  part  of  this 
boasted  patronage  been  really  exerted,  he  would  never  have  had 
to  linger  seven  3-ears  soliciting  for  an  armament  of  three  cara- 
vels. Columbus  knew  well  the  weakness  of  the  patronage  that 
had  been  given  him.  The  only  friends  mentioned  by  him  with 
gratitude,  in  his  after  letters,  as  having  been  really  zealous  and 
effective,  were  those  two  worthy  friars,  Diego  de  Deza,  after- 
ward Bishop  of  Palencia  and  Seville,  and  Juan  Perez,  the  prior 
of  the  convent  of  La  Rabida. 

Thus  honored  by  the  sovereigns,  courted  by  the  great,  idol- 
ized by  the  people,  Columbus,  for  a  time,  drank  the  honeyed 
draught  of  popularity,  before  enmity  and  detraction  had  time  to 
drug  it  with  bitterness.  His  discovery  burst  with  such  sudden 
splendor  upon  the  world  as  to  dazzle  envy  itself,  and  to  call 
forth  the  general  acclamations  of  mankind.  Well  would  it  be 
for  the  honor  of  human  nature,  could  history,  like  romance, 
close  with  the  consummation  of  the  hero's  wishes  ;  we  should 
then  leave  Columbus  in  the  full  fruition  of  great  and  well-merited 

1  This  anecdote  rests  on  the  authority  of  the  Italian  historian  Benzoni  (lib.  i.  p.  12, 
cd.  Yenetia,  167:2).  It  has  been  condemned  as  trivial,  but  the  simplicity  of  the  reproof 
constitutes  its  severity,  and  was  characteristic  of  the  practical  sagacity  of  Columbus. 
The  universal  popularity  of  the  anecdote  is  a  proof  of  iU  merit. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  181 

prosperity.  But  his  history  is  destined  to  furnish  another  proof, 
if  proof  be  wanting,  of  the  inconstancy  of  public  favor,  cvrn 
when  won  by  distinguished  services.  No  greatness  was  ever 
acquired  by  more  incontestable,  unalloyed,  and  exalted  benefits 
rendered  to  mankind,  yet  none  ever  drew  on  its  possessor  more 
unremitting  jealousy  and  defamation  ;  or  involved  him  in  more 
unmerited  distress  and  difficulty.  Thus  it  is  with  illustrious 
merit :  its  very  effulgence  draws  forth  the  rancorous  passions  of 
low  and  grovelling  minds,  which  too  often  have  a  temporary 
influence  in  obscuring  it  to  the  world ;  as  the  sun  emerging  with 
full  splendor  into  the  heavens,  calls  up,  by  the  very  fervor  of 
its  rays,  the  rank  and  noxious  vapors,  which,  for  a  time,  becloud 
its  glory. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

PAPAL    BULL   OF    PARTITION  —  PREPARATIONS    FOR   A     SECOND 
VOYAGE    OF   COLUMBUS. 

[1493.] 

IN  the  midst  of  their  rejoicings  the  Spanish  sovereigns  lost  no 
time  in  taking  every  measure  necessary  to  secure  their  new 
acquisitions.  Although  it  was  supposed  that  the  countries  just 
discovered  were  part  of  the  territories  of  the  Grand  Khan,  and 
of  other  Oriental  princes  considerably  advanced  in  civilization, 
yet  there  does  not  appear  to  have  been  the  least  doubt  of  the 
right  of  their  Catholic  majesties  to  take  possession  of  them. 
During  the  Crusades  a  doctrine  had  been  established  among 
Christian  princes  extremely  favorable  to  their  ambitious  designs. 
According  to  this,  they  had  the  right  to  invade,  ravage,  and 
seize  upon  the  territories  of  all  infidel  nations,  under  the  plea  of 
defeating  the  enemies  of  Christ,  and  extending  the  sway  of  his 
church  on  earth.  In  conformity  to  the  same  doctrine,  the  pope, 
from  his  supreme  authority  over  all  temporal  things,  was  con- 
sidered as  empowered  to  dispose  of  all  heathen  lands  to  such 
potentates  as  would  engage  to  reduce  them  to  the  dominion  of 
the  church,  and  to  propagate  the  true  faith  among  their  benighted 
inhabitants.  It  was  in  virtue  of  this  power  that  Pope  Martin 
V.  and  his  successors  had  conceded  to  the  crown  of  Portugal  all 
the  lands  it  might  discover  from  Cape  Bojador  to  the  Indies  ; 
and  the  Catholic  sovereigns,  in  a  treaty  concluded  in  14D7  witii 
the  Portuguese  monarch,  had  engaged  themselves  to  respect  the 


182  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

territorial  rights  thus  acquired.  It  was  to  this  treaty  that  John 
II.  alluded,  in  his  conversation  with  Columbus,  wherein  he  sug- 
gested his  title  to  the  newly  discovered  countries. 

On  the  first  intelligence  received  from  the  admiral  of  his  suc- 
cess, therefore,  the  Spanish  sovereigns  took  the  immediate  pre- 
caution to  secure  the  sanction  of  the  pope.  Alexander  VI.  had 
recently  been  elevated  to  the  holy  chair ;  a  pontiff  whom  some 
historians  have  stigmatized  with  every  vice  and  crime  that  could 
disgrace  humanity,  but  whom  all  have  represented  as  eminently 
able  and  politic.  He  was  a  native  of  Valencia,  and  being  born 
a  subject  of  the  crown  of  Arragon,  it  might  be  inferred,  was 
favorably  disposed  to  Ferdinand  ;  but  in  certain  questions  which 
had  come  before  him,  he  had  already  shown  a  disposition  not 
the  most  cordial  toward  the  Catholic  monarch.  At  all  events, 
Ferdinand  was  well  aware  of  his  worldly  and  perfidious  char- 
acter, and  endeavored  to  manage  him  accordingly.  He  de- 
spatched ambassadors,  therefore,  to  the  court  of  Rome, 
announcing  the  new  discovery  as  an  extraordinary  triumph  of 
the  faith  ;  and  setting  forth  the  great  glory  and  gain  which  must 
redound  to  the  church  from  the  dissemination  of  Christianity 
throughout  these  vast  and  heathen  lands.  Care  was  also  taken 
to  state  that  the  present  discovery  did  not  in  the  least  interfere 
with  "the  possessions  ceded  by  the  holy  chair  to  Portugal,  all 
which  had  been  sedulously  avoided.  Ferdinand,  who  was  at 
least  as  politic  as  he  was  pious,  insinuated  a  hint  at  the  same 
time  by  which  the  pope  might  perceive  that  he  was  determined, 
at  all  events,  to  maintain  his  important  acquisitions.  His  am- 
bassadors were  instructed  to  state  that,  in  the  opinion  of  many 
learned  men,  these  newly-discovered  lands  having  been  taken 
possession  of  by  the  Catholic  sovereigns,  their  title  to  the  same 
did  not  require  the  papal  sanction  ;  still,  as  pious  princes,  obe- 
dient to  the  holy  chair,  they  supplicated  his  holiness  to  issue  a 
bull,  making  a  concession  of  them,  and  of  such  others  as  might 
be  discovered,  to  the  crown  of  Castile. 

The  tidings  of  the  discovery  were  received,  in  fact,  with  great 
astonishment  and  no  less  exultation  by  the  court  of  Kome.  The 
Spanish  sovereigns  had  already  elevated  themselves  to  high 
consequence  in  the  eyes  of  the  church,  by  their  war  against  the 
Moors  of  Spain,  which  had  been  considered  in  the  light  of  a 
pious  crusade ;  and  though  richly  repaid  by  the  acquisition  of 
the  kingdom  of  Granada,  it  was  thought  to  entitle  them  to  the 
gratitude  of  all  Christendom.  The  present  discovery  was  a  still 
greater  achievement ;  it  was  the  fulfilment  of  one  of  the  sublime 
promises  to  the  church ;  it  was  giving  to  it  "  the  heathen  for  an 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  183 

inheritance,  nnrl  the  uttermost  parts  of  the  earth  for  a  posses- 
sion." No  difficulty,  therefore,  was  made  in  granting  what  was 
considered  but  a  modest  request  for  so  important  a  service; 
though  it  is  probable  that  the  acquiescence  of  the  worldly- 
minded  pontiff  was  quickened  by  the  insinuations  of  the  politic 
monarch. 

A  bull  was  accordingly  issued,  dated  May  2d,  1493,  ceding  to 
the  Spanish  sovereigns  the  same  rights,  privileges,  and  indul- 
gences, in  respect  to  the  newly-discovered  regions,  as  had  been 
accorded  to  the  Portuguese  with  regard  to  their  African  discov- 
eries, under  the  same  condition  of  planting  and  propagating  the 
Catholic  faith.  To  prevent  any  conflicting  claims,  however, 
between  the  two  powers  in  the  wide  range  of  their  discoveries, 
another  bull  was  issued  on  the  following  day,  containing  the  fa- 
mous line  of  demarcation,  by  which  their  territories  were  thought 
to  be  clearly  and  permanently  defined.  This  was  an  ideal  line 
drawn  from  the  north  to  the  south  pole,  a  hundred  leagues  to 
the  west  of  the  Azores,  and  the  Cape  de  Verde  Islands.  All 
land  discovered  by  the  Spanish  navigators  to  the  west  of  this 
line,  and  which  had  not  been  taken  possession  of  by  any  Chris- 
tian power  before  the  preceding  Christmas,  was  to  belong  to  the 
Spanish  crown  ;  all  land  discovered  in  the  contrary  direction 
was  to  belong  to  Portugal.  It  seems  never  to  have  occurred  to 
the  pontiff,  that,  by  pushing  their  opposite  careers  of  discovery, 
they  might  some  day  or  other  come  again  in  collision,  and  renew 
the  question  of  territorial  right  at  the  antipodes. 

In  the  mean  time,  without  waiting  for  the  sanction  of  the 
court  of  Rome,  the  utmost  exertions  were  made  by  the  sover- 
eigns to  fit  out  a  second  expedition.  To  insure  regularity  and 
despatch  in  the  affairs  relative  to  the  New  World,  they  were 
placed  under  the  superintendence  of  Juan  Rodriguez  de  Fon- 
seca,  archdeacon  of  Seville,  who  was  successively  promoted  to 
the  sees  of  Bajadoz,  Palencia,  and  Burgos,  and  finally  appointed 
patriarch  of  the  Indies.  He  was  a  man  of  family  and  influence  ; 
his  brothers  Alonzo  and  Antonio  were  seniors,  or  lords,  of  Coca 
and  Alaejos,  and  the  latter  was  comptroller-general  of  Castile. 
Juan  Rodriguez  de  Fonseca  is  represented  by  Las  Casas  as  a 
worldly  man,  more  calculated  for  temporal  than  spiritual  con- 
cerns, and  well  adapted  to  the  bustling  occupation  of  fitting  out 
and  manning  armadas.  Notwithstanding  the  high  ecclesiastical 
dignities  to  which  he  rose,  his  worldly  employments  seem  never 
to  have  been  considered  incompatible  with  his  sacred  functions. 
Enjoying  the  perpetual,  though  unmerited,  favor  of  the  sover- 
eigns, he  maintained  the  control  of  Indian  affairs  for  about 


184  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

thirty  years.  He  must  undoubtedly  have  possessed  talents  for 
business,  to  insure  him  such  a  perpetuity  of  office  ;  but  he  was 
malignant  and  vindictive  ;  and  in  the  gratification  of  his  private 
resentments  not  only  heaped  wrongs  and  sorrows  upon  the  most 
illustrious  of  the  early  discoverers,  but  frequently  impeded 
the  progress  of  their  enterprises,  to  the  great  detriment  of  the 
crown.  This  he  was  enabled  to  do  privately  and  securely  by 
his  official  situation.  His  perfidious  conduct  is  repeatedly 
alluded  to,  but  in  guarded  terms,  by  contemporary  writers  of 
weight  and  credit,  such  as  the  curate  of  Los  Palacios,  and  the 
bishop  Las  Casas  ;•  but  they  evidently  were  fearful  of  expressing 
the  fulness  of  their  feelings.  Subsequent  Spanish  historians, 
always  more  or  less  controlled  by  ecclesiastical  supervision,  have 
likewise  dealt  too  favorably  with  this  base-minded  man.  He 
deserves  to  be  held  up  as  a  warning  example  of  those  per- 
fidious beings  in  office,  who  too  often  lie  like  worms  at  the 
root  of  honorable  enterprise,  blighting,  by  their  unseen  influ- 
ence, the  fruit  of  glorious  action,  and  disappointing  the  hopes 
of  nations. 

To  assist  Fonseca  in  his  duties,  Francisco  Pinelo  was  associ- 
ated with  him  as  treasurer,  and  Juan  de  Soria  as  contador,  or 
comptroller.  Their  office,  for  the  transaction  of  Indian  affairs, 
was  fixed  at  Seville  ;  extending  its  vigilance  at  the  same  time  to 
the  port  of  Cadiz,  where  a  custom-house  was  established  for 
this  new  branch  of  navigation.  Such  was  the  gferm  of  the 
Royal  India  House,  which  afterward  rose  to  such  great  power 
and  importance.  A  correspondent  office  was  ordered  to  be  insti- 
tuted in  Hispaniola,  under  the  direction  of  the  admiral.  These 
officers  were  to  interchange  registers  of  the  cargoes,  crews,  and 
munitions  of  each  ship,  by  accountants  who  sailed  with  it.  All 
persons  thus  employed  were  dependants  upon  the  two  comp- 
trollers-general, superior  ministers  of  the  royal  revenue  ;  since 
the  crown  was  to  be  at  all  the  expenses  of  the  colony,  and  to 
receive  all  the  emoluments. 

The  most  minute  and  rigorous  account  was  to  be  exacted  of 
all  expenses  and  proceeds,  and  the  most  vigilant  caution  ob- 
served as  to  the  persons  employed  in  the  concerns  of  the  newly- 
discovered  lands.  No  one  was  permitted  to  go  there,  either  to 
trade  or  io  form  an  establishment,  without  express  license  from 
the  sovereigns,  from  Columbus,  or  from  Fonseca,  under  the 
heaviest  penalties.  The  ignorance  of  the  age  as  to  enlarged 
prfnciples  of  commerce,  and  the  example  of  the  Portuguese  in 
respect  to  their  African  possessions,  have  been  cited  in  excuse 
of  the  narrow  and  jealous  spirit  here  manifested  ;  but  it  always 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  185 

more  or  less  influenced  the  policy  of  Spain  in  her  colonial  regu- 
lations. 

Another  instance  of  the  despotic  sway  maintained  by  the 
crown  over  commerce,  is  manifested  in  a  royal  order,  that  all 
ships  in  the  ports  of  Andalusia,  with  their  captains,  pilots,  and 
crews,  should  be  held  in  readiness  to  serve  in  this  expedition; 
Columbus  and  Fonseca  were  authorized  to  freight  or  purchase 
any  of  those  vessels  they  might  think  proper,  and  to  take  them 
by  force,  if  refused,  even  though  they  had  been  freighted  by 
other  persons,  paying  what  they  should  conceive  a  reasonable 
price.  They  were  furthermore  authorized  to  take  the  requisite 
provisions,  arms,  and  ammunition,  from  any  place  or  vessel  in 
which  they  might  be  found,  paying  a  fair  price  to  the  owners  ; 
and  they  might  compel,  not  merely  mariners,  but  any  officer 
holding  any  rank  or  station  whatever,  whom  they  should  deem 
necessary  to  the  service,  to  embark  on  the  fleet  on  a  reasonable 
pay  and  salary.  The  civil  authorities,  and  all  persons  of  rank 
and  standing,  were  called  upon  to  render  all  requisite  aid  in 
expediting  the  armament,  and  warned  against  creating  any  im- 
pediment, under  penalty  of  privation  of  office  and  confiscation 
of  estate. 

To  provide  for  the  expenses  of  the  expedition  the  royal 
revenue  arising  from  two  thirds  of  the  church-tithes  was  placed 
at  the  disposition  of  Pinelo  ;  and  other  funds  were  drawn  from  a 
disgraceful  source  —  from  the  jewels  and  other  valuables,  the 
sequestrated  property  of  the  unfortunate  Jews,  banished  from 
the  kingdom,  according  to  a  bigoted  edict  of  the  preceding  year. 
As  these  resources  were  still  inadequate,  Pinelo  was  authorized 
to  supply  the  deficiency  by  a  loan.  Requisitions  were  likewise 
made  for  provisions  of  all  kinds,  as  well  as  for  artillery,  powder, 
muskets,  lances,  corselets,  and  cross-bows.  This  latter  weapon, 
notwithstanding  the  introduction  of  fire-arms,  was  still  preferred 
by  many  to  the  arquebus,  and  considered  more  formidable  and 
destructive,  the  other  having  to  be  used  with  a  match-lock,  and 
being  so  heavy  as  to  require  an  iron  rest.  The  military  stores 
which  had  accumulated  during  the  war  with  the  Moore  of  Gra- 
nada furnished  a  great  part  of  these  supplies.  Almost  all  the 
preceding  orders  were  issued  by  the  23d  of  May,  while  Columbus 
was  yet  at  Barcelona.  Rarely  has  there  been  witnessed  such  a 
scene  of  activity  in  the  dilatory  offices  of  Spain. 

As  the  conversion  of  the  heathens  was  professed  to  be  the 
grand  object  of  these  discoveries,  twelve  zealous  and  able 
ecclesiastics  were  chosen  for  the  purpose,  to  accompany  the 
expedition.  Among  these  was  Bernardo  Buyl  or  Boyle,  a  Beue- 


186  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

dictine  monk,  of  talent  and  reputed  sanctity,  but  one  of  those 
subtle  politicians  of  the  cloister,  who  in  those  days  glided  into 
all  temporal  concerns.  He  had  acquitted  himself  with  success  in 
recent  negotiations  with  France,  relative  to  the  restitution  of 
Kousillou.  Before  the  sailing  of  the  fleet,  he  was  appointed  by 
the  pope  his  apostolical  vicar  for  the  New  World,  and  placed 
jis  superior  over  his  ecclesiastical  brethren.  This  pious  mission 
was  provided  with  all  things  necessary  for  the  dignified  per- 
formance of  its  functions  ;  the  queen  supplying  from  her  own 
chapel  the  ornaments  and  vestments  to  be  used  in  all  solemn 
ceremonies.  Isabella,  from  the  first,  took  the  most  warm  and 
compassionate  interest  in  the  welfare  of  the  Indians.  Won  by 
the  accounts  given  by  Columbus  of  their  gentleness  and  sim- 
plicity, and  looking  upon  them  as  committed  by  Heaven  to  her 
especial  care,  her  heart  was  filled  with  concern  at  their  desti- 
tute and  ignorant  condition.  She  ordered  that  great  care  should 
be  taken  of  their  religious  instruction ;  that  they  should  be 
treated  with  the  utmost  kindness ;  and  enjoined  Columbus  to 
inflict  signal  punishment  on  all  Spaniards  who  should  be  guilty 
of  outrage  or  injustice  toward  them. 

By  way,  it  was  said,  of  offering  to  Heaven  the  first-fruits  of 
these  pagan  nations,  the  six  Indians  whom  Columbus  had 
brought  to  Barcelona  were  baptized  with  great  state  and  cere- 
mony ;  the  king,  the  queen,  and  Prince  Juan  officiating  as 
SIXMJSOI-S.  Great  hopes  were  entertained  that,  on  their  return 
to  their  native  country,  they  would  facilitate  the  introduction  of 
Christianity  among  their  countrymen.  One  of  them,  at  the 
request  of  Prince  Juan,  remained  in  his  household,  but  died  not 
long  afterward  ;  a  Spanish  historian  remarked  that,  according 
to  what  ought  to  be  our  pious  belief,  he  was  the  first  of  his  na- 
tion that  entered  heaven.1 

Before  the  departure  of  Columbus  from  Barcelona,  the  pro- 
visional agreement  made  at  Santa  Fe  was  confirmed,  granting 
him  the  titles,  emoluments,  and  prerogatives  of  admiral,  viceroy, 
and  governor  of  all  the  countries  he  had  discovered,  or  might 
discover.  He  was  intrusted  also  with  the  royal  seal,  with  au- 
thority to  use  the  name  of  their  majesties  in  granting  letters 
patent  and  commissions  within  the  bounds  of  his  jurisdiction  ; 
with  the  right  also,  in  case  of  absence,  to  appoint  a  person  in 
his  place,  and  to  invest  him,  for  the  time,  with  the  same  powers. 

It  had  been  premised  in  the  agreement  that  for  all  vacant  of- 
fices in  the  government  of  the  islands  and  main-land,  he  should 

»  Hen-era,  Hist.  Ind.,  decad.  i.  lib.  ii.  cap.  5. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  187 

nominate  three  candidates,  out  of  which  number  the  sovereign 
should  make  a  choice  ;  but  now,  to  save  time,  and  to  show  their 
conlidence  in  Columbus,  they  empowered  him  to  appoint  at 
once  such  persons  as  he  thought  proper,  who  were  to  hold  their 
offices  during  the  royal  pleasure.  He  had  likewise  the  title  and 
command  of  captain-general  of  the  armament  about  to  sail,  with 
unqualified  powers  as  to  the  government  of  the  crews,  the  es- 
tablishments to  be  formed  in  the  New  World,  and  the  ulterior 
discoveries  to  be  undertaken. 

This  was  the  honeymoon  of  royal  favor,  during  which  Colum- 
bus enjoyed  the  unbounded  and  well-merited  confidence  of  his 
sovereigns,  before  envious  minds  had  dared  to  insinuate  a  doubt 
of  his  integrity.  After  receiving  every  mark  of  public  honor 
and  private  regard,  he  took  leave  of  the  sovereigns  on  the  2Mth 
of  May.  The  whole  court  accompanied  him  from  the  palace  to 
his  dwelling,  and  attended,  also,  to  pay  him  farewell  honors 
on  his  departure  from  Barcelona  for  Seville. 


CHATTER  IX. 

DIPLOMATIC    NEGOTIATIONS    BETWEEN    THE    COURTS    OF     SPAIN    AJ*D 
PORTUGAL   WITH    RESPECT  TO   THE    NEW    DISCOVERIES. 

[1493.] 

THE  anxiety  of  the  Spanish  monarchy  for  the  speedy  depart- 
ure of  the  expedition  was  heightened  by  the  proceedings  of  the 
court  of  Portugal.  John  II.  had  unfortunately  among  his  coun- 
cillors certain  politicians  of  that  short-sighted  class,  who  mis- 
take craft  for  wisdom.  By  adopting  their  perfidious  policy  he 
had  lost  the  New  World  when  it  was  an  object  of  honorable 
enterprise  ;  in  compliance  with  their  advice,  he  now  sought  to 
retrieve  it  by  stratagem.  He  had  accordingly  prepared  a  large 
armament,  the  avowed  object  of  which  was  an  expedition  to 
Africa,  but  its  real  destination  to  seize  upon  the  newly-dis- 
covered countries.  To  lull  suspicion,  Don  Ruy  de  Sande  was 
sent  ambassador  to  the  Spanish  court,  requesting  permission  to 
procure  certain  prohibited  articles  from  Spain  for  this  African 
voyage.  He  required  also  that  the  Spanish  sovereigns  should 
forbid  their  subjects  to  fish  l>eyond  Cape  Bojador,  until  the 
possessions  of  the  two  nations  should  be  properly  defined.  The 
discovery  of  Columbus,  the  real  object  of  solicitude,  was  treated 


188  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

as  an  incidental  affair.  The  manner  of  his  arrival  and  recep- 
tion in  Portugal  was  mentioned  ;  the  congratulations  of  King 
John  on  the  happy  result  of  his  voyage  ;  his  satisfaction  at  find- 
ing that  the  admiral  had  been  instructed  to  steer  westward 
from  the  Canary  Islands,  and  his  hope  that  the  Castilian  sover- 
eigns would  continue  to  enjoin  a  similar  track  on  their  naviga- 
tors —  all  to  the  south  of  those  islands  being  granted  by  papal 
bull  to  the  crown  of  Portugal.  He  concluded  by  intimating  the 
entire  confidence  of  King  John,  that  should  any  of  the  newly- 
discovered  islands  appertain  by  right  to  Portugal,  the  matter 
would  be  adjusted  in  that  spirit  of  amity  which  existed  between 
the  two  crowns. 

Ferdinand  was  too  wary  a  politician  to  be  easily  deceived. 
He  had  received  early  intelligence  of  the  real  designs  of  King 
John,  and  before  the  arrival  of  his  ambassador  had  himself  de- 
patched  Don  Lope  de  Herrera  to  the  Portuguese  court,  furnished 
with  double  instructions,  and  with  two  letters  of  widely  opposite 
tenor.  The  first  was  couched  in  affectionate  terms,  acknowl- 
edging the  hospitality  and  kindness  shown  to  Columbus,  and 
communicating  the  nature  of  his  discoveries ;  requesting  at  the 
same  time  that  the  Portuguese  navigators  might  lie  prohibited 
from  visiting  those  newly-discovered  lands,  in  the  same  manner 
that  the  Spanish  sovereigns  had  prohibited  their  subjects  from 
interfering  with  the  African  possessions  of  Portugal. 

In  case,  however,  the  ambassador  should  find  that  King  John 
had  either  sent,  or  was  about  to  send,  vessels  to  the  New  World, 
he  was  to  withhold  the  amicable  letter,  and  present  the  other, 
couched  in  stern  and  peremptory  terms,  and  forbidding  any  en- 
terprise of  the  kind.1  A  keen  diplomatic  game  ensued  between 
the  two  sovereigns  perplexing  to  any  spectator  not  acquainted 
with  the  secret  of  their  play.  Resende,  in  his  history  of  King 
John  II.,  informs  us  that  the  Portuguese  monarch,  by  large 
presents,  or  rather  bribes,  held  certain  of  the  confidential  mem- 
ben  of  the  Castilian  cabinet  in  his  interest,  who  informed  him 
of  the  most  secret  councils  of  their  court.  The  roads  were 
thronged  with  couriers  ;  scarce  was  an  intention  expressed  by 
Ferdinand  to  his  ministers,  but  it  was  conveyed  to  his  rival 
monarch.  The  result  was  that  the  Spanish  sovereigns  seemed 
as  if  under  the  influence  of  some  enchantment.  King  John  an- 
ticipated all  their  movements,  and  appeared  to  dive  into  their 
very  thoughts.  Their  ambassadors  were  crossed  on  the  road 
by  Portuguese  ambassadors,  empowered  to  settle  the  very 

1  Herrera,  Hist.  Ind.  decad.  i.  lib.  ii.    Zurita,  Auales  de  Aragon,  lib.  i.  cap.  25. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  189 

points  about  which  they  were  going  to  make  remonstrances. 
Frequently,  when  Ferdinand  proposed  a  sudden  and  perplexing 
question  to  the  envoys  at  his  court,  which  apparently  would 
require  fresh  instructions  from  the  sovereigns,  he  would  be  as- 
tonished by  a  prompt  and  positive  reply  ;  most  of  the  questions 
which  were  likely  to  occur  having,  through  secret  information, 
been  foreseen  and  provided  for.  As  a  surmise  of  treachery  in 
the  cabinet  might  naturally  arise.  King  John,  while  he  rewarded 
his  agents  in  secret,  endeavored  to  divert  suspicions  from  them 
upon  others,  making  rich  presents  of  jewels  to  the  Duke  de 
Infantado  and  other  Spanish  grandees  of  incorruptible  integ- 
rity.1 

Such  is  the  intriguing  diplomatic  craft  which  too  often  passes 
for  refined  policy,  and  is  extolled  as  the  wisdom  of  the  cabinet ; 
but  all  corrupt  and  disingenuous  measures  are  unworthy  of  an 
enlightened  politician  and  a  magnanimous  prince.  The  grand 
principles  of  right  and  wrong  operate  in  the  same  way  between 
nations  as  between  individuals ;  fair  and  open  conduct,  and 
inviolable  faith,  however  they  may  appear  adverse  to  present 
purposes,  are  the  only  kind  of  policy  that  will  insure  ultimate 
and  honorable  success. 

King  John,  having  received  intelligence  in  the  furtive  manner 
that  has  been  mentioned,  of  the  double  instructions  furnished 
to  Don  Lope  de  Herrera,  received  him  in  such  a  manner  as  to 
prevent  any  resort  to  his  peremptory  letter.  He  had  already 
despatched  an  extra  envoy  to  the  Spanish  court  to  keep  it  in 
good  humor,  and  he  now  appointed  Doctor  Pero  Diaz  and  Don 
Kuy  de  Pena  ambassadors  to  the  Spanish  sovereigns,  to  adjust 
all  questions  relative  to  the  new  discoveries,  and  promised  that 
no  vessel  should  be  permitted  to  sail  on  a  voyage  of  discovery 
within  sixty  days  after  their  arrival  at  Barcelona. 

These  ambassadors  were  instructed  to  propose,  as  a  mode  of 
effectually  settling  all  claims,  that  a  line  should  be  drawn  from 
the  Canaries  due  west ;  all  lands  and  seas  north  of  it  to  apper- 
tain to  the  Castiliau  court ;  all  south  to  the  crown  of  Portugal, 
excepting  any  islands  already  in  possession  of  either  powers.2 

Ferdinand  had  now  the  vantage-ground  ;  his  object  was  to 
gain  time  for  the  preparation  and  departure  of  Columbus,  by 
entangling  King  John  in  long  diplomatic  negotiations.8  In 
reply  to  his  proposals,  he  despatched  Don  Pedro  de  Ayala  and 

1  Resende,  Vida  del  Rpy  Dom  Joan  IT.,  cap.  155.    Faria  y  Souza,  Europa  Portu, 
giioa.  ton),  ii.  cap.  4.  p.  3. 

2  Xuritu,  lib.  i.  cap.  2."i.     Herrera,  decad.  i.  lib.  ii.  cap.  5. 
»  Vascoucelos,  Dou  Juau  11.,  lib.  vi. 


190  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

Don  Garcia  Lopez  de  Caravajal  on  a  solemn  embassy  to  Portu- 
gal, in  which  there  was  great  outward  pomp  and  parade,  and 
many  professions  of  amity,  but  the  whole  purport  of  which  was 
to  propose  to  submit  the  territorial  questions  which  had  risen 
between  them  to  arbitration  or  to  the  court  of  Rome.  This 
stately  embassy  moved  with  becoming  slowness,  but  a  special 
envoy  was  sent  in  advance  to  apprise  the  king  of  Portugal  of 
its  approach,  in  order  to  keep  him  waiting  for  its  communica- 
tions. 

King  John  understood  the  whole  nature  and  object  of  the  em- 
bassy, and  felt  that  Ferdinand  was  foiling  him.  The  ambassa- 
dors at  length  arrived,  and  delivered  their  credentials  with 
great  form  and  ceremony.  As  they  retired  from  his  presence, 
he  looked  after  them  contemptuously :  "  This  embassy  from 
our  cousin,"  said  he,  "  wants  both  head  and  feet."  He  alluded 
to  the  character  both  of  the  mission  and  the  envoys.  Don 
Garcia  de  Caravajal  was  vain  and  frivolous,  and  Don  Pedro  de 
Ayala  was  lame  of  one  leg.1 

In  the  height  of  his  vexation,  King  John  is  even  said  to  have 
held  out  some  vague  show  of  hostile  intentions,  taking  occasion 
to  let  the  ambassadors  discover  him  reviewing  his  cavalry  and 
dropping  ambiguous  words  in  their  hearing,  which  might  be 
construed  into  something  of  menacing  import.2  The  embassy 
returned  to  Castile,  leaving  him  in  a  state  of  perplexity  and 
irritation  ;  but  whatever  might  be  his  chagrin,  his  discretion 
prevented  him  from  coming  to  an  open  rupture.  He  had  some 
hopes  of  interference  on  the  part  of  the  pope,  to  whom  he  had 
sent  an  embassy,  complaining  of  the  pretended  discoveries  of 
the  Spaniards,  as  infringing  the  territories  granted  to  Portu- 
gal by  papal  bull,  and  earnestly  imploring  redress.  Here,  as 
has  been  shown,  his  wary  antagonist  had  been  beforehand  with 
him,  and  he  was  doomed  again  to  be  foiled.  The  only  reply 
his  ambassador  received,  was  a  reference  to  the  line  of  partition 
from  pole  to  pole,  so  sagely  devised  by  his  holiness.3  Such  was 
this  royal  game  of  diplomacy,  where  the  parties  were  playing 
for  a  newly-discovered  world.  John  II.  was  able  and  intelli- 
gent, and  had  crafty  councillors  to  advise  him  in  all  his  moves  ; 
but  whenever  deep  and  subtle  policy  was  required,  Ferdinand 
was  master  of  the  game. 

>  VaseonceloK,  lib.  vi.     Barros,  Asia,  d.  i.  lib.  iii.  cap.  2. 

1  Vaxconcelos,  lib.  vi. 

3  Herrera,  decud.  i.,  lib.  ii.  cap.  5. 


LIFE  OF  CURISTOPUER   COLUMBUS.  191 


CHAPTER  X. 

FURTHER    PREPARATIONS    FOR    THE    SECOND    VOYAGE CHARACTER 

OF    ALONSO    DE  OJEDA DIFFERENCE  OF    COLUMBUS  WITH  SORIA 

AND    FONSECA. 

[1493.] 

DISTRUSTFUL  of  some  attempt  on  the  part  of  Portugal  to  in 
terfere  with  their  discoveries,  the  Spanish  sovereigns,  in  the 
course  of  their  negotiations,  wrote  repeatedly  to  Columbus 
urging  him  to  hasten  his  departure.  His  zeal,  however,  needed 
no  incitement ;  immediately  on  arriving  at  Seville,  in  the 
beginning  of  June,  he  proceeded  with  all  diligence  to  fit  out 
the  armament,  making  use  of  the  powers  given  him  to  put  in 
requisition  the  ships  and  crews  which  were  in  the  harbors  of 
Andalusia.  He  was  joined  soon  after  by  Fonseca  and  Soria, 
who  had  remained  for  a  time  at  Barcelona ;  and  with  their 
united  exertions,  a  fleet  of  seventeen  vessels,  large  and  small, 
was  soon  in  a  state  of  preparation.  The  best  pilots  were 
chosen  for  the  service,  and  the  crews  were  mustered  in  pres- 
ence of  'Soria  the  comptroller.  A  number  of  skilful  husband- 
men, miners,  carpenters,  and  other  mechanics  were  engaged 
for  the  projected  colony.  Horses,  both  for  military  purposes 
and  for  stocking  the  country,  cattle,  and  domestic  animals  of 
all  kinds,  were  likewise  provided.  Grain,  seeds  of  various 
plants,  vines,  sugar-canes,  grafts,  and  saplings,  were  embarked, 
together  with  a  great  quantity  of  merchandise,  consisting  of 
trinkets,  beads,  hawks'  bells,  looking-glasses,  and  other  showy 
trifles,  calculated  for  trafficking  with  the  natives.  Nor  was 
there  wanting  an  abundant  supply  of  provisions  of  all  soils, 
munitions  of  war,  and  medicines  and  refreshments  for  the  sick. 

An  extraordinary  degree  of  excitement  prevailed  respecting 
this  expedition.  The  most  extravagant  fancies  were  enter- 
tained with  respect  to  the  New  World.  The  accounts  given  by 
the  voyagers  who  had  visited  it  were  full  of  exaggeration  ;  for 
in  fact  they  had  nothing  but  vague  and  confused  notions  con- 
cerning it,  like  the  recollection  of  a  dream,  and  it  has  been 
shown  that  Columbus  himself  had  beheld  every  thing  through 
the  most  delusive  medium.  The  vivacity  of  his  descriptions, 
and  the  sanguine  anticipations  of  his  ardent  spirit,  while  they 
roused  the  public  to  a  wonderful  degree  of  enthusiasm,  pre- 
pared the  way  for  bitter  disappointment.  The  cupidity  of  the 


192  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

avaricious  was  inflamed  with  the  idea  of  regions  of  unappro- 
priated wealth,  where  the  rivers  rolled  over  golden  sands, 
and  the  mountains  teemed  with  gems  and  precious  metals ; 
where  the  groves  produced  spices  and  perfumes,  and  the  shores 
of  the  ocean  were  sown  with  pearl.  Others  had  conceived  vis- 
ions of  a  loftier  kind.  It  was  a  romantic  and  stirring  age,  and 
the  wars  with  the  Moors  being  over,  and  hostilities  with  the 
French  suspended,  the  bold  and  restless  spirits  of  the  nation, 
impatient  of  the  monotony  of  peaceful  life,  were  eager  for  em- 
ployment. To  these  the  New  World  presented  a  vast  field  for 
wild  enterprise  and  extraordinary  adventure,  so  congenial  to 
the  Spanish  character  in  that  period  of  its  meridian  fervor  and 
brilliancy.  Many  hidalgos  of  high  rank,  officers  of  the  royal 
household,  and  Andalusian  cavaliers,  schooled  in  arms,  and 
inspired  with  a  passion  for  hardy  achievements  by  the  romantic 
wars  of  Granada,  pressed  into  the  expedition,  some  in  the  royal 
service,  others  at  their  own  cost.  To  them  it  was  the  com- 
mencement of  a  new  series  of  crusades,  surpassing  in  ex- 
tent and  splendor  the  chivalrous  enterprises  of  the  Holy  Land. 
They  pictured  to  themselves  vast  and  beautiful  islands  of  the 
ocean  to  be  overrun  and  subdued  ;  their  internal  wonders  to  be 
explored,  and  the  banner  of  the  cross  to  be  planted  on  the 
walls  of  the  cities  they  were  supposed  to  contain.  Thence  they 
were  to  make  their  way  to  the  shores  of  India,  or  rather  Asia, 
penetrate  into  Mang,  and  Cathay,  convert,  or  what  was  the 
same  thing,  conquer  the  Grand  Khan,  and  thus  open  a  glorious 
career  of  arms  among  the  splendid  countries  and  semi-barbar- 
ous nations  of  the  East.  Thus,  no  one  had  any  definite  idea  of 
the  object  or  nature  of  the  service  on  which  he  was  embarking, 
or  the  situation  and  character  of  the  region  to  which  he  was 
bound.  Indeed,  during  this  fever  of  the  imagination,  had 
sober  facts  and  cold  realities  been  presented,  they  would  have 
been  rejected  with  disdain  ;  for  there  is  nothing  of  which  the 
public  is  more  impatient  than  of  being  disturbed  in  the  indul- 
gence of  any  of  its  golden  dreams. 

Among  the  noted  personages  who  engaged  in  the  expedition 
was  a  young  cavalier  of  the  name  of  Don  Alonso  de  Ojeda, 
celebrated  for  his  extraordinary  personal  endowments  and  his 
daring  spirit ;  and  who  distinguished  himself  among  .the  early 
discoverers  by  many  perilous  expeditions  and  singular  exploits. 
He  was  of  a  good  family,  cousin-german  to  the  venerable 
Father  Alonso  de  Ojeda,  Inquisitor  of  Spain  ;  had  been  brought 
up  under  the  patronage  of  the  Duke  of  Medina  Celi,  and  had 
served  iu  the  wars  against  the  Moors.  He  was  of  small  stature, 


LIFE  OF  CURISTOPUER   COLUMBUS.  193 

hut  vigorous  make,  well  proportioned,  dark  complexioned,  of 
handsome,  animated  countenance,  and  incredible  strength  and 
agility.  Expert  at  all  kinds  of  weapons,  accomplished  in  all 
manly  and  warlike  exercises,  an  admirable  horseman,  and  a 
partisan  soldier  of  the  highest  order ;  bold  of  heart,  free  of 
spirit,  open  of  hand  ;  tierce  in  fight,  quick  in  brawl,  but  ready  to 
forgive  and  prone  to  forget  an  injury  ;  he  was  for  a  long  time 
the  idol  of  the  nish  and  roving  youth  who  engaged  in  the  early 
expeditions  to  the  New  World,  and  has  been  made  the  hero 
of  many  wonderful  tales.  On  introducing  him  to  historical 
notice,  Las  Casas  gives  an  anecdote  of  one  of  his  exploits, 
which  would  be  unworthy  of  record,  but  that  it  exhibits  the 
singular  character  of  the  man. 

CJueen  Isal>ella  being  in  the  tower  of  the  cathedral  of  Seville, 
better  known  as  the  Giralda,  Ojeda,  to  entertain  her  majesty, 
and  to  give  proofs  of  his  courage  and  agility,  mounted  on  a 
great  beam  which  projected  in  the  air,  twenty  feet  from  the 
tower,  at  such  an  immense  height  from  the  ground,  that  the 
people  below  looked  like  dwarfs,  and  it  was  enough  to  make 
Ojeda  himself  shudder  to  look  down.  Along  this  beam  he 
walked  briskly,  and  with  as  much  confidence  as  though  he  had 
been  pacing  his  chamber.  When  he  arrived  at  the  end,  he  stood 
on  one  leg,  lifting  the  other  in  the  air;  then  turning  nimbly 
round,  he  returned  in  the  same  way  to  the  tower,  unaffected 
by  the  giddy  height,  whence  the  least  false  step  would  have 
precipitated  him  and  dashed  him  to  pieces.  He  afterward 
stood  with  one  foot  on  the  beam,  and  placing  the  other  against 
the  wall  of  the  building,  threw  an  orange-to  the  summit  of  the 
tower,  a  proof,  says  Las  Casas,  of  immense  muscular  strength. 
Such  was  Alonso  de  Ojeda,  who  soon  became  conspicuous 
among  the  followers  of  Columbus,  and  was  always  foremost  in 
every  enterprise  of  an  adventurous  nature ;  who  courted  peril 
as  if  for  the  very  love  of  danger,  and  seemed  to  fight  more  for 
the  pleasure  of  fighting  than  for  the  sake  of  distinction.1 

The  number  of  persons  permitted  to  embark  in  the  expe- 
dition had  been  limited  to  one  thousand;  but  such  was  the 
urgent  application  of  volunteers  to  be  allowed  to  enlist  without 
pay,  that  the  number  had  increased  to  twelve  hundred.  Many 
more  were  refused  for  want  of  room  in  the  ships  for  their 
accommodation,  but  some  contrived  to  get  admitted  by  stealth, 
so  that  eventually  about  fifteen  hundred  set  sail  in  the  fleet. 
As  Columbus,  in  his  laudable  zeal  for  the  welfare  of  the  euter- 


1  Las  Casas,  lib.  i.,  Mri.     1'izurro,  Varoues   Illusirus.     Ilerrera,  tlisl.  lud.,  decad.  L. 
lib.  ii.  cap.  5. 


194  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

prise,  provided  every  thing  that  might  be  necessary  in  various 
]K>ssible  emergencies,  the  expenses  of  the  outfit  exceeded  what 
had  been  anticipated.  This  gave  rise  to  occasional  demurs  on 
the  part  of  the  comptroller,  Juan  de  Soria,  who  sometimes  re- 
fused to  sign  the  accounts  of  the  admiral,  and  in  the  course  of 
their  transactions  seemed  to  have  forgotten  the  deference  due 
both  to  his  character  and  station.  For  this  he  received  re- 
peated and  severe  reprimands  from  the  sovereigns,  who  em- 
phatically commanded  that  Columbus  should  be  treated  with 
the  greatest  respect,  and  every  thing  done  to  facilitate  his  plans 
and  yield  him  satisfaction.  From  similiar  injunctions  inserted 
iii  the  royal  letters  to  Fonseca,  the  archdeacon  of  Seville,  it  is 
probable  that  he  also  had  occasionally  indulged  in  the  captious 
exercise  of  his  official  powers.  He  appears  to  have  demurred 
to  various  requisitions  of  Columbus,  particularly  one  for  foot- 
men and  other  domestics  for  his  immediate  service,  to  form  his 
household  and  retinue  as  admiral  and  viceroy ;  a  demand 
which  was  considered  superfluous  by  the  prelate,  as  all  who  em- 
barked in  the  expedition  were  at  his  command.  In  reply,  the 
sovereigns  ordered  that  he  should  be  allowed  ten  escuderos  de  ft, 
pie^  or  footmen,  and  twenty  persons  in  other  domestic  capacities, 
and  reminded  Fonseca  of  their  charge  that,  both  in  the  nature 
and  mode  of  his  transactions  with  the  admiral,  he  should  study 
to  give  him  content;  observing  that,  as  the  whole  armament 
was  intrusted  to  his  command,  it  was  but  reasonable  that  his 
wishes  should  be  consulted,  and  no  one  embarrass  him  with 
punctilios  and  difficulties.1 

These  trivial  differences  are  worthy  of  particular  notice, 
from  the  effect  they  appear  to  have  had  on  the  mind  of 
Fonseca,  for  from  them  we  must  date  the  rise  of  that  singular 
hostility  which  he  ever  afterward  manifested  toward  Colum- 
bus ;  which  every  year  increased  in  rancor,  and  which  he  grat- 
ified in  the  most  invidious  manner,  by  secretly  multiplying 
impediments  and  vexations  in  his  path. 

While  the  expedition  was  yet  lingering  in  port,  intelligence 
was  received  that  a  Portuguese  caravel  had  set  sail  from 
Madeira  and  steered  for  the  west.  Suspicions  were  imme- 
diately awakened  that  she  was  bound  for  the  lately-discovered 
fands.  Columbus  wrote  an  account  of  it  to  the  sovereigns,  and 
proposed  to  despatch  a  part  of  his  fleet  in  pursuit  of  her.  His 
proposition  was  approved,  but  not  carried  into  effect.  On  re- 
monstrances being  made  to  the  court  of  Lisbon,  King  John 

•-       -  . ._.      _       -.-.--- — _ — ,- ..--I,-- ^ 

1  Navarrete,  Colec.,  torn.  ii.     Docuuieutos,  No, 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  195 

declared  that  the  vessel  had  sailed  without  his  permission,  and 
that  he  would  send  three  caravels  to  bring  her  back.  This 
only  served  to  increase  the  jealousy  of  the  Spanish  monarchs, 
who  considered  the  whole  a  deep-laid  stratagem,  and  that  it 
was  intended  the  vessels  should  join  their  forces,  and  pursue 
their  course  together  to  the  New  World.  Columbus  was 
urged,  therefore,  to  depart  without  an  hour's  delay,  and  in- 
structed to  steer  wide  of  Cape  St.  Vincent,  and  entirely  avoid 
the  Portuguese  coasts  and  islands,  for  fear  of  molestation.  If 
he  met  with  any  vessels  in  the  seas  he  had  explored,  he  was  to 
seize  them,  and  inflict  rigorous  punishment  on  the  crews. 
Fonseca  was  also  ordered  to  be  on  the  alert,  and  in  cas.e  any 
expedition  sailed  from  Portugal  to  send  double  the  force  after  it. 
These  precautions,  however,  proved  unnecessary.  Whether 
such  caravels  actually  did  sail,  and  whether  they  were  sent 
with  sinister  motives  by  Portugal,  does  not  appear ;  nothing 
was  either  seen  or  heard  of  them  by  Columbus  in  the  course  of 
his  voyage. 

It  may  be  as  well,  for  the  sake  of  distinctness,  to  anticipate, 
in  this  place,  the  regular  course  of  history,  and  mention  the 
manner  in  which  this  territorial  question  was  finally  settled 
between  the  rival  sovereigns.  It  was  impossible  for  King 
John  to  repress  his  disquiet  at  the  indefinite  enterprises  of  the 
Spanish  monarchs  ;  he  did  not  know  how  far  they  might  extend, 
and  whether  they  might  not  forestall  him  in  all  his  anticipated 
discoveries  in  India.  Finding,  however,  all  attempts  fruitless 
to  gain  by  stratagem  an  advantage  over  his  wary  and  skilful  an- 
tagonist, and  despairing  of  any  further  assistance  from  the  court 
of  Home,  he  had  recourse,  at  last,  to  fair  and  amicable  negotia- 
tions, and  found,  as  is  generally  the  case  with  those  who  turn 
aside  into  the  inviting  but  crooked  paths  of  craft,  that  had  he 
kept  to  the  line  of  frank  and  open  policy,  he  would  have  saved 
himself  a  world  of  perplexity,  and  have  arrived  sooner  at  his 
object.  He  offered  to  leave  to  the  Spanish  sovereigns  the  free 
prosecution  of  their  western  discovery,  and  to  conform  to  the 
plan  of  partition  by  a  meridian  line  ;  but  he  represented  that 
this  line  had  not  been  drawn  far  enough  to  the  west ;  that  while 
it  left  the  wide  ocean  free  to  the  range  of  Spanish  enter- 
prise, his  navigators  could  not  venture  more  than  a  hundred 
leagues  west  of  his  possessions,  and  had  no  scope  or  sea-room 
for  their  southern  voyages. 

After  much  difficulty  and  discussion,  this  momentous  dispute 
was  adjusted  by  deputies  from  the  two  crowns,  who  met  at  Toi- 
desiillas  m  Old  Castile,  in  the  following  year,  and  on  the  7th  of 


J.96  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

June,  1494,  signed  a  treaty  by  which  the  papal  line  of  partition 
was  moved  to  three  hundred  and  seventy  leagues  west  of  the 
Cape  do  Verde  Islands.  It  was  agreed  that  within  six  months 
an  equal  number  of  caravels  and  mariners,  on  the  part  of  the  two 
nations,  should  rendezvous  at  the  island  of  the  Grand  Canary, 
provided  with  men  learned  in  astronomy  and  navigation.  They 
were  to  proceed  thence  to  the  Cape  de  Verde  Islands,  and  thence 
westward  three  hundred  and  seventy  leagues,  and  determine  the 
proposed  line  from  pole  to  pole,  dividing  the  ocean  between 
the  two  nations.1  Each  of  the  two  powers  engaged  solemnly  to 
observe  the  bounds  thus  prescribed,  and  to  prosecute  no  enter- 
prise beyond  its  proper  limits  ;  though  it  was  agreed  that  the 
Spanish  navigators  might  traverse  freely  the  eastern  parts  of 
the  ocean  in  prosecuting  their  rightful  voyages.  Various  circum- 
stances impeded  the  proposed  expedition  to  determine  the  line, 
but  the  treaty  remained  in  force,  and  prevented  all  further  dis- 
cussions. 

Thus,  says  Vasconcelos,  this  great  question,  the  greatest  ever 
agitated  between  the  two  crowns,  for  it  was  the  partition  of  a  new 
world,  was  amicably  settled  by  the  prudence  and  address  of  two 
of  the  most  politic  monarchs  that  ever  swayed  the  sceptre.  It 
was  arranged  to  the  satisfaction  of  both  parties,  each  holding 
himself  entitled  to  the  vast  countries  that  might  be  discovered 
within  his  Iwundary,  without  any  regard  to  the  rights  of  the 
native  inhabitants. 


1  Zuriia,  Uist.  del  Bey  Fernaud.,  lib.  i.  cap.  29.    Vasconcelos,  lib.  vi. 


BOOK    VI. 


CHAPTER  I. 

DEPARTURE   OF   COLUMBUS    ON    HIS    SECOND   VOYAGE  —  DISCOVERT 
Ok'   THE    CAUIBBEE   ISLANDS. 

[1493.] 

THE  departure  of  Columbus  on  his  second  voyage  of  dis- 
covery presented  a  brilliant  contrast  to  his  gloomy  embarkation 
at  Palos.  On  the  25th  of  September,  at  the  dawn  of  day,  the 
Bay  of  Cadiz  was  whitened  by  his  fleet.  There  were  three  large 
ships  of  heavy  burden,1  and  fourteen  caravels,  loitering  with 
flapping  sails,  and  awaiting  the  signal  to  get  under  way.  The 
harbor  resounded  with  the  well-known  note  of  the  sailor,  hoisting 
sail  or  weighing  anchor  ;  a  motley  crowd  were  hurrying  on  board, 
and  taking  leave  of  their  friends  in  the  confidence  of  a  prosper- 
ous voyage  and  triumphant  return.  There  was  the  high-spirited 
cavalier,  bound  on  romantic  enterprise  ;  the  hardy  navigator, 
ambitious  of  acquiring  laurels  in  these  unknown  seas ;  the  rov- 
ing adventurer,  seeking  novelty  and  excitement ;  the  keen, 
calculating  speculator,  eager  to  profit  by  the  ignorance  of 
savage  tribes  ;  and  the  pale  missionary  from  the  cloister,  anx- 
ious to  extend  the  dominion  of  the  church,  or  devoutly  zealous 
for  the  propagation  of  the  faith.  All  were  full  of  animation 
and  lively  hope.  Instead  of  being  regarded  by  the  populace  as 
devoted  men.  bound  upon  a  dark  and  desperate  enterprise,  they 
were  contemplated  with  envy,  as  favored  mortals,  bound  to 
golden  regions  and  happy  climes,  where  nothing  but  wealth  and 
wonder  and  delights  awaited  them.  Columbus,  conspicuous  for 
his  height  and  his  commanding  appearance,  was  attended  by  his 
two  sons,  Diego  and  Fernando,  the  eldest  but  a  stripling,  who 


1  Peter  Martyr  «iyi«  they  were  carrackn  (a  large  species  of  merchant  vessel,  princi- 
pally used  in  counting  trade),  of  one  hundred  tons  burden,  and  that  two  of  the  caravels 
were  much  larger  than  the  rest,  and  more  capable  of  bearing  decks  from  the  size  of  their 
musts.  —  Ducad.  i.  lib.  i. 

197 


198  LIFE   OF  CniUSTOPIIER   COLUMBUS. 

had  come  to  witness  his  departure,1  both  proud  of  the  glory  of 
their  father.  Wherever  he  passed,  every  eye  followed  him  with 
admiration,  and  every  tongue  praised  aud  blessed  him.  Before 
sunrise  the  whole  fleet  was  under  way  ;  the  weather  was  serene 
and  propitious,  and  as  the  populace  watched  their  parting  sails 
brightening  in  the  morning  beams,  they  looked  forward  to  their 
joyful  return  laden  with  the  treasures  of  the  New  World. 

According  to  the  instructions  of  the  sovereigns,  Columbus 
steered  wide  of  the  coasts  of  Portugal  and  its  islands,  standing 
to  the  south-west  of  the  Canaries,  where  he  arrived  on  the  1st 
of  October.  After  touching  at  the  Grand  Canary,  he  anchored 
on  the  5th  at  Gomera,  to  take  in  a  supply  of  wood  and  water. 
Here  also  he  purchased  calves,  goats,  and  sheep,  to  stock  the 
island  of  Hispaniola  ;  and  eight  hogs,  from  which,  according  to 
Las  Casas,  the  infinite  number  of  swine  was  propagated,  with 
which  the  Spanish  settlements  in  the  New  World  abounded.  A 
number  of  domestic  fowls  were  likewise  purchased,  which  were 
the  origin  of  the  species  in  the  New  World  ;  and  the  same  might 
be  said  of  the  seeds  of  oranges,  lemons,  bergamots,  melons,  and 
various  orchard  fruits,2  which  were  thus  first  introduced  into  the 
islands  of  the  west,  from  the  Hesperides  or  Fortunate  Islands 
of  the  Old  World.8 

On  the  7th,  when  about  to  sail,  Columbus  gave  to  the  com- 
mander of  each  vessel  a  sealed  letter  of  instructions,  in  which 
was  specified  his  route  to  the  harbor  of  Nativity,  the  residence 
of  the  cacique  Guacanagari.  This  was  only  to  be  opened  in 
case  of  being  separated  by  accident,  as  he  wished  to  make  a 
mystery,  as  long  as  possible,  of  the  exact  route  to  the  newly- 
discovered  country,  lest  adventurers  of  other  nations,  and  par- 
ticularly the  Portuguese,  should  follow  in  his  track,  and  inter- 
fere with  his  enterprises.4 

After  making  sail  from  Gomera,  they  were  becalmed  for  a 
few  days  among  the  Canaries,  until,  on  the  13th  of  October, 
a  fair  breeze  sprang  up  from  the  east,  which  soon  carried  them 
out  of  sight  of  the  island  of  Ferro.  Columbus  held  his  course 
to  the  south-west,  intending  to  keep  considerably  more  to  the 
southward  than  in  his  first  voyage,  in  hopes  of  falling  in  with 
the  islands  of  the  Caribs,  of  which  he  had  received  such  vague 
and  wonderful  accounts  from  the  Indians.8  Being  in  the  region 

1  Hist,  del  Almlrnntc.  cap.  44.  s  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind..  lib.  i.  cap.  83. 

s  Humboldt  is  of  opinion  lhat  there  were  wild  oranges,  small  and  bitter,  as  well  as 
•wild  lemons,  In  the  New  World,  prior  to  the  discovery.  CaldcleiiKh  also  mentions  that 
the  Brazilians  consider  the  small  bitler  wild  orange  of  native  origin.  —  IluuioolUt, 
Kssai  1'olitiqne  snr  I'Isle  de  Cuba,  torn.  i.  p.  08. 

«  Las  Casas,  M.  Sup.  c  Letter  of  Dr.  Chanca. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUM1WS.  1D9 

of  the  trade-winds,  the  breeze  continued  fair  and  steady,  with  a 
quiet  sea  and  pleasant  weather,  and  by  the  24th  they  had  made 
four  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  west  of  Gomera,  without  seeing 
any  of  those  fields  of  sea-weeds,  encountered  within  a  much  less 
distance  on  their  first  voyage.  At  that  time  their  appearance 
was  important,  and  almost  providential,  inspiring  continual  hope, 
and  enticing  them  forward  in  their  dubious  enterprise.  Now 
they  needed  no  such  signals,  being  full  of  confidence  and  lively 
anticipation,  and  on  seeing  a  swallow  circling  about  the  ships, 
and  being  visited  occasionally  by  sudden  showers,  they  began  to 
look  out  cheerily  for  land. 

Toward  the  latter  part  of  October  they  had  in  the  night  a 
gust  of  heavy  rain,  accompanied  by  the  severe  thunder  and 
lightning  of  the  tropics.  It  lasted  for  four  hours,  and  they 
considered  themselves  in  much  peril,  until  they  beheld  several 
of  those  lambent  flames  playing  about  the  tops  of  the  masts, 
and  gliding  along  the  rigging,  which  have  always  been  objects 
of  superstitious  fancies  among  sailors.  Fernando  Columbus 
makes  remarks  on  them  strongly  characteristic  of  the  age  in 
which  he  lived.  kt  On  the  same  Saturday,  in  the  night,  was 
seen  St.  Elmo,  with  seven  lighted  tapers  at  the  topmast :  there 
was  much  rain  and  great  thunder ;  I  mean  to  say,  that  those 
lights  were  seen,  which  manners  affirm  to  be  the  body  of  St. 
Elmo,  on  beholding  which  they  chant  litanies  and  orisons,  hold- 
ing it  for  certain,  that  in  the  tempest  in  which  he  appears,  no 
one  is  in  danger.  Be  that  as  it  may,  I  leave  the  matter  to  them  ; 
but  if  we  may  believe  Pliny,  similar  lights  have  sometimes  ap- 
peared to  the  Roman  mariners  during  tempests  at  sea,  which 
they  said  were  Castor  and  Pollux,  of  which  likewise  Seneca 
makes  mention."  * 

On  the  evening  of  Saturday,  the  2d  of  November,  Columbus 
was  convinced,  from  the  color  of  the  sea,  the  nature  of  the 
waves,  and  the  variable  winds  and  frequent  showers,  that  they 
must  be  near  to  land  ;  he  gave  orders,  therefore,  to  take  in  sail, 
and  to  maintain  a  vigilant  watch  throughout  the  night.  He  had 
judged  with  his  usual  sagacity.  In  the  morning  a  lofty  island 
was  descried  to  the  west,  at  the  sight  of  which  there  were  shouts 
of  joy  throughout  the  fleet.  Columbus  gave  to  the  island  the 


1  TTist.del  Almirante,  cap.  45.  A  similar  mention  is  made  of  this  nautical  superstition 
in  the  voyatre  of  Magellan.  "During  these  great  storm*,  they  said  that  Ht.  Klmo  ap- 
peared at  the  topmast  with  a  lighted  candle,  and  sometimes  with  two,  upon  which  the 
people  shed  tears  of  joy,  r^ceivini;  nival  consolation,  and  saluted  him  according  to  the 
custom  of  mariners.  He  remained  visible  for  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  and  then  disappeared, 
with  a  irieat  llash  of  lightning,  which  blinded  the  people."—  Ucrrura,  decad.  ii.  lib.  iv- 
cap.  10. 


200  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

name  of  Dominica,  from  having:  discovered  it  on  Sunday.  As 
the  ships  moved  gently  onward,  other  islands  rose  to  sight. 
covered  with  forests,  while  flights  of  parrots  and  other  tropical 
birds  passed  from  one  to  the  other. 

The  crews  were  now  assembled  on  the  decks  of  the  several 
ships,  to  return  thanks  to  God  for  their  prosperous  voyage, 
and  their  happy  discovery  of  land,  chanting  the  Sulce  Rc<jii«i 
and  other  anthems.  Such  was  the  solemn  manner  in  which 
Columbus  celebrated  all  his  discoveries,  and  which,  in  fact,  was 
generally  observed  by  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese  voyagers. 


CHAPTER  II. 

TRANSACTIONS    AT   THE    ISLAND    OF    GUADALOUPE. 

[1493.] 

THE  islands  among  which  Columbus  had  arrived  were  a  part 
of  that  beautiful  cluster  called  by  some  the  Antilles,  which 
sweep  almost  in  a  semicircle  from  the  eastern  end  of  Porto  Rico 
to  the  coast  of  Paria  on  the  southern  continent,  forming  a  kind 
of  barrier  between  the  main  ocean  and  the  Caribbean  Sea. 

During  the  first  day  that  he  entered  this  archipelago,  Colum- 
bus saw  no  less  than  six  islands  of  different  magnitude.  They 
were  clothed  in  tropical  vegetation,  and  the  breezes  from  them 
were  sweetened  by  the  fragrance  of  their  forests. 

After  seeking  in  vain  for  good  anchorage  at  Dominica,  he 
stood  for  another  of  the  group,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of 
his  ship,  Marigalaute.  Here  he  landed,  displayed  the  royal 
banner,  and  took  possession  of  the  archipelago  in  the  name  of 
his  sovereigns.  The  island  appeared  to  be  uninhabited  ;  a  rich 
and  dense  forest  overspread  it ;  some  of  the  trees  were  in  blos- 
som, others  laden  with  unknown  fruits,  others  possessing  spicy 
odors  —  among  which  was  one  with  the  leaf  of  the  laurel  and 
the  fragrance  of  the  clove. 

Hence  they  made  sail  for  an  island  of  larger  size,  with  a  re- 
markable mountain  ;  one  peak,  which  proved  afterward  to  be 
the  crater  of  a  volcano,  rose  to  a  great  height,  with  streams  of 
water  gushing  from  it.  As  they  approached  within  three  leagues 
they  beheld  a  cataract  of  such  height  that,  to  use  the  words  of 
the  narrator,  it  seemed  to  be  falling  from  the  sky.  As  it  broke 
into  foam  in  its  descent,  many  at  lirst  believed  it  to  be  merely  a 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  201 

stratum  of  white  rock.1  To  this  island,  which  was  called  by  the 
Indians  Turuqueira,2  the  admiral  gave  the  name  of  Guade- 
loupe, having  promised  the  monks  of  our  Lady  of  Guadeloupe 
in  Kstremadure  to  call  some  newly-discovered  [dace  after  their 
convent. 

Landing;  here  on  the  4th,  they  visited  a  village  near  the  shore, 
the  inhabitants  of  which  fled,  some  even  leaving  their  children 
behind  in  their  terror  and  confusion.  These  the  Spaniards 
soothed  with  caresses,  binding  hawks'  Vx'lls  and  other  trinkets 
round  their  arms.  This  village,  like  most  of  those  of  the  island, 
consisted  of  twenty  or  thirty  houses,  built  round  a  public  place 
or  square.  The  houses  were  constructed  of  trunks  and  trees 
interwoven  with  reeds  and  1  (ranches,  and  thatched  with  palm- 
leaves.  They  were  square,  not  circular  like  those  of  the  other 
islands,3  and  each  had  its  portico  or  shelter  from  the  sun.  One 
of  the  porticos  was  decorated  with  images  of  serpents  tolerably 
carved  in  wood.  For  furniture  they  had  hammocks  of  cotton 
net.  and  utensils  formed  of  calabashes  or  earthenware,  equal  to 
the  l>est  of  those  of  Hispaniola.  There  were  large  quantities  of 
cotton  ;  some  in  the  wool,  some  in  yarn,  and  some  wrought  into 
cloth  of  very  tolerable  texture  ;  and  many  bows  and  arrows, 
the  latter  tipped  with  sharp  bones.  Provisions  seemed  to  abound. 
There  were  many  domesticated  geese  like  those  of  Europe,  and 
parrots  as  large  as  household  fowls,  with  blue,  green,  white,  and 
scarlet  plumage,  Ix'ing  the  splendid  species  called  guacamayos. 
Here  also  the  Spaniards  first  met  with  the  anana,  or  pineapple, 
the  flavor  and  fragrance  of  which  astonished  and  delighted  them. 
In  one  of  the  houses  they  were  surprised  to  find  a  pan  or  other 
utensil  of  iron,  not  having  ever  met  with  that  metal  in  the  New 
World.  Fernando  Colon  supposes  that  it  was  formed  of  a 
certain  kind  of  heavy  stone  found  among  those  islands,  which, 
when  burnt,  has  the  appearance  of  shining  iron  ;  or  it  might 
have  been  some  utensil  brought  by  the  Indians  from  Hispaniola. 
Certain  it  is,  that  no  native  iron  was  ever  found  among  the 
people  of  these  islands. 

In  another  house  was  the  stern-post  of  a  vessel.  How  had  it 
reached  these  shores,  which  appeared  never  to  have  been  visited 
by  the  ships  of  civilized  man  ?  Was  it  the  wreck  of  some 
vessel  from  the  more  enlightened  countries  of  Asia,  which  they 
supposed  to  lie  somewhere  in  this  direction  ?  Or  a  part  of  the 

1  Letter  of  Dr.  Chanca. 

*  Letter  of  Dr.  Chanca.    Peter  Martyr  calls  it  Carucuuira  or  Queraquiera,  deead,  i.  lib. 

3  Uiat.  del  Almirante,  cap.  62. 


202  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER 

caravel  which  Columbus  had  lost  at  the  island  of  Hispaniola 
during  his  (irst  voyage?  Or  a  fragment  of  some  European  ship 
Which  had  drifted  across  the  Atlantic?  The  latter  was  most 
probably  the  case.  The  constant  current  which  sets  over  from 
the  coast  of  Africa,  produced  by  the  stately  prevalence  of  the 
trade-winds,  must  occasionally  bring  wrecks  from  the  Old 
World  to  the  New  ;  and  long  before  the  discovery  of  Columbus 
the  savages  of  the  islands  and  the  coasts  may  have  gazed  with 
wonder  at  fragments  of  European  barks  which  have  floated  to 
their  shores. 

What  struck  the  Spaniards  with  horror  was  the  sight  of  hu- 
man bones,  vestiges,  as  they  supposed,  of  unnatural  repasts  ; 
and  skulls,  apparently  used  as  vases  and  other  household  uten- 
sils. These  dismal  objects  convinced  them  that  they  were  now 
in  the  abodes  of  the  Cannibals,  or  Caribs,  whose  predatory  ex- 
peditions and  ruthless  character  rendered  them  the  terror  of 
these  seas. 

The  boats  having  returned  on  board,  Columbus  proceeded  up- 
ward of  two  leagues,  until  he  anchored,  late  in  the  evening,  in 
a  convenient  port.  The  island  on  this  side  extended  for  the 
distance  of  five  and  twenty  leagues,  diversified  with  lofty  moun- 
tains and  broad  plains.  Along  the  coast  were  small  villages 
and  hamlets,  the  inhabitants  of  which  fled  in  affright.  On  the 
following  day  the  boats  landed,  and  succeeded  in  taking  and 
bringing  off  a  boy  and  several  women.  The  informations 
gathered  from  them  confirmed  Columbus  in  his  idea  that  this 
was  one  of  the  islands  of  the  Caribs.  He  learnt  that  the  inhab- 
itants were  in  league  with  two  neighboring  islands,  but  made 
war  upon  all  the  rest.  They  even  went  on  predatory  enter- 
prises, in  canoes  made  from  the  hollowed  trunks  of  trees,  to 
the  distance  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  leagues.  Their  arms  were 
bows  and  arrows  pointed  with  the  bones  of  fishes  or  shells  of 
tortoises,  and  poisoned  with  the  juice  of  a  certain  herb.  They 
made  descents  upon  the  islands,  ravaged  the  villages,  carried 
off  the  youngest  and  handsomest  of  the  women,  whom  they  re- 
retained  as  servants  or  companions,  and  made  prisoners  of  the 
men,  to  be  killed  and  eaten. 

After  hearing  such  accounts  of  the  natives  of  this  island,  Co- 
lumbus was  extremely  uneasy  at  finding,  in  the  evening,  that 
Diego  Marque,  a  captain  of  one  of  the  caravels,  and  eight  men 
were  missing.  They  had  landed  early  in  the  morning  without 
leave,  and  straying  into  the  woods,  had  not  since  been  seen  or 
heard  of.  The  night  passed  awpy  without  their  return.  Ou 
the  following  day  parties  were  sent  iu  various  directions  iu 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER    COLUMBUS.  203 

qnost  of  them,  each  with  a  trumpeter  to  sound  calls  and  signals. 
Guns  were  fired  from  the  ships,  and  arquebuses  on  shore,  but 
all  to  no  purpose,  and  the  parties  returned  in  the  evening, 
wearied  with  a  fruitless  search.  In  several  hamlets  they  had 
met  with  proofs  of  the  cannibal  propensities  of  the  natives. 
Human  limbs  were  suspended  to  the  beams  of  the  houses,  as  if 
curing  for  provisions  ;  the  head  of  a  young  man  recently  killed 
was  yet  bleeding  :  some  parts  of  his  Ixxly  were  roasting  before 
the  lire,  others  boiling  with  the  flesh  of  geese  and  parrots.1 

Several  of  the  natives,  in  the  course  of  the  day,  had  Iwen  seen 
on  the  shore,  gazing  with  wonder  at  the  ships,  but  when  the 
boats  approached,  they  fled  to  the  woods  and  mountains. 
Several  women  came  off  to  the  Spaniards  for  refuge,  being  cap- 
tured from  other  islands.  Columbus  ordered  that  they  should 
be  decorated  with  hawks'  bells  and  strings  of  beads  and  bugles, 
and  sent  on  shore,  in  hopes  of  enticing  off  some  of  the  men. 
They  soon  returned  to  the  boats  striped  of  their  ornaments, 
and  imploring  to  be  taken  on  lx>ard  the  ships.  The  admiral 
learnt  from  them  that  most  of  the  men  of  the  island  were  alt- 
sent,  the  king  having  sailed  some  time  before  with  ten  canoes 
and  three  hundred  warriors,  on  a  cruise  in  quest  of  prisoners 
and  booty.  When  the  men  went  forth  on  these  expeditions, 
the  women  remained  to  defend  their  shores  from  invasion. 
They  were  expert  archers,  partaking  of  the  warrior  spirit  of 
their  husbands,  and  almost  equalling  them  in  force  and  intre- 
pidity.2 

The  continued  absence  of  the  wanderers  perplexed  Columbus 
extremely.  He  was  impatient  to  arrive  at  Hispaniola,  but  un- 
willing to  sail  while  there  was  a  possibility  of  their  l>eing  alive 
and  being  recovered.  In  this  emergency  Alonso  de  Ojeda,  the 
same  young  cavalier  whose  exploit  on  the  tower  of  the  cathedral 
at  Seville  has  been  mentioned,  volunteered  to  scour  the  island 
with  forty  men  in  quest  of  them.  He  departed  accordingly, 
and  during  his  absence  the  ship,  took  in  wood  and  water,  and 
part  of  the  crews  were  permitted  to  land,  wash  their  clothes, 
and  recreate  themselves. 

Ojeda  and  his  followers  pushed  far  into  the  interior,  firing 
off  arquebuses  and  sounding  trumpets  in  the  vmlleys  and  from 
the  summits  of  cliffs  and  precipices,  but  were  only  answered  by 
their  own  echoes.  The  tropical  luxuriance  and  density  of  the 
forests  rendered  them  almost  impenetrable  ;  and  it  was  neces- 
sary to  wade  a  great  many  rivers,  or  probably  the  windings 

1  1'.  Martyr,  Li-lter  147  to  1'oiupouio  Laeto.    Idem,  (lecad   i.  lib.  ii. 
-  iVtci  Murlyr,  dvcad.  iii.  lib.  ix. 


204  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

and  doublings  of  the  same  stream.  The  island  appeared  to  be 
naturally  fertile  in  the  extreme.  The  forests  abounded  with 
aromatic  trees  and  shrubs,  among  which  Ojeda  fancied  he  per- 
ceived the  odor  of  precious  gums  and  spices.  There  was  honey 
in  hollow  trees  and  in  the  clefts  of  rocks  :  abundance  of  fruit 
also;  for,  according  to  Peter  Martyr,  the  Caribs,  in  their  pivda- 
tory  cruisings,  were  accustomed  to  bring  home  the  seeds  and 
roots  of  all  kinds  of  plants  from  the  distant  islands  and  coun- 
tries which  they  overran. 

Ojeda  returned  without  any  tidings  of  the  stragglers.  Several 
days  had  now  elapsed  since  their  disappearance.  They  were 
given  up  for  lost,  and  the  fleet  was  about  sailing  when,  to  the 
universal  joy,  a  signal  was  made  by  them  from  the  shore. 
When  they  came  on  board  their  haggard  and  exhausted  looks 
bespoke  what  they  had  suffered.  For  several  days  they  had 
been  perplexed  in  trackless  forests,  so  dense  as  almost  to  ex- 
clude the  light  of  day.  They  had  claml>ered  rocks,  waded  rivers, 
and  struggled  through  briers  and  thickets.  Some,  who  were 
experienced  seamen,  climl>ed  the  trees  to  get  a  sight  of  the 
stars,  by  which  to  govern  their  course ;  but  the  spreading 
branches  and  thick  foliage  shut  out  all  view  of  the  heavens. 
They  were  harassed  with  the  fear,  that  the  admiral,  thinking 
them  dead,  might  set  sail  and  leave  them  in  this  wilderness, 
cut  off  forever  from  their  homes  and  the  abodes  of  civilized 
man.  At  length,  when  almost  reduced  to  despair,  they  had 
arrived  at  the  sea-shore,  and  following  it  for  some  time,  beheld, 
to  their  great  joy,  the  fleet  riding  quietly  at  anchor.  They 
brought  with  them  several  Indian  women  and  boys  ;  but  in  all 
their  wanderings  they  had  not  met  with  any  man  ;  the  greater 
part  of  the  warriors,  as  has  been  said,  being  fortunately  absent 
on  an  expedition. 

Notwithstanding  the  hardships  they  had  endured,  and  his 
joy  at  their  return,  Columbus  put  the  captain  under  arrest,  and 
stopped  part  of  the  rations  of  the  men,  for  having  strayed  away 
without  permission,  for  in  a  service  of  such  a  critical  nature, 
it  was  necessary  to  punish  every  breach  of  discipline.1 

1  Dr.  Chanca's  Letter,  Hist,  del  Ahnirante,  cap.  40. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  205 

CHAPTER  III. 

CRUISE    AMONG   THE   CARIBBEE    ISLANDS. 
11493.] 

"WEIGHING  anchor  on  the  10th  of  November,  Columhns 
steered  to  the  north-west,  along  this  beautiful  archipelago ; 
giving  names  to  the  islands  as  they  rose  to  view  ;  such  as 
Montserrat,  Santa  Maria  la  Redonda,  Santa  Maria  la  Antigua, 
and  San  Martin.  Various  other  islands,  lofty  and  well-wooded, 
appeared  to  the  north,  south-west,  and  south-east ;  but  he  for- 
bore to  visit  them.  The  weather  proving  boisterous,  he  an- 
chored on  the  14th  at  an  island  called  Ayay  by  the  Indians, 
but  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Santa  Cruz.  A  boat  well- 
manned  was  sent  on  shore  to  get  water  and  procure  informa- 
tion. They  found  a  village  deserted  by  the  men,  but  secured  a 
few  women  and  boys,  most  of  them  captives  from  other  islands. 
They  soon  had  an  instance  of  Carib  courage  and  ferocity. 
A\rhile  at  the  village  they  beheld  a  canoe  from  a  distant  part  of 
the  island  come  round  a  point  of  land  and  arrive  in  view  of  the 
ships.  The  Indians  in  the  canoe,  two  of  whom  were  females, 
remained  gazing  in  mute  amazement  at  the  ships,  and  were  so 
entranced  that  the  boat  stole  close  upon  them  before  they  per- 
ceived it.  Seizing  their  paddles  they  attempted  to  escape,  but 
the  boat  being  between  them  and  the  land,  cut  off  their  retreat. 
They  now  caught  up  their  bows  and  arrows  and  plied  them 
with  amazing  vigor  and  rapidity.  The  Spaniards  covered  them- 
selves with  their  bucklers,  but  two  of  them  were  quickly  wounded. 
The  women  fought  as  fiercely  as  the  men,  and  one  of  them  sent 
an  arrow  with  such  force  that  it  passed  through  and  through  a 
buckler. 

The  Spaniards  now  ran  their  boat  against  the  canoe  and  over- 
turned it ;  some  of  the  savages  got  upon  sunken  rocks,  others 
discharged  their  arrows  while  swimming,  as  dexterously  as 
though  they  had  been  upon  firm  land.  It  was  witli  the  utmost 
difficulty  they  could  be  overcome  and  taken.  One  of  them, 
who  had  been  transfixed  with  a  lance,  died  soon  after  being 
brought  aboard  the  ships.  One  of  the  women,  from  the  obe- 
dience and  deference  paid  to  her,  appeared  to  be  their  queen. 
She  was  accompanied  by  her  sou,  a  young  man  strongly  made, 
with  a  frowning  brow  and  lion's  face.  He  had  been  wounded 


£06  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMKUS. 

in  the  conflict.  The  hair  of  these  savages  was  long  and  coarse. 
Their  eyes  were  encircled  with  paint,  so  as  to  give  them  a 
hideous  expression  ;  and  bands  of  cotton  were  bound  firmly 
above  and  below  the  muscular  parts  of  the  arms  and  legs,  so  as 
to  cause  them  to  swell  to  a  disproportioned  size  ;  a  custom  prev- 
alent among  various  tribes  of  the  New  World.  Though  cap- 
tives in  chains,  and  in  the  power  of  their  enemies,  they  still 
retained  a  frowning  brow  and  an  air  of  defiance.  Peter  Martyr, 
who  often  went  to  see  them  in  Spain,  declares,  from  his  own 
experience,  and  that  of  others  who  accompanied  him,  that  it 
was  impossible  to  look  at  them  without  a  sensation  of  horror, 
so  menacing  and  terrible  was  their  aspect.  The  sensation  was 
doubtless  caused  in  a  great  measure  by  the  idea  of  their  being 
cannibals.  In  this  skirmish,  according  to  the  same  writer,  the 
Indians  used  poisoned  arrows ;  and  one  of  the  Spaniards  died 
within  a  few  days,  of  a  wound  received  from  one  of  the 
females.1 

Pursuing  his  voyage,  Columbus  soon  came  in  sight  of  a 
great  cluster  of  islands,  some  verdant  and  covered  with  forests, 
but  the  greater  part  naked  and  sterile,  rising  into  craggy  moun- 
tains ;  with  rocks  of  a  bright  azure  color,  and  some  of  a  glis- 
tering white.  These,  with  his  usual  vivacity  of  imagination,  he 
supposed  to  contain  mines  of  rich  metals  and  precious  stones, 
The  islands  lying  close  together,  with  the  sea  beating  roughly 
in  the  narrow  channels  which  divided  them,  rendered  it  danger- 
ous to  enter  among  them  with  the  large  ships.  Columbus  sent 
in  a  small  caravel  with  latine  sails,  to  reconnoitre,  which  re- 
turned with  the  report  that  there  were  upward  of  fifty  islands, 
apparent!}'  inhabited.  To  the  largest  of  this  group  he  gave  the 
name  of  Santa  Ursula,  and  called  the  others  the  Eleven  Thou- 
sand Virgins.2 

Continuing  his  course,  he  arrived  one  evening  in  sight  of  a 
great  island  covered  with  beautiful  forests,  and  indented  with 
fine  havens.  It  was  called  by  the  natives  Boriquem,  but  he 
gave  it  the  name  of  San  Juan  Bautista ;  it  is  the  same  since 
known  by  the  name  of  Porto  Rico.  This  was  the  native  island 
of  most  of  the  captives  who  had  fled  to  the  ships  for  refuge 
from  the  Caribs.  According  to  their  accounts  it  was  fertile 
and  populous,  and  under  the  dominion  of  a  single  cacique.  Its 
inhabitants  were  not  given  to  rove,  and  possessed  but  few 
canoes.  They  were  subject  to  frequent  invasions  from  the 

1  P.  Marytr,  dccad.  i.  lib.  ii.  Hist,  del  Almirante,  cap.  4T.  Las  Caean,  Hist.  Ind., 
cap.  Sf>,  MS.  Letter  of  Dr.  Clianca. 

1  V.  Marylr  dovud.  i.  iib.  ii.     Letter  of  Dr.  Chanca. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  207 

Caribs,  \vho  were  their  implacable  enemies.  They  had  become 
warriors,  therefore,  iu  their  own  defence,  using  the  bojtv  and 
arrow  and  the  war-club;  and  in  their  contests  with  their  canni- 
bal foes  they  retorted  upon  them  their  own  atrocities,  devour- 
ing their  prisoners  in  revenge. 

After  running  for  a  whole  day  along  the  beautiful  coast  of 
this  island,  they  anchored  iu  a  bay  at  the  west  end,  abounding 
in  fish.  On  landing,  they  found  an  Indian  village,  constructed 
as  usual  round  a  common  square,  like  a  market-place,  with  one 
large  and  well-built  house.  A  spacious  road  led  thence  to  the 
seaside,  having  fences  on  each  side,  of  interwoven  reeds,  enclos- 
ing fruitful  gardens.  At  the  end  of  the  road  was  a  kind  of 
terrace,  or  look-out,  constructed  of  reeds  and  overhanging  the 
water.  The  whole  place  had  an  air  of  neatness  and  ingenuity, 
superior  to  the  ordinary  residences  of  the  natives,  and  api>eared 
to  be  the  abode  of  some  important  chieftain.  All,  however, 
was  silent  and  deserted.  Not  a  human  l>eing  was  to  be  seen 
during  the  time  they  remained  at  the  place.  The  natives  had 
concealed  themselves  at  the  sight  of  the  squadron.  After  re- 
maining here  two  days,  Columbus  made  sail,  and  stood  for  the 
island  of  Hispaniola.  Thus  ended  his  cruise  among  the  Carib- 
bee  Islands,  the  account  of  whose  fierce  and  savage  peopte  was 
received  with  eager  curiosity  by  the  learned  of  Europe,  and 
considered  as  settling  one  dark  and  doubtful  question  to  the 
disadvantage  of  human  nature.  Peter  Marytr,  in  his  letter  to 
Pompon ius  Laetus,  announces  the  fact  with  fearful  solemnity. 
"•  The  stories  of  the  Lestrigonians  and  of  Polyphemus,  who  fed 
on  human  flesh,  are  no  longer  doubtful !  Attend,  but  beware, 
lest  thy  hair  bristle  with  horror!  " 

That  many  of  the  pictures  given  us  of  this  extraordinary  race 
of  people  have  been  colored  by  the  fears  of  the  Indians  and  the 
prejudices  of  the  Spaniards,  is  highly  probable.  They  were 
constantly  the  terror  of  the  former,  and  the  brave  and  obsti- 
nate opponents  of  the  latter.  The  evidences  adduced  of  their 
cannibal  propensities  must  be  received  with  large  allowances 
for  the  careless  and  inaccurate  observations  of  seafaring  men, 
and  the  preconceived  belief  of  the  fact,  which  existed  in  the 
minds  of  the  Spaniards.  It  was  a  custom  among  the  natives 
of  many  of  the  islands,  and  of  other  parts  of  the  New  World, 
to  preserve  the  remains  of  their  deceased  relatives  and  friends ; 
sometimes  the  entire  body  ;  sometimes  only  the  head,  or  some 
of  the  limbs,  dried  at  the  fire ;  sometimes  the  mere  bones. 
These,  when  found  in  the  dwellings  of  the  natives  of  Hispaniola, 
against  whom  no  prejudice  of  the  kind  existed,  were  correctly 


208  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

regarded  as  relics  of  the  deceased,  preserved  through  affection 
or  reverence  ;  but  any  remains  of  the  kind  found  among  the 
Carihs  were  looked  upon  with  horror  as  proofs  of  cannibalism. 

The  warlike  and  unyielding  character  of  these  people,  so  dif- 
ferent from  that  of  the  pusillanimous  nations  around  them,  and 
the  wide  scope  of  their  enterprises  and  wanderings,  like  those 
of  the  nomad  tribes  of  the  Old  World,  entitle  them  to  distin- 
guished attention.  They  were  trained  to  war  from  their  in- 
fancy. As  soon  as  they  could  walk,  their  intrepid  mothers  put 
in  their  hands  the  bow  and  arrow,  and  prepared  them  to  take 
an  earl}7  part  in  the  hardy  enterprises  of  their  fathers.  Their 
distant  roam  ings  by  sea  made  them  observant  and  intelligent. 
The  natives  of  the  other  islands  only  knew  how  to  divide  time 
by  day  and  night,  by  the  sun  and  moon  ;  whereas  these  had  ac- 
quired some  knowledge  of  the  stars,  by  which  to  calculate  the 
times  and  seasons.1 

The  traditional  accounts  of  their  origin,  though  of  course  ex- 
tremely vague,  are  yet  capable  of  being  verified  to  a  great  de- 
gree by  geographical  facts,  and  open  one  of  the  rich  veins  of 
curious  inquiry  and  speculation  which  abound  in  the  New 
World.  They  are  said  to  have  migrated  from  the  remote  val- 
leys tembosomed  in  the  Apalachian  mountains.  The  earliest 
accounts  we  have  of  them  represent  them  with  weapons  in  their 
hands,  continually  engaged  in  wars,  winning  their  way  and 
shifting  their  abode,  until  in  the  course  of  time  they  found 
themselves  at  the  extremity  of  Florida.  Here,  abandoning  the 
northern  continent,  they  passed  over  to  the  Lucayos,  and  thence 
gradually,  in  the  process  of  years,  from  island  to  island  of  that 
vast  and  verdant  chain,  which  links,  as  it  were,  the  end  of 
Florida  to  the  coast  of  Paria,  on  the  southern  continent.  The 
archii>elago  extending  from  Porto  Rico  to  Tobago  was  their 
stronghold,  and  the  island  of  Guadaloupe  in  a  manner  their 
citadel.  Hence  they  made  their  expeditions,  and  spread  the 
terror  of  their  name  through  all  the  surrounding  countries. 
Swarms  of  them  landed  upon  the  southern  continent,  and  over- 
ran some  parts  of  terra  firma.  Traces  of  them  have  been  dis- 
covered far  in  the  interior  of  that  vast  country  through  which 
llous  the  Oroonoko.  The  Dutch  found  colonies  of  them  on  the 
banks  of  the  Ikouteka.  which  empties  into  the  Surinam  ;  along 
the  Fsqtiibi,  the  Maroni,  and  other  rivers  of  Guayana ;  and  in 
the  country  watered  by  the  windings  of  the  Cayenne ;  and 
it  would  appear  that  they  extended  their  wanderings  to  the 

1  Hist,  del  Alinirautc,  cap.  02. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  209 

shores  of  the  southern  ocean,  where,  among  the  aboriginals  of 
Brazil,  were  some  who  called  themselves  Caribs,  distinguished 
from  the  surrounding  Indians  by  their  superior  hardihood,  sub- 
tlety, and  enterprise.1 

To  trace  the  footsteps  of  this  roving  tribe  throughout  its  wide 
migrations  from  the  Apalachian  mountains  of  the  northern 
continent,  along  the  clusters  of  islands  which  stud  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico  and  the  Caribbean  Sea  to  the  shores  of  Paria,  and  so 
across  the  vast  regions  of  Guayana  and  Amazonia  to  the  remote 
coast  of  Brazil,  would  be  one  of  the  most  curious  researches  in 
aboriginal  history,  and  throw  much  light  upon  the  mysterious 
question  of  the  population  of  the  New  World. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

ARRIVAL     AT     THE     HARBOR   OF    LA    NAVIDAD  —  DISASTER   OV  THE 

FORTRESS. 

[1493.] 

ON  the  22d  of  November  the  fleet  arrived  off  what  was  soon 
ascertained  to  be  the  eastern  extremity  of  Hayti,  or,  as  the 
admiral  had  named  it,  Hispaniola.  The  greatest  excitement 
prevailed  throughout  the  armada,  at  the  thoughts  of  soon  ar- 
riving at  the  end  of  their  voyage.  Those  who  had  been  here  in 
the  preceding  voyage  remembered  the  pleasant  days  they  had 
passed  among  the  groves  of  Hayti ;  and  the  rest  looked  for- 
ward with  eagerness  to  scenes  painted  to  them  with  the  capti- 
vating illusions  of  the  golden  age. 

As  the  fleet  swept  with  easy  sail  along  the  green  shore,  a 
boat  was  sent  to  land  to  bury  a  Biscayan  sailor,  who  had  died 
of  the  wound  of  an  arrow  received  in  the  late  skirmish.  Two 
light  caravels  hovered  near  the  shore  to  guard  the  boat's  crew, 
while  the  funeral  ceremony  was  performed  on  the  l>each,  under 
the  trees.  Several  natives  came  off  to  the  ship,  with  a  mes- 
sage to  the  admiral  from  the  cacique  of  the  neighborhood,  in- 
viting him  to  land,  and  promising  great  quantities  of  gold  ; 
anxious,  however,  to  arrive  at  La  Navidad,  Columbus  dis- 
missed them  with  presents  and  continued  his  course.  Arriv- 

»  Rochefort,  Hist.  Nat.  des  Islea  Antilles;  Rotterdam,  1665. 


210  LIFE  OF  CIiniSTOPIlER   COLUMBUS. 

ing  at  the  gulf  of  Las  Flechas,  or,  as  it  is  now  caller!,  the  gulf 
of  Semana,  the  place  where,  in  his  preceding  voyage,  a  skir- 
mish had  occurred  with  the  natives,  he  set  on  shore  one  of 
the  Indians  of  the  place,  who  had  accompanied  him  to 
Spain,  and  had  been  converted  to  Christianity.  He  dismissed 
him  finely  apparelled  and  loaded  with  trinkets,  anticipating 
favorably  effects  from  his  accounts  to  his  countrymen  of  the 
wonders  he  had  seen,  and  the  kind  treatment  he  had  expe- 
rienced. The  young  Indian  made  many  fair  promises,  but 
either  forgot  them  all,  on  regaining  his  liberty  and  his  native 
mountains,  or  fell  a  victim  to  envy  caused  by  his  wealth  and 
finery.  Nothing  was  seen  or  heard  of  him  more.1  Only  one 
Indian  of  those  who  had  been  to  Spain  now  remained  in  the 
fleet;  a  young  Lucayan,  native  of  the  island  of  Guanahani, 
who  had  been  baptized  at  Barcelona,  and  had  been  named  after 
the  admiral's  brother,  Diego  Colon.  He  continued  always 
faithful  and  devoted  to  the  Spaniards. 

On  the  25th  Columbus  anchored  in  the  harbor  of  Monte 
Christi ;  anxious  to  fix  upon  a  place  for  a  settlement  in  the 
neighborhood  of  the  stream  to  which,  in  his  first  voyage,  he 
had  given  the  name  of  the  Rio  del  Oro,  or  the  Golden  River. 
As  several  of  the  mariners  were  ranging  the  coast,  they  found, 
on  the  green  and  moist  banks  of  a  rivulet,  the  bodies  of  a  man 
and  boy  ;  the  former  with  a  cord  of  Spanish  grass  about  his 
neck,  and  his  arms  extended  and  tied  by  the  wrists  to  a  stake 
in  the  form  of  a  cross.  The  bodies  were  in  such  a  state  of 
decay  that  it  was  impossible  to  ascertain  whether  they  were 
Indians  or  Europeans.  Sinister  doubts,  however,  were  enter- 
tained, which  were  confirmed  on  the  following  day  ;  for  on  re- 
visiting the  shore,  they  found,  at  some  distance  from  the  former, 
two  other  bodies,  one  of  which,  having  a  beard,  was  evidently 
the  corpse  of  a  white  man. 

The  pleasant  anticipations  of  Columbus  on  his  approach  to 
La  Navidad  were  now  overcast  with  gloomy  forebodings. 
The  experience  recently  had  of  the  ferocity  of  some  of  the 
inhabitants  of  these  islands,  made  him  doubtful  of  the  amity 
of  others,  and  he  began  to  fear  that  some  misfortune  might 
have  befallen  Arana  and  his  garrison. 

The  frank  and  fearless  manner,  however,  in  which  a  number 
of  the  natives  came  off  to  the  ships,  and  their  unembarrassed 
demeanor,  in  some  measure  allayed  his  suspicions ;  for  it  did 
not  appear  probable  that  they  would  venture  thus  confidently 

1  Herrara,  Ilidt.  lud.,  decad.  i.  lib.  ii.  cap.  9. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  211 

among  the  white  men,  with  the  consciousness  of  having  recent- 
ly shed  the  blood  of  their  companions. 

On  the  evening  of  the  27th,  he  arrived  opposite  the  harbor  of 
La  Navidad,  and  cast  anchor  about  a  league  from  the  laud,  not 
daring  to  enter  in  the  dark  on  account  of  the  dangerous  reefs. 
It  \v:is  too  lute  to  distinguish  objects.  Impatient  to  satisfy  his 
doubts,  therefore,  he  ordered  two  cannon  to  be  fired.  The  re- 
port echoed  along  the  shore,  but  there  was  no  reply  from  the 
fort.  Every  eye  was  now  directed  to  catch  the  gleam  of  some 
signal  light ;  every  ear  listened  to  hear  some  friendly  shout ; 
but  there  was  neither  light  nor  shout,  nor  any  other  sign  of 
life  ;  all  was  darkness  and  deathlike  silence.1 

Several  hours  were  passed  in  dismal  suspense,  and  every  one 
longed  for  the  morning  light,  to  put  an  end  to  his  uncertainty. 
About  midnight  a  canoe  approached  the  fleet ;  when  within  a 
certain  distance,  it  paused,  and  the  Indians  who  were  in  it, 
hailing  one  of  the  vessels,  asked  for  the  admiral.  When  direct- 
ed to  his  ship  they  drew  near,  but  would  not  venture  on  board 
until  they  saw  Columbus.  He  showed  himself  at  the  side  of 
his  vessel,  and  a  light  being  held  up,  his  countenance  and  com- 
manding person  were  not  to  be  mistaken.  They  now  entered 
the  ship  without  hesitation.  One  of  them  was  a  cousin  of  the 
cacique  Guacanagari,  and  brought  a  present  from  him  of  two 
masks  ornamented  with  gold.  Columbus  inquired  about  the 
Spaniards  who  had  remained  on  the  island.  The  information 
which  the  native  gave  was  somewhat  confused,  or  perhaps  was 
imperfectly  understood,  as  the  only  Indian  interpreter  on  board 
was  the  young  Lucayan,  Diego  Colon,  whose  native  language 
was  different  from  that  of  Hayti.  He  told  Columbus  that  sev- 
eral of  the  Spaniards  had  died  of  sickness  ;  others  had  fallen  in 
a  quarrel  among  themselves,  and  others  had  removed  to  a  dif- 
ferent part  of  the  island,  where  they  had  taken  to  themselves 
Indian  wives.  That  Guacanagari  had  been  assailed  by  Caona- 
bo,  the  fierce  cacique  of  the  golden  mountains  of  Cibao,  who 
had  wounded  him  in  battle,  and  burnt  his  village  ;  and  that  he 
remained  ill  of  his  wound  in  a  neighboring  hamlet,  or  he  would 
have  hastened  in  person  to  welcome  the  admiral.2 

Melancholy  as  were  these  tidings,  they  relieved  Columbus 
from  a  dark  and  dismal  surmise.  Whatever  disasters  had 
overwhelmed  his  garrison,  it  had  not  fallen  a  sacrifice  to  the 
perfidy  of  the  natives ;  his  good  opinion  of  the  gentleness  and 

1  Letter  of  Dr.  Chanca.     Xavarrete,  Colec.  dc  Viaite,  torn.  i. 

*  Dr.  Chauca's  Letter.  liiol.  del  Aluiiraute,  cap.  48.  llerrera,  Eist.  Ind.,  dec-ad, 
lib.  i.  cap.  y. 


212  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

kindness  of  these  people  had  not  been  misplaced  ;  nor  had  their 
cacique  forfeited  the  admiration  inspired  by  his  benevolent 
hospitality.  Thus  the  most  corroding  care  was  dismissed  from 
his  mind  ;  for,  to  a  generous  spirit,  there  is  nothing  so  dis- 
heartening as  to  discover  treachery  where  it  has  reposed  con- 
fidence and  friendship.  It  would  seem  also  that  some  of  the 
garrison  were  yet  alive,  though  scattered  about  the  island ; 
the}'  would  doubtless  soon  hear  of  his  arrival,  and  would  hasten 
to  rejoin  him,  well  qualified  to  give  information  of  the  interior. 

Satisfied  of  the  friendly  disposition  of  the  natives,  the  cheer- 
fulness of  the  crews  was  in  a  great  measure  restored.  The 
Indians  who  had  come  on  board  were  well  entertained,  and 
departed  in  the  night  gratified  with  various  presents,  promising 
to  return  in  the  morning  with  the  cacique  Guacanagari.  The 
mariners  now  awaited  the  dawn  of  day  with  reassured  spirits, 
expecting  that  the  cordial  intercourse  and  pleasant  scenes  of 
the  first  voyage  would  be  renewed. 

The  morning  dawned  and  passed  away,  and  the  day  advanced 
and  began  to  decline,  without  the  promised  visit  from  the 
cacique.  Some  apprehensions  were  now  entertained  that  the 
Indians  who  had  visited  them  the  preceding  night  might  be 
drowned,  as  they  had  partaken  freely  of  wine,  and  their  small 
canoe  was  eas}*  to  be  overset.  There  was  a  silence  and  an  air 
of  desertion  about  the  whole  neighborhood  extremely  suspicious. 
On  their  preceding  visit  the  harbor  had  been  a  scene  of  contin- 
ual animation  ;  canoes  gliding  over  the  clear  waters,  Indians  in 
groups  on  the  shores,  or  under  the  trees,  or  swimming  off  to  the 
caravel.  Now,  not  a  canoe  was  to  be  seen,  not  an  Indian 
hailed  them  from  the  land  ;  nor  was  there  any  smoke  rising  from 
among  the  groves  to  give  a  sign  of  habitation. 

After  waiting  a  long  time  in  vain,  Columbus  sent  a  boat 
to  the  shore  to  reconnoitre.  On  landing,  the  crew  hastened 
and  sought  the  forti-ess.  It  was  a  ruin  ;  the  palisadoes  were 
beaten  down,  and  the  whole  presented  the  appearance  of  having 
been  sacked,  burnt,  and  destroyed.  Here  and  there  were 
broken  chests,  spoiled  provisions,  and  the  ragged  remains  of 
European  garments.  Not  an  Indian  approached  them.  They 
caught  sight  of  two  or  three  lurking  at  a  distance  among  the 
trees,  and  apparently  watching  them  ;  but  they  vanished  into 
the  woods  on  finding  themselves  observed.  Meeting  no  one 
to  explain  the  melancholy  scene  before  them,  they  returned  with 
dejected  hearts  to  the  ships,  and  related  to  the  admiral  what 
they  had  seen. 

Columbus  was  greatly  troubled  in  mind  at  this  intelligence, 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  213 

nnd  the  fleet  having  now  anchored  in  the  harbor,  he  went  him- 
self to  shore  on  the  following  morning.  Repairing  to  the  ruins 
of  the  fortress,  he  found  every  thing  as  had  been  described,  and 
searched  in  vain  for  the  remains  of  dead  bodies.  No  traces  of 
the  garrison  were  to  be  seen,  but  broken  utensils  and  torn 
vestments,  scattered  here  and  there  among  the  grass.  There 
were  many  surmises  and  conjectures.  If  the  fortress  had  been 
sacked,  some  of  the  garrison  might  yet  survive,  and  might 
either  have  fled  from  the  neighborhood,  or  been  carried  into 
captivity.  Cannon  and  arquebuses  were  discharged,  in  hopes, 
if  any  of  the  survivors  were  hid  among  rocks  and  thickets, 
they  might  hear  them  and  come  forth  ;  but  no  one  made  his 
appearance.  A  mournful  and  lifeless  silence  reigned  over  the 
place.  The  suspicion  of  treachery  on  the  part  of  Guacanagari 
was  again  revived,  but  Columbus  was  unwilling  to  indulge  it. 
On  looking  farther  the  village  of  that  cacique  was  found  a 
mere  heap  of  burnt  ruins,  which  showed  that  he  had  been 
involved  in  the  disaster  of  the  garrison. 

Columbus  had  left  orders  with  Arana  and  the  other  officers 
to  bury  all  the  treasure  they  might  procure,  or,  in  case  of  sud- 
den danger,  to  throw  it  into  the  well  of  the  fortress.  He 
ordered  excavations  to  be  made,  therefore,  among  the  ruins, 
and  the  well  to  be  cleared  out.  While  this  search  was  making, 
lie  proceeded  with  the  boats  to  explore  the  neighborhood,  partly 
in  hopes  of  gaining  intelligence  of  any  scattered  survivors  of 
the  garrison,  and  partly  to  look  out  for  a  better  situation  for  a 
fortress.  After  proceeding  about  a  league  he  came  to  a  hamlet, 
the  inhabitants  of  which  had  fled,  taking  whatever  they  could 
with  them  and  hiding  the  rest  in  the  grass.  In  the  houses  were 
European  articles,  which  evidently  had  not  been  procured  by 
barter,  such  as  stockings,  pieces  of  cloth,  an  anchor  of  the 
caravel  which  had  been  wrecked,  and  a  beautiful  Moorish  robe, 
folded  in  the  form  in  which  it  had  been  brought  from  Spain.' 

Having  passed  some  time  in  contemplating  these  scattered 
documents  of  a  disastrous  story,  Columbus  returned  to  the 
ruins  of  the  fortress.  The  excavations  and  search  in  the  well 
had  proved  fruitless  ;  no  treasure  was  to  be  found.  Not  far 
from  the  fort,  however,  they  had  discovered  the  bodies  of 
eleven  men,  buried  in  different  places,  and  which  were  known 
by  their  clothing  to  be  Europeans.  They  had  evidently  been 
for  some  time  in  the  ground,  the  grass  having  grown  upon  their 
graves. 

1  Letter  of  Dr.  Chauca.     (Jura  de  loa  falaciua,  cap.  120. 


214  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

In  the  course  of  the  clay  a  number  of  the  Indians  made  their 
appearance,  hovering  timidly  at  a  distance.  Their  apprehen- 
sions were  gradually  dispelled  until  they  became  perfectly  com- 
municative. Some  of  them  could  speak  a  few  words  of  Spanish, 
and  knew  the  names  of  all  the  men  who  had  remained  with 
Arana.  By  this  means,  and  by  the  aid  of  the  interpreter,  the 
story  of  the  garrison  was  in  some  measure  ascertained. 

It  is  curious  to  note  this  first  footprint  of  civilization  in  the 
New  World.  Those  whom  Columbus  had  left  behind,  says 
Oviedo,  with  the  exception  of  the  commander,  Don  Diego 
Arana,  and  one  or  two  others,  were  but  little  calculated  to 
follow  the  precepts  of  so  prudent  a  person,  or  to  discharge  the 
critical  duties  enjoined  upon  them.  The}"  were  principally  meu 
of  the  lowest  order,  or  mariners  who  knew  not  how  to  conduct 
themselves  with  restraint  or  sobriety  on  shore.1  No  sooner 
had  the  admiral  departed,  than  all  his  counsels  and  commands 
died  away  from  their  minds.  Though  a  mere  handful  of  men, 
surrounded  by  savage  tribes  and  dependent  upon  their  own 
prudence  and  good  conduct,  and  upon  the  good-will  of  the 
natives,  for  their  very  existence,  yet  they  soon  began  to  indulge 
in  the  most  wanton  abuses.  Some  were  prompted  by  rapacious 
avarice,  and  sought  to  possess  themselves,  by  all  kinds  of 
wrongful  means,  of  the  golden  ornaments  and  other  valuable 
property  of  the  natives.  Others  were  grossly  sensual,  and  not' 
content  with  two  or  three  wives  allowed  to  each  by  Guacanagari, 
seduced  the  wives  and  daughters  of  the  Indians. 

Fierce  brawls  ensued  among  them  about  their  ill-gotten  spoils 
and  the  favors  of  the  Indian  women  ;  and  the  natives  beheld 
with  astonishment  the  beings  whom  they  had  worshipped,  as 
descended  from  the  skies,  abandoned  to  the  grossest  of  earthly 
passions,  and  raging  against  each  other  with  worse  than  brutal 
ferocity. 

Still  these  dissensions  might  not  have  been  very  dangerous 
had  they  observed  one  of  the  injunctions  of  Columbus,  and 
kept  together  in  the  fortress,  maintaining  military  vigilance  ; 
but  all  precaution  of  the  kind  was  soon  forgotten.  In  vain  did 
Don  Diego  de  Arana  interpose  his  authority  ;  in  vain  did  every 
inducement  present  itself  which  could  bind  man  and  man 
together  in  a  foreign  land.  All  order,  all  subordination,  all 
unanimity  was  at  an  end.  Many  abandoned  the  fortress,  and 
lived  carelessly  and  at  random  about  the  neighborhood  ;  every 
one  was  for  himself,  or  associated  with  some  little  knot  of  con- 


»  Oviedo,  Ilist.  Ind.,  lib.  ii.  cap.  12. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  215 

federates  to  injure  and  despoil  the  rest.  Thus  factions  broke 
out  among  them,  until  ambition  arose  to  complete  the  destruc- 
tion of  their  mimic  empire.  Pedro  Gutierrez  and  Rodrigo  de 
Escobedo,  whom  Columbus  had  left  as  lieutenants  to  the  com- 
mander, to  succeed  to  him  in  case  of  accident,  took  advantage 
of  these  disorders  and  aspired  to  an  equal  share  in  the  authority, 
if  not  to  the  supreme  control.1  Violent  affrays  succeeded,  in 
which  a  Spaniard  named  Jaeomo  was  killed.  Having  failed  in 
their  object,  Gutierrez  and  Escobedo  withdrew  from  the  fortress 
with  nine  of  their  adherents  and  a  number  of  their  women,  and 
turned  their  thoughts  on  distant  enterprise.  Having  heard 
marvellous  accounts  of  the  mines  of  Cibao,  and  the  golden 
sands  of  its  mountain  rivers,  they  set  off  for  that  district,  flushed 
with  the  thoughts  of  amassing  immense  treasure.  Thus  they 
disregarded  another  strong  injunction  of  Columbus,  which  was 
to  keep  within  the  friendly  territories  of  Guacanagari.  The 
region  to  which  they  repaired  was  in  the  interior  of  the  island, 
within  the  province  of  Maguana,  ruled  by  the  famous  Caonabo, 
called  by  the  Spaniards  the  Lord  of  the  Golden  House.  This 
renowned  chieftain  was  a  Carib  by  birth,  and  possessed  the 
fierceness  and  enterprise  of  his  nation.  He  had  come  an  ad- 
venturer to  Hispaniola,  and  by  his  courage  and  address,  and 
his  warlike  exploits,  had  made  himself  the  most  potent  of  its 
caciques.  The  inhabitants  universally  stood  in  awe  of  him 
from  his  Carib  origin,  and  he  was  the  hero  of  the  island,  when 
the  ships  of  the  white  men  suddenly  appeared  upon  its  shores. 
The  wonderful  accounts  of  their  power  and  prowess  had  reached 
him  among  his  mountains,  and  he  had  the  shrewdness  to  per- 
ceive that  his  consequence  must  decline  before  such  formidable 
intruders.  The  departure  of  Columbus  gave  him  hopes  that 
their  intrusion  would  be  but  temporary.  The  discords  and 
excesses  of  those  who  remained,  while  they  moved  his  detesta- 
tion, inspired  him  with  increasing  confidence.  No  sooner  did 
•Gutierrez  and  Escobedo,  with  their  companions,  take  refuge  in 
his  dominions,  than  he  put  them  to  death.  He  then  formed  a 
league  with  the  cacique  of  Marien,  whose  territories  adjoined 
those  of  Guacanagari  on  the  west,  and  concerted  a  sudden 
attack  upon  the  fortress.  Emerging  with  his  warriors  from 
among  the  mountains,  and  traversing  great  tracts  of  forests 
with  profound  secrecy,  he  arrived  in  the  vicinity  of  the  village 
without  being  discovered.  The  Spaniards,  confiding  in  the 
gentle  and  pacific  nature  of  the  Indians,  had  neglected  all  mili- 

»  Oviedo,  Ilist.  lud.,  lib.  ii.  cap.  12. 


216  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

tary  precautions.  But  ten  men  remained  in  the  fortress  with 
Arana,  and  these  do  not  appear  to  have  maintained  any  guard. 
The  rest  were  quartered  in  houses  in  the  neighborhood*  In  the 
dead  of  the  night,  when  all  were  wrapped  in  sleep,  Caonabo 
and  his  warriors  burst  upon  the  place  with  frightful  yells,  got 
possession  of  the  fortress  before  the  inmates  could  put  them- 
selves upon  their  defence,  and  surrounded  and  set  fire  to  the 
houses  in  which  the  rest  of  the  white  men  were  sleeping.  Eight 
of  the  Spaniards  fled  to  the  seaside  pursued  by  the  savages, 
and.  rushing  into  the  waves,  were  drowned  ;  the  rest  were  massa- 
cred. Guacanagari  and  his  subjects  fought  faithfully  in  de- 
fence of  their  guests,  but  not  being  of  a  warlike  character,  were 
easily  routed  ;  the  cacique  was  wounded  by  the  hand  of  Caonabo, 
and  his  village  was  burnt  to  the  ground.1 

Such  was  the  history  of  the  first  European  establishment  in 
the  New  World.  It  presents  in  a  diminutive  compass  an  epit- 
ome of  the  gross  vices  which  degrade  civilization,  and  the 
grand  political  errors  which  sometimes  subvert  the  mightiest 
empires.  All  law  and  order  being  relaxed  by  corruption  and 
licentiousness,  public  good  was  sacrificed  to  private  interest 
and  passion,  the  community  was  convulsed  by  divers  factions 
and  dissensions,  until  the  whole  was  shaken  asunder  by  two 
aspiring  demagogues,  ambitious  of  the  command  of  a  petty 
fortress  in  a  wilderness,  and  the  supreme  control  of  eight-and- 
thirty  men. 


CHAPTER  V. 

TRANSACTIONS     WITH     THE      NATIVES  —  SUSPICIOUS      CONDUCT     OF 
GUACANAGARI. 

[1493.] 

• 

THE  tragical  story  of  the  fortress,  as' gathered  from  the  In- 
dians at  the  harbor,  received  confirmation  from  another  quar- 
ter. One  of  the  captains,  Melchor  JMaldonado,  coasting  to  the 
east  with  his  caravel  in  search  of  some  more  favorable  situation 
for  a  settlement,  was  boarded  by  a  canoe  in  which  were  two 
Indians.  One  of  them  was  the  brother  of  Guacanagari,  and 
entreated  him,  in  the  name  of  the  cacique,  to  visit  him  at  the 


1  Hen-era,  Hist.  Ind.,  decad,  i.  lib.  ii.  cap.  9.  Letter  of  Dr.  Ohanca.  Peter  Martyr, 
decad.  i.  lib.  ii.  Hint,  del  Ahuiratiie,  cap.  49.  Cura  de  los  Palacios,  cap.  13),  \JS. 
Mafias,  Uist.  N.  M  undo,  lib.  iv. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  217 

village  where  he  lay  ill  of  his  wound.  Maldonado  immediately 
went  to  shore  with  two  or  three  of  his  companions.  They 
found  Guacanagari  confined  by  lameness  to  his  hammock,  sur- 
rounded by  seven  of  his  wives.  The  cacique  expressed  great 
regret  at  not  being  able  to  visit  the  admiral.  He  related  various 
particulars  concerning  the  disasters  of  the  garrison,  and  the 
part  which  he  and  his  subjects  had  taken  in  its  defence,  showing 
his  wounded  leg  bound  up.  His  story  agreed  with  that  already 
related.  After  treating  the  .Spaniards  with  his  accustomed 
hospitality,  he  presented  to  each  of  them  at  parting  a  golden 
ornament. 

On  the  following  morning  Columbus  repaired  in  person  to 
visit  the  cacique.  To  impress  Jiim  with  an  idea  of  his  present 
power  and  importance,  he  appeared  with  a  numerous  train  of 
officers,  all  richly  dressed  or  in  glittering  armor.  They  found 
Guacanagari  reclining  in  a  hammock  of  cotton  net.  He  exhibit- 
ed great  emotion  on  beholding  tiie  admiral,  and  immediately 
adverted  to  the  death  of  the  Spaniards.  As  he  related  the  dis- 
asters of  the  garrison  he  shed  many  tears,  but  dwelt  particu- 
larly on  the  part  he  had  taken  in  the  defence  of  his  guests, 
pointing  out  several  of  his  subjects  present  who  had  received 
wounds  in  the  battle.  It  was  evident  from  the  scars  that  the 
wounds  had  been  received  from  Indian  weapons. 

Columbus  was  readily  satisfied  of  the  good  faith  of  Guacana- 
gari. When  he  reflected  on  the  many  proofs  of  an  open  and 
generous  nature,  which  he  had  given  at  the  time  of  his  ship- 
wreck, he  could  not  believe  him  capable  of  so  dark  an  act  of 
perfidy.  An  exchange  of  presents  now  took  place.  The  cacique 
gave  him  eight  hundred  beads  of  a  certain  stone  called  ciba, 
which  they  considered  highly  precious,  and  one  hundred  of  gold, 
a  golden  coronet,  and  three  small  calabashes  filled  with  gold 
dust,  and  thought  himself  outdone  in  munificence  when  pre- 
sented with  a  number  of  glass  beads,  hawks'  bells,  knives,  pins, 
needles,  small  mirrors,  and  ornaments  of  copper,  which  metal 
he  seemed  to  prefer  to  gold.1 

Guacanagari's  leg  had  been  violently  bruised  by  a  stone.  At 
the  request  of  Columbus,  he  permitted  it  to  be  examined  by  a 
surgeon  who  was  present.  On  removing  the  bandage  no  signs 
of  a  wound  were  to  be  seen,  although  he  shrunk  with  pain 
whenever  the  limb  was  handled  2  As  some  time  had  elapsed 
since  the  battle,  the  external  bruise  might  have  disappeared, 
while  a  tenderness  remained  in  the  part.  Several  present,  how- 

1  Lc-tter  of  Dr.  Chanca.     Navarrete,  Colec..  torn.  i. 

J  Letter  of  Dr.  Chauca.     (Jura  Ue  los  i'alacios,  cap.  120. 


218  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

ever,  who  had  not  been  in  the  first  voyage,  and  had  witnessed 
nothing  of  the  generous  conduct  of  the  cacique,  looked  upon  his 
lameness  as  feigned,  and  the  whole  story  of  the  battle  a  fabrica- 
tion, to  conceal  his  real  perfidy.  Father  Boyle  especially,  who 
was  of  a  vindictive  spirit,  advised  the  admiral  to  make  an  im- 
mediate example  of  the  chieftain.  Columbus,  however,  viewed 
the  matter  in  a  different  light.  Whatever  prepossessions  he 
might  have  were  in  favor  of  the  cacique  ;  his  heart  refused  to 
believe  in  his  criminality.  Though  conscious  of  innocence, 
Guacanagari  might  have  feared  the  suspicions  of  the  white 
men,  and  have  exaggerated  the  effects  of  his  wound ;  but  the 
wounds  of  his  subjects  made  by  Indian  weapons,  and  the  de- 
struction of  his  village,  were  strong  proofs  to  Columbus  of  the 
truth  of  his  story.  To  satisfy  his  more  suspicious  followers, 
and  to  pacify  the  friar,  without  gratifying  his  love  for  persecu- 
tion, he  observed  that  true  policy  dictated  amicable  conduct  to- 
ward Guacanagari,  at  least  until  his  guilt  was  full}'  ascertained. 
They  had  too  great  a  force  at  present  to  apprehend  any  thing 
from  his  hostility,  but  violent  measures  in  this  early  stage  of 
their  intercourse  with  the  natives  might  spread  a  general  panic, 
and  impede  all  their  operations  on  the  island.  Most  of  his  offi- 
cers concurred  in  this  opinion  ;  so  it  was  determined,  notwith- 
standing the  inquisitorial  suggestions  of  the  friar,  to  take  the 
story  of  the  Indians  for  current  truth,  and  to  continue  to  treat 
them  with  friendship. 

At  the  invitation  of  Columbus,  the  cacique,  though  still  ap- 
parently in  pain  from  his  wound,1  accompanied  him  to  the  ships 
that  very  evening.  He  had  wondered  at  the  power  and  gran- 
deur of  the  white  men  when  they  first  visited  his  shores  with 
two  small  caravels  ;  his  wonder  was  infinitely  increased  on  be- 
holding a  fleet  riding  at  anchor  in  the  harbor,  and  on  going  on 
board  of  the  admiral's  ship,  which  was  a  vessel  of  heavy  burden. 
Here  be  beheld  the  Carib  prisoners.  So  great  was  the  dread  of 
them  among  the  timid  inhabitants  of  Hayti,  that  the}'  contem- 
plated them  with  fear  and  shuddering,  even  though  in  chains.8 
That  the  admiral  had  dared  to  invade  these  terrible  beings  in 
their  very  island,  and  had  dragged  them  as  it  were  from  their 
strongholds,  was,  perhaps,  one  of  the  greatest  proofs  to  the  In- 
dians of  the  irresistible  prowess  of  the  white  men. 

Columbus  took  the  cacique  through  the  ship.  The  various 
works  of  art ;  the  plants  and  fruits  of  the  Old  World  ;  domestic 
fowls  of  different  kinds,  cattle,  sheep,  swine,  and  other  animals, 

1  Hist,  del  Almirante,  cap.  89. 

1  Peter  Martyr,  Letter  163  to  PomponiusLaelus. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER    COLUMBUS.  219 

brought  to  stock  the  island,  all  were  wonders  to  him  ;  hut  what 
most  struck  him  with  amazement  was  the  horses.  He  had  never 
seen  any  but  the  most  diminutive  quadrupeds,  and  was  aston- 
ished at  their  size,  their  great  strength,  terrific  appearance,  yet 
perfect  docility.1  He  looked  upon  all  these  extraordinary  ob- 
jects as  so  many  wonders  brought  from  heaven,  which  he  still 
believed  to  be  the  native  home  of  the  white  men. 

On  board  of  the  ship  were  ten  of  the  women  delivered  from 
Carib  captivity.  They  were  chiefly  natives  of  the  island  of 
Boriquen,  or  Porto  Rico.  These  soon  attracted  the  notice  of  the 
cacique,  who  is  represented  to  have  been  of  an  amorous  com- 
plexion. He  entered  into  conversation  with  them  ;  for  though 
the  islanders  spoke  different  languages,  or  rather,  as  is  more 
probable,  different  dialects  of  the  same  language,  they  were 
able,  in  general,  to  understand  each  other.  Among  these  wo- 
men was  one  distinguished  above  her  companions  by  a  certain 
loftiness  of  air  and  manner;  she  had  been  much  noticed  and  ad- 
mired by  the  Spaniards,  who  had  given  her  the  name  of  Cata- 
lina.  The  cacique  spoke  to  her  repeatedly  with  great  gentleness 
of  tone  and  manner,  pity  in  all  probability  being  mingled  with 
his  admiration  ;  for  though  rescued  from  the  hands  of  the 
Caribs,  she  and  her  companions  were  in  a  manner  captives  on 
board  of  the  ship. 

A  collation  was  now  spread  before  the  chieftain,  and  Colum- 
bus endeavored  in  every  way  to  revive  their  former  cordial  in- 
tercourse. He  treated  his  guest  with  every  manifestation  of 
perfect  confidence,  and  talked  of  coming  to  live  with  him  in  his 
present  residence,  and  of  building  houses  in  the  vicinity.  The 
cacique  expressed  much  satisfaction  at  the  idea,  but  observed 
that  the  situation  of  the  place  was  unhealthy,  which  was  indeed 
the  case.  Notwithstanding  every  demonstration  of  friendship, 
however,  the  cacique  was  evidently  ill  at  ease.  The  charm  of 
mutual  confidence  was  broken.  It  was  evident  that  the  gross 
licentiousness  of  the  garrison  had  greatly  impaired  the  venera- 
tion of  the  Indians  for  their  heaven-born  visitors.  Even  the 
reverence  for  the  symbols  of  the  Christian  faith,  which  Columbus 
endeavored  to  inculcate,  was  frustrated  by  the  profligacy  of  its 
votaries.  Though  fond  of  ornaments,  it  was  with  the  greatest 
difficulty  the  cacique  could  be  prevailed  upon  by  the  admiral  to 
suspend  an  image  of  the  Virgin  about  his  neck,  when  he  under- 
stood it  to  be  an  object  of  Christian  adoration.2 

The  suspicions  of   the  chieftain's  guilt  gained  ground  with 

1  Hist,  del  Almirante,  uhi  sup.    Letter  of  Dr.  Chanca. 
J  liist.  del  Almhaute,  cap.  4a. 


220  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

many  of  the  Spaniards.  Father  Boyle,  in  particular,  regarded 
him  with  an  evil  eye,  and  privately  advised  the  admiral,  now 
that  he  had  him  on  board,  to  detain  him  prisoner ;  but  Colum- 
bus rejected  the  counsel  of  the  crafty  friar,  as  contrary  to  sound 
policy  and  honorable  faith.  It  is  difficult,  however,  to  conceal 
lurking  ill-will.  The  cacique,  accustomed,  in  his  former  inter- 
course with  the  Spaniards,  to  meet  with  faces  beaming  with 
gratitude  and  friendship,  could  not  but  perceive  their  altered 
looks.  Notwithstanding  the  frank  and  cordial  hospitality  of  the 
admiral  therefore,  he  soon  begged  permission  to  return  to  laud.1 

The  next  morning  there  was  a  mysterious  movement  among 
the  natives  on  shore.  A  messenger  from  the  cacique  inquired 
of  the  admiral  how  long  he  intended  to  remain  at  the  harbor, 
and  was  informed  that  he  should  sail  on  the  following  day.  In 
the  evening  the  brother  of  Guacanagari  came  on  board,  under 
pretext  of  bartering  a  quantity  of  gold  ;  he  was  observed  to 
converse  in  private  with  the  Indian  women,  and  particularly 
with  Catalina,  the  one  whose  distinguished  appearance  had  at- 
tracted the  attention  of  Guacanagari.  After  remaining  some 
time  on  board,  he  returned  to  the  shore.  It  would  seem,  from 
subsequent  events,  that  the  cacique  had  been  touched  by  the 
situation  of  this  Indian  beaut}7,  or  captivated  by  her  charms, 
and  had  undertaken  to  deliver  her  from  bondage. 

At  midnight,  when  the  crew  were  buried  in  their  first  sleep, 
Catalina  awakened  her  companions.  The  ship  was  anchored 
full  three  miles  from  the  shore,  and  the  sea  was  rough  ;  but  they 
let  themselves  down  from  the  side  of  the  vessel,  and  swam 
bravel}-  for  the  shore.  With  all  their  precautions  they  were 
overheard  by  the  watch,  and  the  alarm  was  given.  The  boats 
were  hastily  manned,  and  gave  chase  in  the  direction  of  a  light 
blazing  on  the  shore,  an  evident  beacon  for  the  fugitives.  Such 
was  the  vigor  of  these  sea-n3-mphs  that  they  reached  the  land 
in  safety  ;  four  were  retaken  on  the  beach,  but  the  heroic  Cata- 
liua  with  the  rest  of  her  companions  made  good  their  escape 
into  the  forest. 

When  the  day  dawned,  Columbus  sent  to  Guacanagari  to  de- 
mand the  fugitives;  or  if  they  were  not  in  his  possession,  that 
he  would  have  search  made  for  them.  The  residence  of  the 
cacique,  however,  was  silent  and  deserted  ;  not  an  Indian  was 
to  be  seen.  Either  conscious  of  the  suspicions  of  the  Spaniards, 
and  apprehensive  of  their  hostility,  or  desirous  to  enjoy  his 
prize  unmolested,  the  cacique  had  removed  with  all  his  effects, 

1  Peter  Martyr,  decad  i.  lib.  ii. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  221 

his  household,  and  his  followers,  and  had  taken  refuge  with  his 
island  beauty  in  the  interior.  This  sudden  and  mysterious  de- 
sertion gave  redoubled  force  to  the  doubts  heretofore  enter- 
tained, and  Guacanagari  was  generally  stigmatized  as  a  traitor 
to  the  white  men,  and  the  perfidious  destroyer  of  the  garrison.1 


CHAPTER  VI. 

FOUNDING   OF   THE   CITY   OF    ISABELLA  —  MALADIES    OF  THE 
SPANIARDS. 

[1493.] 

THE  misfortunes  of  the  Spaniards  both  by  sea  and  land,  in 
the  vicinity  of  this  harbor,  threw  a  gloom  round  the  neighbor- 
hood. The  ruins  of  the  fortress,  and  the  graves  of  their  mur- 
dered countrymen,  were  continually  before  their  eyes,  and  the 
forests  no  longer  looked  beautiful  while  there  was  an  idea  that 
treachery  might  be  lurking  in  their  shades.  The  silence  and 
dreariness,  also,  caused  by  the  desertion  of  the  natives,  gave  a 
sinister  appearance  to  the  place.  It  began  to  be  considered  by 
the  credulous  mariners  as  under  some  baneful  influence  or  ma- 
lignant star.  These  were  sufficient  objections  to  discourage 
the  founding  of  a  settlement,  but  there  were  others  of  a  more 
solid  nature.  The  land  in  the  vicinity  was  low,  moist,  and  un- 
healthy, and  there  was  no  stone  for  building  ;  Columbus  deter- 
mined, therefore,  to  abandon  the  place  altogether,  and  found 
his  projected  colony  in  some  more  favorable  situation.  No 
time  was  to  be  lost ;  the  animals  on  board  the  ships  were  suf- 
fering from  long  confinement ;  and  the  multitude  of  persons, 
unaccustomed  to  the  sea,  and  pent  up  in  the  fleet,  languished 
for  the  refreshment  of  the  land.  The  lighter  caravels,  there- 
fore, scoured  the  coast  in  each  direction,  entering  the  rivers 
and  harbors,  in  search  of  an  advantageous  site.  They  were  in- 
structed also  to  make  inquiries  after  Guacanagari,  of  whom  Co- 
lumbus, notwithstanding  every  suspicious  appearance,  still  re- 
tained a  favorable  opinion.  The  expeditions  returned  after 
ranging  a  considerable  extent  of  coast  without  success.  There 
were  fine  rivers  and  secure  ports,  but  the  coast  was  low  and 
marshy,  and  deficient  in  stone.  The  country  was  generally  de- 


1  Peter  M-irtyr,  decad.  i.  lib.  li.    Letter  of  Dr.  Cbauca.    Cura  de  los  Palacios,  cap. 

120,  M.S. 


222  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

serted,  or  if  any  natives  were  seen,  they  fled  immediately  to  the 
woods.  Melchor  Maldonado  had  proceeded  to  the  eastward, 
until  he  came  to  the  dominions  of  a  cacique,  who  at  first  issued 
forth  at  the  head  of  his  warriors,  with  menacing  aspect,  but  was 
readily  conciliated.  From  him  he  learned  that  Guacauagari  had 
retired  to  the  mountains.  Another  party  discovered  an  Indian 
concealed  near  a  hamlet,  having  been  disabled  by  a  wound  re- 
ceived from  a  lance  when  fighting  against  Caouabo.  His 
account  of  the  destruction  of  the  fortress  agreed  with  that  of 
the  Indians  at  the  harbor,  and  concurred  to  vindicate  the 
cacique  from  the  charge  of  treachery.  Thus  the  Spaniards  con- 
tinued uncertain  as  to  the  real  perpetrators  of  this  dark  and 
dismal  tragedy. 

Being  convinced  that  there  was  no  place  in  this  part  of  the 
island  favorable  for  a  settlement,  Columbus  weighed  anchor  on 
the  7th  of  December,  with  the  intention  of  seeking  the  port  of 
La  Plata.  In  consequence  of  adverse  weather,  however,  he 
was  obliged  to  put  into  a  harbor  about  ten  leagues  east  of 
Monte  Christi ;  and  on  considering  the  place,  was  struck  with 
its  advantages. 

The  harbor  was  spacious,  and  commanded  by  a  point  of  land 
protected  on  one  side  by  a  natural  rampart  of  rocks,  and  on 
another  b}-  an  impervious  forest,  presenting  a  strong  position 
for  a  fortress.  There  were  two  rivers,  one  large  and  the  other 
small,  watering  a  green  and  beautiful  plain,  and  offering  ad- 
vantageous situations  for  mills.  About  a  bow-shot  from  the  sea, 
on  the  banks  of  one  of  the  rivers,  was  an  Indian  village.  The 
soil  appeared  to  be  fertile,  the  waters  to  abound  in  excellent 
fish,  and  the  climate  to  be  temperate  and  genial ;  for  the  trees 
were  in  leaf,  the  shrubs  in  flower,  and  the  birds  in  song,  though 
it  was  the  middle  of  December.  They  had  not  yet  become  fa- 
miliarized with  the  temperature  of  this  favored  island,  where 
the  rigors  of  winter  are  unknown,  where  there  is  a  perpetual 
succession,  and  even  intermixture  of  fruit  and  flower,  and  where 
smiling  verdure  reigns  throughout  the  year. 

Another  grand  inducement  to  form  their  settlement  in  this 
place  was  the  information  received  from  the  Indians  of  the  ad- 
jacent village,  that  the  mountains  of  Cibao,  where  the  gold 
mines  were  situated,  lay  at  no  great  distance,  and  almost  par- 
allel to  the  harbor.  It  was  determined,  therefore,  that  there 
could  not  be  a  situation  more  favorable  for  their  colony. 

An  animated  scene  now  commenced.  The  troops  and  various 
persons  belonging  to  the  land  service,  and  the  various  laborers 
and  artificers  to  be  employed  in  building,  were  disembarked. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  228 

The  provisions,  articles  of  traffic,  guns  and  ammunition  for 
defence,  and  implements  of  every  kind,  were  brought  to  shore, 
as  were  also  the  cattle  and  live  stock,  which  had  suffered  exces- 
sively from  long  restraint,  especially  the  horses.  There  was  a 
general  joy  at  escaping  from  the  irksome  confinement  of  the 
ships,  and  once  more  treading  the  firm  earth,  and  breathing 
tin-  sweetness  of  the  fields.  Au  encampment  was  formed  on  the 
nuirgin  of  the  plain,  around  a  basin  or  sheet  of  water,  and  in  a 
little  while  the  whole  place  was  in  activity.  Thus  was  founded 
the  first  Christian  city  of  the  New  World,  to  which  Columbus 
gave  the  name  of  Isabella,  in  honor  of  his  royal  patroness. 

A  plan  was  formed,  and  streets  and  squares  projected.  The 
greatest  diligence  was  then  exerted  in  erecting  a  church,  a  pub- 
lic storehouse,  and  a  residence  for  the  admiral.  These  were 
built  of  stone,  the  private  houses  were  constructed  of  wood, 
plaster,  reeds,  or  such  materials  as  the  exigency  of  the  case 
permitted,  and  for  a  short  time  every  one  exerted  himself  with 
the  utmost  zeal. 

Maladies,  however,  soon  broke  out.  Many,  unaccustomed  to 
the  sea,  had  suffered  greatly  from  confinement  and  sea-sickness, 
and  from  subsisting  for  a  length  of  time  on  salt  provisions 
much  damaged,  and  mouldy  biscuit.  They  suffered  great  ex- 
posure on  the  land,  also,  before  houses  could  be  built  for  their 
reception  ;  for  the  exhalations  of  a  hot  and  moist  climate,  and 
a  new,  rank  soil,  the  humid  vapors  from  rivers,  and  the  stag- 
nant air  of  close  forests,  rendered  the  wilderness  a  place  of 
severe  trial  to  constitutions  accustomed  to  old  and  highly-culti- 
vated countries.  The  labor  also  of  building  houses,  clearing 
fields,  setting  out  orchards,  and  planting  gardens,  having  all  to 
be  done  with  great  haste,  bore  hard  upon  men  who,  after  toss- 
ing so  long  upon  the  ocean,  stood  in  need  of  relaxation  and 
repose. 

The  maladies  of  the  mind  mingled  with  those  of  the  body. 
Many,  as  has  been  shown,  had  embarked  in  the  expedition  with 
visionary  and  romantic  expectations.  Some  had  anticipated 
the  golden  regions  of  Cipango  and  Cathay,  where  they  were  to 
amass  Wealth  without  toil  or  trouble  ;  others  a  region  of  Asiatic 
luxury,  abounding  with  delights;  and  others  a  splendid  and 
open  career  for  gallant  adventures  and  chivalrous  enterprises. 
AVliat  then  was  their  disappointment  to  find  themselves  confined 
to  the  margin  of  an  island  ;  surrounded  by  impracticable  for- 
ests ;  doomed  to  struggle  with  the  rudeness  of  a  wilderness  ;  to 
toil  painfully  for  mere  subsistence,  and  to  attain  every  comfort 
by  the  severest  exertion.  As  to  gold,  it  was  brought  to  them 


224  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER    COLUMIiDS. 

from  various  quarters,  but  in  small  quantities,  and  it  was  evi- 
dently to  be  procured  only  by  patient  and  persevering  labor. 
All  these  disappointments  sank  deep  into  their  hearts  ;  their 
spirits  flagged  as  their  golden  dreams  melted  away,  and  the 
gloom  of  despondency  aided  the  ravages  of  disease. 

Columbus  himself  did  not  escape  the  prevalent  maladies. 
The  arduous  nature  of  his  enterprise,  the  responsibility  under 
which  he  found  himself,  not  merely  to  his  followers  and  his 
sovereigns,  but  to  the  world  at  large,  had  kept  Ins  mind  in  con- 
tinual agitation.  The  cares  of  so  large  a  squadron  ;  the  inces- 
sant vigilance  required,  not  only  against  the  lurking  dangers 
of  these  unknown  seas,  but  against  the  passions  and  follies  of 
his  followers ;  the  distress  he  had  suffered  from  the  fate  of  his 
murdered  garrison,  and  his  uncertainty  as  to  the  conduct  of 
the  barbarous  tribes  by  which  he  was  surrounded  ;  all  these 
had  harassed  his  mind  and  broken  his  rest  while  on  board  the 
ship  :  since  landing  new  cares  and  toils  had  crowded  upon  him, 
which,  added  to  the  exposures  incident  to  his  situation  in  this 
new  climate,  completely  overpowered  his  strength.  Still, 
though  confined  for  several  weeks  to  his  bed  by  severe  illness, 
his  energetic  mind  rose  superior  to  the  sufferings  of  the  body, 
and  he  continued  to  give  directions  about  the  building  of  the 
city,  and  to  superintend  the  general  concerns  of  the  expedi- 
tion.1 


CHAPTER  VII. 

EXPEDITION    OF    ALONSO    DE    OJEDA    TO   EXPLORE  THE   INTERIOR    OF 
THE    ISLAND DESPATCH    OF   THE    SHIPS   TO    SPAIN. 

[1493.] 

THE  ships  having  discharged  their  cargoes,  it  was  necessary 
to  send  the  greater  part  of  them  back  to  Spain.  Here  new 
anxieties  pressed  upon  the  mind  of  Columbus.  He  had  hoped 
to  find  treasures  of  gold  and  precious  merchandise  accumu- 
lated by  the  men  left  behind  on  the  first  voyage  ;  or  at  least 
the  sources  of  wealthy  traffic  ascertained,  by  which  speedily 
to  freight  his  vessels.  The  destruction  of  the  garrison  had  de- 
feated all  those  hopes.  He  was  aware  of  the  extravagant  ex- 
pectations entertained  by  the  sovereigns  and  the  nation.  What 

1  Ilift.  del  Alniirante,  cap.  50.  lion-era,  IHnt.  Ind.,  deead.  i.  lib.  ii.  cay.  10.  Peter 
M.i:  KS  r,  dccad.  i.  lib.  ii.  Li-llci  of  Di.  C'hauca,  tie. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  225 

would  be  their  disappointment  when  the  returning  ships  brought 
nothing  but  a  tale  of  disaster !  Something  must  be  done, 
before  the  vessels  sailed,  to  keep  up  the  fame  of  his  discoveries, 
and  justify  his  own  magnificent  representations. 

As  yet  he  knew  nothing  of  the  interior  of  the  island.  If  it 
were  really  the  island  of  Cipango,  it  must  contain  populous 
cities,  existing  probably  in  some  more  cultivated  region,  beyond 
the  lofty  mountains  with  which  it  was  intersected.  All  the 
Indians  concurred  in  mentioning  Cibao  as  the  tract  of  country 
whence  they  derived  their  gold.  The  very  name  of  its  cacique, 
Caonabo,  signifying  u  The  Lord  of  the  Golden  House,"  seemed 
to  indicate  the  wealth  of  his  dominions.  The  tract  where  the 
mines  were  said  to  abound  lay  at  a  distance  of  but  three  or 
four  days'  journey,  directly  in  the  interior  ;  Columbus  deter- 
mined, therefore,  to  send  an  expedition  to  explore  it  previous 
to  the  sailing  of  the  ships.  If  the  result  should  confirm  his 
hopes,  he  would  then  be  able  to  send  home  the  fleet  with  confi- 
dence, bearing  tidings  of  the  discovery  of  the  golden  mountains 
of  Cibao.1 

The  person  he  chose  for  this  enterprise  was  Alonso  de  Ojeda, 
the  same  cavalier  who  has  been  already  noticed  for  his  daring 
spirit  and  great  bodily  force  and  agility.  Delighting  in  all  ser- 
vice of  a  hazardous  and  adventurous  nature,  Ojeda  was  the 
more  stimulated  to  this  expedition  from  the  formidable  charac- 
ter of  the  mountain  cacique,  Caonabo,  whose  dominions  he  was 
to  penetrate.  He  set  out  from  the  harbor,  early  in  January, 
141)4,  accompanied  by  a  small  force  of  well-armed  and  deter- 
mined men,  several  of  them  young  and  spirited  cavaliers  like 
himself.  He  struck  directly  southward  into  the  interior.  For 
the  two  first  day3  the  march  was  toilsome  and  diflicult,  through 
a  country  abandoned  by  its  inhabitants ;  for  terror  of  the 
Spaniards  extended  along  the  seacoast.  On  the  second  even- 
ing they  came  to  a  loft}7  range  of  mountains,  which  they  as- 
cended by  an  Indian  path,  winding  up  a  steep  and  narrow 
detile,  and  they  slept  for  the  night  at  the  summit.  Hence,  the 
next  morning,  they  beheld  the  sun  rise  with  great  glory  over 
a  vast  and  delicious  plain  covered  with  noble  forests,  studded 
with  villages  and  hamlets,  and  enlivened  by  the  shining  waters 
of  the  Yagui. 

Descending  into  this  plain,  Ojeda  and  his  companions  boldly 
entered  the  Indian  villages.  The  inhabitants,  far  from  being 
hostile,  overwhelmed  them  with  hospitality,  and,  in  fact,  im- 


Tcra,  Hist.  Iiid.,  dec.  i.  lib.  ii.  cap.  10. 


226  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

peeled  their  journey  by  their  kindness.  They  had  also  to  ford 
many  rivers  in  traversing  this  plain,  so  that  they  were  five  or 
six  days  in  reaching  the  chain  of  mountains  which  locked  up,  as 
it  were,  the  golden  region  of  Cibao.  They  penetrated  into  this 
district,  without  meeting  with  any  other  obstacles  than  those 
presented  by  the  rude  nature  of  the  country.  Caonabo,  so  re- 
doubtable for  his  courage  and  ferocity,  must  have  been  in  some 
distant  part  of  his  dominions,  for  he  never  appeared  to  dispute 
their  progress.  The  natives  received  them  with  kindness ; 
they  were  naked  and  uncivilized,  like  the  other  inhabitants  of 
the  island,  nor  were  there  any  traces  of  the  important  cities 
which  their  imaginations  had  once  pictured  forth.  They  saw, 
however,  ample  signs  of  natural  wealth.  The  sands  of  the 
mountain  streams  glittered  with  particles  of  gold  ;  these  the 
natives  would  skilfully  separate,  and  give  to  the  Spaniards  with- 
out expecting  a  recompense.  In  some  places  they  picked  up 
large  specimens  of  virgin  ore  from  the  beds  of  the  torrents,  and 
stones  streaked  and  richly  impregnated  with  it.  Peter  Martyr 
affirms  that  he  saw  a  mass  of  rude  gold  weighing  nine  ounces, 
which  Ojeda  himself  had  found  in  one  of  the  brooks.1 

All  these  were  considered  as  mere  superficial  washings  of 
the  soil,  betraying  the  hidden  treasures  lurking  in  the  deep 
veins  and  rocky  bosoms  of  the  mountains,  and  only  requiring 
the  hand  of  labor  to  bring  them  to  light.  As  the  object  of  his 
expedition  was  merely  to  ascertain  the  nature  of  the  country, 
Ojeda  led  back  his  little  band  to  the  harbor,  full  of  enthusiastic 
accounts  of  the  golden  promise  of  these  mountains.  A  young 
cavalier  of  the  name  of  Gorvalan,  who  had  been  despatched  at 
the  same  time  on  a  similar  expedition,  and  who  had  explored  a 
different  tract  of  country,  returned  with  similar  reports. 
These  flattering  accounts  served  for  a  time  to  reanimate  the 
drooping  and  desponding  colonists,  and  induced  Columbus  to 
believe  that  it  was  only  necessary  to  explore  the  mines  of 
Cibao,  to  open  inexhaustible  sources  of  riches.  He  determined, 
as  soon  as  his  health  would  permit,  to  repair  in  person  to  the 
mountains,  and  seek  a  favorable  site  for  a  mining  establish- 
ment.2 

The  season  was  now  propitious  for  the  return  of  the  fleet, 
and  Columbus  lost  no  time  in  despatching  twelve  of  the  ships 
under  the  command  of  Antouio  de  Torres,  retaining  only  five 
for  the  service  of  the  colony. 

By  this  opportunity  he  sent  home  specimens  of  the  gold  found 

»  Peler  Martyr,  decad.  i.  lib.  ii.  »  Uifl.  del  Almiiauie,  cap.  50. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  227 

among  the  mountains  and  rivers  of  Cibao,  and  all  such  fruits 
and  plants  as  were  curious,  or  appeared  to  be  valuable.  He 
wrote  in  the  most  sanguine  terms  of  the  expeditions  of  Ojeda 
and  Gorvalan,  the  last  of  whom  returned  to  Spain  in  the  fleet. 
He  repeated  his  confident  anticipations  of  soon  being  able  to 
make  abundant  shipments  of  gold,  of  precious  drugs  and 
spices  ;  the  search  for  them  being  delayed  for  the  present  by 
the  sickness  of  himself  and  people,  and  the  cares  and  labors  re- 
quired in  building  the  infant  cit}'.  He  described  the  beauty 
and  fertility  of  the  island  ;  its  range  of  noble  mountains ;  its 
wide,  abundant  plains,  watered  by  beautiful  rivers;  the  quick 
fecundity  of  the  soil,  evinced  in  the  luxuriant  growth  of  the 
sugar-cane,  and  of  various  grains  and  vegetables  brought  from 
Europe. 

As  it  would  take  some  time,  however,  to  obtain  provisions 
from  their  fields  and  gardens,  and  the  produce  of  their  live 
stock,  adequate  to  the  subsistence  of  the  colony,  which  consisted 
of  about  a  thousand  souls ;  and  as  they  could  uot  accustom 
themselves  to  the  food  of  the  natives,  Columbus  requested 
present  supplies  from  Spain.  Their  provisions  were  already 
growing  scanty.  Much  of  their  wine  had  been  lost  from  the 
badness  of  the  casks;  and  the  colonists,  in  their  in  linn  state  of 
health,  suffered  greatly  from  the  want  of  their  accustomed  diet. 
There  was  an  immediate  necessity  of  medicines,  clothing,  and 
arms.  Horses  were  required  likewise  for  the  public  works, 
and  for  military  service  ;  being  found  of  great  effect  in  awing 
the  natives,  who  had  the  utmost  dread  of  those  animals.  lie 
requested  also  an  additional  number  of  workmen  and  mechan- 
ics, and  men  skilled  in  mining  and  in  smelting  and  purifying 
ore.  He  recommended  various  persons  to  the  notice  and  favor 
of  the  sovereigns,  among  whom  was  Pedro  Margerite,  tin  Aira- 
gonian  cavalier  of  the  order  of  St.  Jago,  who  had  a  wife  and 
children  to  be  provided  for,  and  who,  for  his  good  services, 
Columbus  begged  might  be  appointed  to  a  command  in  the 
order  to  which  he  belonged.  In  like  manner  he  entreated  pat- 
ronage for  Juan  Aguado,  who  was  about  to  return  in  the  fleet, 
making  particular  mention  of  his  merits.  From  "both  of  these 
men  he  was  destined  to  experience  the  most  signal  ingratitude. 

In  these  ships  he  sent  also  the  men,  women,  and  children 
taken  in  the  Caribbee  islands,  recommending  that  they  should 
be  carefully  instructed  in  the  Spanish  language  and  the  Chris- 
tian faith.  From  the  roving  and  adventurous  nature  of  these 
people,  and  tlu'ir  general  acquaintance  with  the  various  lan- 
guages of  this  great  archipelago,  he  thought  that,  wheii  the 


228  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

precepts  of  religion  and  the  usages  of  civilization  had  reformed 
their  savage  manners  and  cannibal  propensities,  they  might  be 
rendered  eminently  serviceable  as  interpreters,  and  as  means 
of  propagating  the  doctrines  of  Christianity'. 

Among  the  many  sound  and  salutary  suggestions  in  his 
letter,  there  is  one  of  a  most  pernicious  tendency,  written  in 
that  mistaken  view  of  natural  rights  prevalent  at  the  day,  but 
fruitful  of  much  wrong  and  misery  in  the  world.  Considering 
that  the  greater  the  number  of  these  cannibal  pagans  transferred 
to  the  Catholic  soil  of  Spain,  the  greater  would  be  the  number 
of  souls  put  in  the  way  of  salvation,  he  proposed  to  establish 
an  exchange  of  them  as  slaves,  against  live  stock,  to  be  fur- 
nished by  merchants  to  the  colony.  The  ships  to  bring  such 
stock  were  to  land  nowhere  but  at  the  Island  of  Isabella,  where 
the  Carib  captives  would  be  ready  for  delivery.  A  dutj-  was  to 
be  levied  on  each  slave  for  the  benefit  of  the  royal  revenue. 
In  this  way  the  colony  would  be  furnished  with  all  kinds  of 
live  stock  free  of  expense  ;  the  peaceful  islanders  would  be 
freed  from  warlike  and  inhuman  neighbors  ;  the  royal  treasury 
would  be  greatly  enriched  ;  and  a  vast  number  of  souls  would 
be  snatched  from  perdition,  and  carried,  as  it  were,  by  main 
force  to  heaven.  Such  is  the  strange  sophistry  by  which 
upright  men  may  sometimes  deceive  themselves.  Columbus 
feared  the  disappointment  of  the  sovereigns  in  respect  to  the 
product  of  his  enterprises,  and  was  anxious  to  devise  some 
mode  of  lightening  their  expenses  until  he  could  open  some 
ample  source  of  profit.  The  conversion  of  iuiidels,  by  fair 
means  or  foul,  by  persuasion  or  force,  was  one  of  the  popular 
tenets  of  the  day  ;  and  in  recommending  the  enslaving  of  the 
Caribs,  Columbus  thought  that  he  was  obeying  the  dictates  of 
his  conscience,  when  he  was  in  reality  listening  to  the  incite- 
ments of  his  interest.  It  is  but  just  to  add  that  the  sovereigns 
did  not  accord  with  his  ideas,  but  ordered  that  the  Caribs  should 
be  converted  like  the  rest  of  the  islanders  ;  a  command  which 
emanated  from  the  merciful  heart  of  Isabella,  who  ever  showed 
herself  the  benign  protectress  of  the  Indians. 

The  fleet  put  to  sea  on  the  2d  of  February,  1494.  Though 
it  brought  back  no  wealth  to  Spain,  yet  expectation  was  kept 
alive  by  the  sanguine  letter  of  Columbus,  and  the  specimens  of 
gold  which  he  transmitted  ;  his  favorable  accounts  were  corrob- 
orated by  letters  from  Friar  Boyle,  Doctor  Chauca,  and  other 
persons  of  credibility,  and  by  the  personal  reports  of  Gorvalan. 
The  sordid  calculations  of  petty  spirits  were  as  yet  overruled 
by  the  enthusiasm  of  generous  minds,  captivated  by  the  lofty 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  229 

nature  of  those  enterprises.  There  was  something  wonderfully 
grand  in  the  idea  of  thus  introducing  new  races  of  animals  and 
plants,  of  building  cities,  extending  colonies,  and  sowing  the 
seeds  of  civilixation  and  of  enlightened  empire  in  this  beautiful 
but  savage  world.  It  struck  the  minds  of  learned  and  classical 
men  with  admiration,  filling  them  with  pleasant  dreams  and 
reveries,  and  seeming  to  realize  the  poetical  pictures  of  the 
olden  time.  "•Columbus,"  says  old  Peter  Martyr,  "has  begun 
to  build  a  city,  as  he  has  lately  written  to  me,  and  to  sow  our 
seeds  and  propagate  our  animals !  Who  of  us  shall  now  speak 
w:th  wonder  of  Saturn,  Ceres,  and  Triptolemus,  travelling  about 
the  earth  to  spread  new  inventions  among  mankind?  Or  of  the 
riiu'iiicians  who  built  Tyre  or  Sidon?  Or  of  the  Tyrians  them- 
selves, whose  roving  desires  led  them  to  migrate  into  foreign 
lands,  to  build  new  cities,  and  establish  new  communities?  "  1 

.Such  were  the  comments  of  enlightened  and  benevolent  men, 
who  hailed  with  enthusiasm  the  discovery  of  the  New  World, 
not  for  the  wealth  it  would  bring  to  Europe,  but  for  the  field  it 
would  open  for  glorious  and  benevolent  enterprises,  and  the 
blessings  and  improvements  of  civilized  life,  which  it  would 
widely  dispense  through  barbarous  and  uncultivated  regions. 

NOTE.— Isabella  at  the  present  day  is  quite  overgrown  with  forest,  in  the  midst  of 
which  are  still  to  be  seen,  partly  standing,  the  pillars  of  the  church,  some  remains  of  the 
kind's  storehouses,  and  part  of  the  residence  of  Columbus,  all  built  of  hewn  stone. 
The  small  fortress  ig  also  a  prominent  ruin;  and  a  little  north  of  it  in  a  circular  pillar 
about  ten  feet  high  and  as  much  in  diameter,  of  solid  masonry,  nearly  entire;  which 
appears  to  have  bad  a  wooden  gallery  or  battlement  round  the  lop  for  the  convenience 
of  room,  and  in  the  centre  of  which  was  planted  the  flagstaff.  Having  discovered  the 
remains  of  an  iron  clamp  imbedded  in  the  stone,  which  served  to  secure  the  flagstaff 
itself,  I  tore  it  out,  and  now  consign  to  you  this  curious  relic  of  the  first  foothold  of 
civili/ation  in  the  New  World,  after  it  has  been  exposed  to  the  elements  nearly  three 
Luudred  aud  fifty  years.—  From  the  Letter  oj  T.  S.  Iltntker. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

DISCONTENTS    AT    ISABELLA  —  MUTINY    OF    BERNAL    DIAZ    DE    PISA. 

[1494.] 

THE  embryo  city  of  Isabella  was  rapidly  assuming  a  form. 
A  dry  stone  wall  surrounded  it,  to  protect  it  from  any  sudden 
attack  of  the  natives,  although  the  most  friendly  disposition 

1  Letter  loo  to  Pompouius  La_>lus. 


200  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

was  evinced  by  the  Indians  of  the  vicinity,  who  brought  supplies 
of  their  simple  articles  of  food,  and  gave  them  in  exchange  for 
European  trifles.  On  the  day  of  the  Epiphany,  the  Gth  of 
February,  the  church  being  sufficiently  completed,  high  mass 
was  celebrated  with  great  pomp  and  ceremony,  by  Friar  Boyle 
and  the  twelve  ecclesiastics.  The  affairs  of  the  settlement 
being  thus  apparently  in  a  regular  train,  Columbus,  though  still 
confined  by  indisposition,  began  to  make  arrangements  for  his 
contemplated  expedition  to  the  mountains  of  C'ibao,  when  an 
unexpected  disturbance  in  his  little  community  for  a  time 
engrossed  his  attention. 

The  sailing  of  the  fleet  to  Spain  had  been  a  melancholy  sight 
to  many  whose  terms  of  enlistment  compelled  them  to  remain 
on  the  island.  Disappointed  in  their  expectations  of  immediate 
wealth,  disgusted  with  the  labors  imposed  on  them,  and  appalled 
by  the  maladies  prevalent  throughout  the  community,  they  began 
to  look  with  horror  upon  the  surrounding  wilderness,  as  des- 
tined to  be  the  grave  of  their  hopes  and  of  themselves.  When 
the  last  sail  disappeared,  they  felt  as  if  completely  severed  from 
their  country  ;  and  the  tender  recollections  of  home,  which  had 
been  checked  for  a  time  by  the  novelty  and  bustle  around  them, 
rushed  with  sudden  force  upon  their  minds.  To  return  to  Spain 
became  their  ruling  idea,  and  the  same  want  of  reflection  which 
had  hurried  them  into  the  enterprise,  without  inquiring  into  its 
real  nature,  iiow  prompted  them  to  extricate  themselves  from  it, 
by  any  means  however  desperate. 

Where  popular  discontents  prevail  there  is  seldom  wanting 
some  daring  spirit  to  give  them  a  dangerous  direction.  One 
Bernal  Diaz  de  Pisa,  a  man  of  some  importance,  who  had 
held  a  civil  office  about  the  court,  had  come  out  with  the  expe- 
dition as  comptroller ;  he  seems  to  have  presumed  upon  his 
official  powers,  and  to  have  had  early  differences  with  the 
admiral.  Disgusted  with  his  employment  in  the  colon}-,  he 
soon  made  a  faction  among  the  discontented,  and  proposed 
that  they  should  take  advantage  of  the  indisposition  of  Colum- 
bus, to  seize  upon  some  or  all  of  the  five  ships  in  the  harbor, 
and  return  in  them  to  Spain.  It  would  be  easy  to  justify  their 
clandestine  return,  by  preferring  a  complaint  against  the  admiral, 
representing  the  fallacy  of  his  enterprises,  and  accusing  him 
of  gross  deceptions  and  exaggerations  in  his  accounts  of  the 
countries  he  had  discovered.  It  is  probable  that  some  of  these 
people  really  considered  him  culpable  of  the  charges  thus  fabri- 
cated against  him  ;  for  in  the  disappointment  of  their  avaricious 
hopes,  they  overlooked  the  real  value  of  those  fertile  islands, 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  231 

which  were  to  enrich  nations  by  the  produce  of  their  soil. 
Ever}'  country  was  sterile  and  unprofitable  in  their  eyes  that 
did  not  immediately  teem  with  gold.  Though  they  had  con- 
tinual proofs  in  the  specimens  brought  by  the  natives  to  the 
settlement,  or  furnished  to  Ojeda  and  Gorvalan,  that  the  rivers 
and  mountains  in  the  interior  abounded  with  ore,  yet  even  these 
daily  proofs  were  falsified  in  their  eyes.  One  Fermin  Cedo,  a 
wrong-headed  and  obstinate  man,  who  had  come  out  as  assayer 
and  purifier  of  metals,  had  imbibed  the  same  prejudice  against 
the  expedition  with  Bernal  Diaz.  He  pertinaciously  insisted 
that  there  was  no  gold  in  the  island  ;  or  at  least  that  it  was 
found  in  such  inconsiderable  quantities  as  not  to  repay  the 
search.  He  declared  that  the  large  grains  of  virgin  ore  brought 
by  the  natives  had  been  melted  ;  that  they  had  been  the  slow 
accumulation  of  many  years,  having  remained  a  long  time  in 
the  families  of  the  Indians,  and  handed  down  from  generation 
to  generation  ;  which  in  many  instances  was  probably  the  case. 
Other  specimens  of  a  large  size  he  pronounced  of  a  very  inferior 
quality,  and  debased  with  brass  by  the  natives.  The  words  of 
this  man  outweighed  the  evidence  of  facts,  and  many  joined 
him  in  the  belief  that  the  island  was  really  destitute  of  gold. 
It  was  not  until  some  time  afterward  that  the  real  character  of 
Fermin  Cedo  was  ascertained,  and  the  discovery  made  that  his 
ignorance  was  at  least  equal  to  his  obstinacy  and  presumption  ; 
qualities  apt  to  enter  largely  into  the  compound  of  a  meddle- 
some and  mischievous  man.1 

Encouraged  by  such  substantial  co  operation,  a  number  of 
turbulent  spirits  concerted  to  take  immediate  possession  of  the 
ships  and  make  sail  for  Europe.  The  influence  of  Bernal  Diaz 
de  Pisa  at  court  would  obtain  for  them  a  favorable  hearing,  and 
they  trusted  to  their  unanimous  representations,  to  prejudice  Co- 
lumbus in  the  opinion  of  the  public,  ever  fickle  in  its  smiles, 
and  most  ready  to  turn  suddenly  and  capriciously  from  the 
favorites  it  has  most  idolized. 

Fortunately  this  mutiny  was  discovered  before  it  proceeded 
to  action.  Columbus  immediately  ordered  the  ringleaders  to 
be  arrested.  On  making  investigations,  a  memorial  or  infor- 
mation against  himself,  full  of  slanders  and  misrepresentations, 
was  found  concealed  in  the  buoy  of  one  of  the  ships.  It  was  in 
the  handwriting  of  Bernal  Diaz.  The  admiral  conducted  him- 
self with  great  moderation.  Out  of  respect  to  the  rank  and 
station  of  Diaz,  he  forbore  to  inflict  any  punishment ;  but  con- 


1  Cura  de  los  I'alacios,  cap.  120,  122,  M.S. 


232  LIFE   OF  CHIil STOP 'TIER   COLUMBUS. 

fined  him  on  hoard  one  of  the  ships,  to  be  sent  to  Spain  for 
trial,  together  with  the  process  or  investigation  of  his  offence, 
and  the  seditious  memorial  which  had  been  discovered.  Sev- 
eral of  the  inferior  mutineers  were  punished  according  to  the 
degree  of  their  culpability,  but  not  with  the  severity  which 
their  offence  deserved.  To  guard  against  any  recurrence  of  a 
similar  attempt.  Columbus  ordered  that  all  the  guns  and  naval 
munitions  should  be  taken  out  of  four  of  the  vessels,  and  put 
into  the  principal  ship,  which  was  given  in  charge  to  persons  in 
whom  he  could  place  implicit  confidence.1 

This  was  the  first  time  Columbus  exercised  the  right  of  pun- 
ishing delinquents  in  his  new  government,  and  it  immediately 
awakened  the  most  violent  animadversions.  His  measures, 
though  necessary  for  the  general  safety,  and  characterized  by 
the  greatest  lenity,  were  censured  as  arbitrary  and  vindictive. 
Already  the  disadvantage  of  being  a  foreigner  among  the  people 
he  was  to  govern  was  clearly  manifested.  He  had  national 
prejudices  to  encounter,  of  all  others  the  most  general  and  il- 
liberal. He  had  no  natural  friends  to  rally  round  him  ;  where- 
as the  mutineers  had  connections  in  Spain,  friends  in  the  colon}7, 
and  met  with  sympathy  in  every  discontented  mind.  An  early 
hostility  was  thus  engendered  against  Columbus,  which  con- 
tinued to  increase  throughout  his  life,  and  the  seeds  were  sown 
of  a  series  of  factions  and  mutinies  which  afterward  distracted 
the  island. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

EXPEDITION    OF   COLUMBUS   TO   THE   MOUNTAINS   OF   CIBAO. 

[1494.] 

HAVING  at  length  recovered  from  his  long  illness,  and  the 
mutiny  at  the  settlement  being  effectually  checked,  Columbus 
prepared  for  his  immediate  departure  for  Cibao.  He  intrusted 
the  command  of  the  city  and  ships,  during  his  absence,  to  his 
brother  Don  Diego,  appointing  able  persons  to  counsel  and 
assist  him.  Don  Diego  is  represented  by  Las  Casas.  who  knew 
him  personally,  as  a  man  of  great  merit  and  discretion,  of  a 
gentle  and  pacific  disposition,  and  more  characterized  by  sira- 


1  Herrer*,  llist.  lud.,  decad.  i.  lib.  11.  cap.  11.     Ilist.  del  Alruirante,  cap.  50. 


LIFE  OF  cnniSTornER  COLUMBUS.  233 

plicity  than  shrewdness.  He  was  sober  in  his  attire,  wearing 
almost  the  dress  of  an  ecclesiastic,  and  Las  Casns  thinks  he 
had  seeret  hopes  of  preferment  in  the  church;1  indeed  Colum- 
bus intimates  as  much  when  he  mentions  him  in  his  will. 

As  the  admiral  intended  to  build  a  fortress  in  the  mountains, 
and  to  form  an  establishment  for  working  the  mines,  he  took 
with  him  the  necessary  artificers,  workmen,  miners,  munitions, 
and  implements.  He  was  also  about  to  enter  the  territories  of 
the  redoubtable  Caonabo ;  it  was  important,  therefore,  to  take 
with  him  a  force  that  should  not  only  secure  him  against  any 
warlike  opposition,  but  should  spread  through  the  country  a 
formidable  idea  of  the  power  of  the  white  men,  and  deter  the 
Indians  from  any  future  violence,  either  toward  communities 
or  wandering  individuals.  Every  healthy  person,  therefore, 
who  could  be  spared  from  the  settlement,  was  put  in  requisi- 
tion, together  with  all  the  cavalry  that  could  be  mustered  ;  and 
every  arrangement  was  made  to  strike  the  savages  with  the 
display  of  military  splendor. 

On  the  12th  of  March,  Columbus  set  out  at  the  head  of  about 
four  hundred  men  well  armed  and  equipped,  with  shining  hel- 
mets and  corselets  ;  with  arquebuses,  lances,  swords,  and  cross- 
bows, and  followed  by  a  multitude  of  the  neighboring  Indians. 
They  sallied  from  the  city  in  martial  array,  with  banners  flying, 
and  sound  of  drum  and  trumpet.  Their  march  for  the  first  day 
was  across  the  plain  between  the  sea  and  the  mountains.'  ford- 
ing two  rivers,  and  passing  through  a  fair  and  verdant  country. 
They  encamped  in  the  evening,  in  the  midst  of  pleasant  fields, 
at  the  foot  of  a  wild  and  rocky  pass  of  the  mountains. 

The  ascent  of  this  rugged  defile  presented  formidable  diffi- 
culties to  the  little  army,  encumbered  as  it  was  with  various 
implements  and  munitions.  There  was  nothing  but  an  Indian 
footpath,  winding  among  rocks  and  precipices,  or  through 
brakes  and  thickets,  entangled  by  the  rich  vegetation  of  a 
tropical  forest.  A  number  of  high-spirited  young  cavaliers 
volunteered  to  open  a  route  for  the  army.  They  had  probably 
learnt  this  kind  of  service  in  the  Moorish  wars,  where  it  was 
often  necessary  on  a  sudden  to  open  roads  for  the  march  of 
troops,  and  the  conveyance  of  artillery  across  the  mountains 
of  Granada.  Throwing  themselves  m  advance  with  laborers 
and  pioneers,  whom  they  stimulated  by  their  example,  as  well 
as  by  promises  of  liberal  reward,  the}'  soon  constructed  the 
first  road  formed  in  the  New  World,  and  which  was  called  El 

1  Las  <  'a.-a.-,  Ih.-t.  Ind.,  lib.  l.  cap.  82,  MS. 


234  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

Puerto  de  los  Hidalgos,  or  The  Gentlemen's  Pass,  in  honor  of 
the  gallant  cavaliers  who  effected  it.1 

On  the  following  day  the  army  toiled  up  this  steep  defile,  and 
arrived  where  the  gorge  of  the  mountain  opened  into  the  interior. 
Here  a  land  of  promise  suddenly  burst  upon  their  view.  It 
was  the  same  glorious  prospect  which  had  delighted  Ojeda  and 
his  companions.  Below  lay  a  vast  and  delicious  plain,  painted 
and  enamelled,  as  it  were,  with  all  the  rich  variet}'  of  tropical 
vegetation.  The  magnificent  forests  preseuted  that  mingled 
beauty  and  majesty  of  vegetable  forms  known  only  to  these 
generous  climates.  Palms  of  prodigious  height,  and  spreading 
mahogany  trees,  towered  from  amid  a  wilderness  of  variegated 
foliage.  Freshness  and  verdure  were  maintained  by  numerous 
streams,  which  meandered  gleaming  through  the  deep  bosom 
of  the  woodland  ;  while  various  villages  and  hamlets,  peeping 
from  among  the  trees,  and  the  smoke  of  others  rising  out  of 
the  midst  of  the  forests,  gave  signs  of  a  numerous  population. 
The  luxuriant  landscape  extended  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach, 
until  it  appeared  to  melt  away  and  mingle  with  the  horizon. 
The  Spaniards  gazed  with  rapture  upon  this  soft,  voluptuous 
country,  which  seemed  to  realize  their  ideas  of  a  terrestrial 
paradise ;  and  Columbus,  struck  with  its  vast  extent,  gave  it 
the  name  of  the  Vega  Real,  or  Royal  Plain. 'J 

Having  descended  the  rugged  pass,  the  army  issued  upon  the 
plain,  iu  martial  style,  with  great  clangor  of  warlike  instruments. 

1  Hist,  del   Almirante,  cap.  50.    Hidalgo,  i.  t.,  Hijo,  de  Algo,  literally,  "  a  son  of 
somebody,"  in  contradistinction  to  an  obscure  and  low-born  man,  a  sou  of  uobody. 
*  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.,  lib.  t.  cap.  90,  MS. 

Extract  of  a  Letter  from  T.  S.  ffrntken,  E*q.,  dated  Santiago  (St.  Domingo),  20«A 
September,  1*47. 

The  route  over  which  Columbus  traced  his  course  from  Isabella  to  the  mountains  of 
Cibao  exists  in  all  its  primitive  rudeness.  The  Puerto  de  los  Hidalgos  is  still  the  narrow 
rugged  footpath  winding  among  rocks  and  precipices,  leading  through  the  only  prac- 
tieahli'  defile  which  traverses  the  Monte  Christi  range  of  mountains  in  this  vicinity,  at 
present  called  the  Pass  of  Marney  and  it  is  somewhat  surprising  that,  of  this  tirst  and 
remarkable  footprint  of  the  white  man  in  the  New  World,  there  does  not  at  the  present 
day  exist  the  least  tradition  of  its  former  name  or  importance. 

The  spring  of  cool  and  delightful  water  met  with  in  the  gorge,  in  a  deep  dark  glen 
overshadowed  by  palm  and  mahogany  trees,  near  the  outlet  where  the  magnificent  Vega 
breaks,  upon  the  view,  still  continues  to  quench  the  thirst  of  the  weary  traveller.  When 
1  drank  from  this  lonely  little  fountain,  I  could  hardly  realize  the  fact  that  Columbus 
must  likewise  have  partaken  of  iu  sparkling  waters,  when  at  the  height  of  his  glory, 
surrounded  by  cavaliers  attired  iu  the  gorgeous  costumes  of  the  age,  and  warriors  recently 
from  the  Moorish  wars. 

Judging  by  the  distance  stated  to  have  been  travelled  over  the  plain,  Columbus  must 
have  crossed  the  Vaqui  near  or  at  Ponton  ;  which  very  likely  received  its  name  from  thu 
rafts  or  |K>ntoons  employed  to  cross  the  river.  Abundance  of  reeds  grow  along  iu 
banks,  and  the  remains  of  an  Indian  village  are  still  very  distinctly  to  be  traced  in  the 
vicinity .  lly  this  route  he  avoided  two  large  rivers,  the  Aiimie  and  the  Mar,  which  dis- 
charge their  waters  into  the  Yui|in  opposite  Kspcranza. 

The  road  (roru  1'outou  to  the  Itiver  Hauique  passes  through  the  defiles  of  La  Cuesta 
aud  Nicaragua. 


LIFE   OF  C'niilSTOPnER   COLUMBUS.  235 

"When  the  Indians  bohekl  this  shining  band  of  warriors,  glitter- 
ing iu  steel,  emerging  from  the  mountains  with  prancing  steeds 
and  Haunting  banners,  and  heard  for  the  first  time  their  rocks 
am!  forests  echoing  to  the  din  of  drum  and  trumpet,  they  might 
well  have  taken  such  a  wonderful  pageant  for  a  supernatural 
vision. 

lu  this  wny  Columbus  disposed  of  his  forces  whenever  he 
approached  a  populous  village,  placing  the  cavalry  in  front,  for 
the  horses  inspired  a  mingled  terror  and  admiration  among 
the  natives.  Las  C'asas  observes  that  at  first  they  supposed  the 
rider  and  his  horse  to  l>c  one  animal,  and  nothing  could  exceed 
their  astonishment  at  seeing  the  horsemen  dismount,  a  circum- 
stance which  shows  that  the  alleged  origin  of  the  ancient  fal>le 
of  the  centaurs  is  at  least  founded  in  nature.  On  the  approach 
of  the  army  the  Indians  generally  fled  with  terror,  and  took 
refuge  in  their  houses.  Such  was  their  simplicity,  that  they 
merely  put  up  a  slight  barrier  of  reeds  at  the  portal,  and  seemed 
to  consider  themselves  perfectly  secure.  Columbus,  pleased  to 
meet  with  such  artlessness,  ordered  that  these  frail  barriers 
should  be  scrupulously  respected,  and  the  inhabitants  allowed 
to  remain  in  their  fancied  security.1  By  degrees  their  fears 
were  allayed  through  the  mediation  of  interpreters  and  the  dis- 
tribution of  trilling  presents.  Their  kindness  and  gratitude 
could  not  then  be  exceeded,  and  the  march  of  the  army  was 
continually  retarded  by  the  hospitality  of  the  numerous  villages 
through  which  it  passed.  Such  was  the  frank  communion 
among  these  people  that  the  Indians  who  accompanied  the  army 
entered  without  ceremony  into  the  houses,  helping  themselves 
to  any  thing  of  which  they  stood  in  need,  without  exciting  sur- 
prise or  anger  in  the  inhabitants  ;  the  latter  ottered  to  do  the 
same  with  respect  to  the  Spaniards,  and  seemed  astonished 
when  they  met  a  repulse.  This,  it  is  probable,  was  the  case 
merely  with  respect  to  articles  of  food;  for  we  are  told  that 
the  Indians  were  not  careless  in  their  notions  of  property,  and 
the  crime  of  theft  was  one  of  the  few  which  were  punished 
among  them  with  great  severity.  Food,  however,  is  generally 
open  to  free  participation  in  savage  life,  and  is  rarely  made  an 
object  of  barter,  until  habits  of  trade  have  been  introduced  by 
the  white  men.  The  untutored  savage  in  almost  every  part 
of  the  world  scorns  to  make  a  traffic  of  hospitality. 

After  a  march  of  five  leagues  across  the  plain,  they  arrived 
at  the  banks  of  a  large  and  beautiful  stream,  called  by  the 


1  Las  (,'usus,  lib.  sup.  li.  cap.  90. 


236  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

natives  Yagui,  but  to  which  the  admiral  gave  the  name  of  the 
River  of  Reeds.  He  was  not  aware  that  it  was  the  same  stream, 
which,  after  winding  through  the  Vega,  falls  into  the  sea  near 
Monte  Christi,  and  which,  in  his  first  voyage,  he  had  named  the 
River  of  Gold.  On  its  green  banks  the  army  encamped  for  the 
night,  animated  and  delighted  with  the  beautiful  scenes  through 
which  they  had  passed.  They  bathed  and  sported  in  tliL-  waters 
of  the  Yagui,  enjoying  the  amenity  of  the  surrounding  land- 
scape, and  the  delightful  breezes  which  prevail  in  that  genial 
season.  "•  For  though  there  is  but  little  difference,"  o'>s .-rves 
Las  Casas,  "  from  one  month  to  another  in  all  the  year  in  this 
island,  and  in  most  parts  of  these  Indias.  yet  in  the  period  from 
September  to  May,  it  is  like  living  in  paradise."  * 

On  the  following  morning  they  crossed  this  stream  by  the  aid. 
of  canoes  and  rafts,  swimming  the  horses  over.  For  two  days 
they  continued  their  march  through  the  same  kind  of  rich  level 
country,  diversified  by  noble  forests  and  watered  by  abundant 
streams,  several  of  which  descended  from  the  mountains  of 
Cibao,  and  were  said  to  bring  down  gold  dust  mingled  with 
their  sands.  To  one  of  these,  the  limpid  waters  of  which  ran 
over  a  bed  of  smooth  round  pebbles,  Columbus  gave  the  name 
of  Rio  Verde,  or  Green  River,  from  the  verdure  and  freshness 
of  its  banks.  Its  Indian  name  was  Nicaragua,  which  it  still 
retains.'2  In  the  course  of  this  march  they  passed  through  nu- 
merous villages,  where  they  experienced  generally  the  same 
reception.  The  inhabitants  fled  at  their  approach,  putting  up 
their  slight  barricadoes  of  reeds,  but,  as  before,  they  were  easily 
won  to  familiarity,  and  tasked  their  limited  means  to  entertain 
the  strangers. 

Thus  penetrating  into  the  midst  of  this  great  island,  where 
every  scene  presented  the  wild  luxuriance  of  beautiful  but  un- 
civilized nature,  they  arrived  on  the  evening  of  the  second  day 
at  a  chain  of  lofty  and  rugged  mountains,  forming  a  kind  of 
barrier  to  the  Vega.  These  Columbus  was  told  were  the  golden 
mountains  of  Cibao,  whose  region  commenced  at  the  rocky  sum- 
mits. The  country  now  beginning  to  grow  rough  and  difficult, 
and  the  people  being  wayworn,  they  encamped  for  the  night  at 
the  foot  of  a  steep  defile,  which  led  up  into  the  mountains, 
and  pioneers  were  sent  in  advance  to  open  a  road  for  the  army. 
From  this  place  they  sent  back  mules  for  a  supply  of  bread  and 
wine,  their  provisions  beginning  to  grow  scanty,  for  they  had 

1  La*  ( 'a*as.  rii^t.  Tiul..  lib.  i.  cap.  90,  MS. 

-  The  name  of  Kio  Verdi-  was  afterward  given  to  a  small  stream  which  crosses  the 
road  from  Santiago  to  La  Vega,  a  branch  of  the  Hiver  Vuna. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  237 

not  as  yet  accustomed  themselves  to  the  food  of  the  natives, 

which  was  afterward  fouud  to  be  of  tluit  light  digestible  kind 
suitable  to  the  climate. 

On  the  next  morning  they  resumed  their  march  up  a  narrow 
and  steep  gh>n.  winding  among  craggy  rocks,  where  they  were 
obliged  to  lead  the  horses.  Arrived  at  the  summit,  they  once 
more  enjoyed  a  prospect  of  the  delicious  Vega,  which  here  pre- 
sented a  still  grainier  appearance,  stretching  far  and  wide  on 
either  hand,  like  a  vast  verdant  lake.  This  noble  plain,  accord- 
ing to  Las  (  a.^.is.  is  eighty  leagues  in  length,  and  from  tweuty 
to  thirty  in  breadth,  and  of  incomparable  beatity. 

They  now  entered  C  ibao,  the  famous  region  of  gold,  which, 
as  if  nature  delighted  in  contrarieties,  displayed  a  miser-like 
poverty  of  exterior,  in  proportion  to  its  hidden  treasures.  In- 
stead of  the  soft  luxuriant  landscape  of  the  Vega,  they  beheld 
chains  of  rocky  and  sterile  mountains,  scantily  clothed  with 
lofty  pines.  The  trees  in  the  valleys  also,  instead  of  jmssessing 
the  rich  tufted  foliage  common  to  other  parts  of  the  island,  were 
meagre  and  dwarfish,  excepting  such  as  grew  on  the  banks  of 
streams.  The  very  name  of  the  country  bespoke  the  nature 
of  the  soil  —  Cibao,  in  the  language  of  the  natives,  signifying  a 
stone.  Still,  however,  there  were  deep  glens  and  shady  ravines 
among  the  mountains,  watered  by  limpid  rivulets,  where  th'3 
green  herbage  and  strips  of  woodland  were  the  more  delightful 
to  the  eye  from  the  neighboring  sterility.  But  what  consoled 
the  Spaniards  for  the  asperity  of  the  soil,  was  to  observe  among 
the  sands  of  those  crystal  streams  glittering  particles  of  gold, 
which,  though  scanty  in  quantity,  were  regarded  as  earnests  of 
the  wealth  locked  up  within  the  mountains. 

The  natives  having  been  previously  visited  by  the  exploring 
party  under  Ojeda.  came  forth  to  meet  them  with  great  alaciiiy, 
bringing  food,  and,  above  all.  grains  and  particles  of  gold  col- 
lected in  the  brooks  and  torrents.  From  the  quantities  of  gold 
dust  in  every  stream,  Columbus  was  convinced  there  must  be 
several  mines  in  the  vicinity.  He  had  met  with  specimens  of 
amber  and  lapis  lazuli,  though  in  very  small  quantities,  and 
thought  that  lie  had  discovered  a  mine  of  copper.  He  was  now 
about  eighteen  leagues  from  the  settlement;  the  rugged  nature 
of  the  mountains  made  communication,  even  from  this  distance, 
laborious.  He  gave  up  the  idea,  therefore,  of  penetrating 
farther  into  the  country,  and  determined  to  establish  a  fortified 
post  in  this  neighborhood,  with  a  large  number  of  men,  as  well 
to  work  the  mines  as  to  explore  the  rest  of  the  province.  He 
accordingly  selected  a  pleasant  situation  on  an  eminence  almost 


238  LIFE   OF  CnEISTOPIIER   COLUMBUS. 

entirely  surrounded  by  a  small  river  called  the  Yauique,  the 
waters  of  which  were  as  pure  as  if  distilled,  and  the  sound  of 
its  current  musical  to  the  ear.  In  its  bed  were  found  curious 
stoues  of  various  colors,  large  masses  of  beautiful  marble,  and 
pieces  of  pure  jasper.  From  the  foot  of  the  height  extended 
one  of  those  graceful  and  verdant  plains,  called  savannas,  which 
was  freshened  and  fertilized  by  the  river.1 

On  this  eminence  Columbus  ordered  a  strong  fortress  of  wood 
to  be  erected,  capable  of  defence  against  any  attack  of  the 
natives,  and  protected  by  a  deep  ditch  on  the  side  which  the 
river  did  not  secure.  To  this  fortress  he  gave  the  name  of  St. 
Thomas,  intended  as  a  pleasant,  though  pious,  reproof  of  the 
incredulity  of  Firmiu  Cedo  and  his  doubting  adherents,  who 
obstinately  refused  to  believe  that  the  island  produced  gold, 
until  they  beheld  it  with  their  eyes  and  touched  it  with  their 
hands.2 

The  natives,  having  heard  of  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards  in 
their  vicinity,  came  flocking  from  various  parts,  anxious  to 
obtain  European  trinkets.  The  admiral  signified  to  them  that 
any  thing  would  be  given  in  exchange  for  gold  ;  upon  hearing 
this  some  of  them  ran  to  a  neighboring  river,  and  gathering  and 
sifting  its  sands,  returned  in  a  little  while  with  considerable 


>  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.,  lib.  i.  cap.  90,  MS. 
*  Ibid. 

From  the  Letter  of  T.  S.  Urneken,  Esq.,  1847. 

Traces  of  the  old  fortress  of  St.  Thomas  still  exist,  though,  as  has  happened  to  the 
Pnerta  <le  los  Hidalgos,  nil  tradition  concerning  it  has  long  been  lost. 

Having  visited  u  smal I  Spanish  village  known  by  the  name  of  IIanir|iie,  situated  on 
the  hanks  of  that  stream,  I  heard  by  accident  the  name  of  a  farm  at  no  great  distance, 
ca.led  \M.  Fortaleza.  Thin  excited  my  curiosity,  and  I  proceeded  to  the  spot,  a  slimt 
distance  up  the  river;  yet  nothing  could  be  learned  from  the  inhabitants;  it  was  only  iiy 
ra.iging  the  river's  banks,  through  a  dense  and  luxuriant  forest,  that  1  by  accident 
•tumbled  upon  the  site  of  the  fortress. 

The  remarkable  turn  in  the  river:  the  ditch,  still  very  perfect;  the  entrance  and  the 
covert  ways  on  each  side  for  descending  to  the  river,  with  a  Hue  esplanade  of  beautiful 
short  grass  in  front,  complete  the  picture  described  by  Las  Casas. 

The  square  occupied  by  the  fort  is  now  completely  covered  with  forest  trees,  undis- 
tinguishable  from  those  of  the  surrounding  country;  which  corresponds  to  this  day 
exactU  with  the  description  given  above,  three  centuries  since,  by  Columbus,  Ojeda,  and 
Juan  de  l.uxan. 

The  only  change  to  notice  is,  that  the  neat  little  Indian  villages,  swarming  with  nn 
innocent  and  happy  population,  have  totally  disappeared  :  there  being  at  present  only  a 
few  scattered  huts  of  indigent  Spaniards  to  be  met  with,  buried  in  the  gloom  of  the 
mountains. 

The  traces  of  those  villages  are  rarely  to  be  discovered  at  the  present  day.  The  situa- 
tion of  one  near  1'onlon  was  well  chosen  for  defence,  being  built  on  a  high  bank  between 
dee])  and  precipitous  ravines.  A  large  square  occupied  the  centre;  in  the  rear  of  each 
dwelling  were  thrown  the  sweepings  of  the  apartments  and  the  ashes  from  the  tires, 
which  form  a  line  of  mounds,  mixed  up  with  broken  Indian  utensils.  As  it  lies  in  the 
direct  road  from  Isabella,  l.'ibao,  and  La  Vega,  and  command.-  the  best  fordinir  place  in 
the  neighborhood  for  crossing  the  liiver  Vai|iii  in  dry  seasons,  it  must,  no  doubt,  have 
been  a  place  of  considerable  re.-ort  at  the  time  of  the  discovery  —  most  likely  a  pontoon 
or  large  canoe  was  stationed  here  for  the  facility  of  communication  between  "at.  Tiiouia* 
aud  Isabella,  whence  it  derived  ila  name. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  239 

quantities  of  gold  dust.  One  old  man  brought  two  pieces  of 
virgin  ore,  weighing  an  ounce,  and  thought  himself  richly  repaid 
when  he  received  a  hawk's  bell.  On  remarking  that  the  admiral 
was  struck  with  the  size  of  these  specimens,  lie  affected  to 
treat  them  with  contempt,  as  insignificant,  intimating  by  signs 
that  in  his  country,  which  lay  within  half  a  day's  journey,  they 
found  pieces  of  gold  as  big  as  an  orange.  Other  Indians 
brought  grains  of  gold  weighing  ten  and  twelve  drachms,  and 
declared  that  in  the  country  whence  they  got  them,  there  were 
masses  of  ore  as  large  as  the  head  of  a  child.1  As  usual,  how- 
ever, these  golden  tracts  were  always  in  some  demote  valley,  or 
along  some  rugged  and  sequestered  stream  ;  and  the  wealthiest 
spot  was  sure  to  be  at  the  greatest  distance  —  for  the  laud  of 
promise  is  very  far  beyond  the  mountain. 


CHAPTER   X. 

EXCURSION  OF    JUAN*  DE  LUXAN  AMONG  THE   MOUNTAINS CUSTOMS 

AND    CHARACTERISTICS    OF    THE    NATIVES COLUMBUS     RETURNS 

TO    ISABELLA. 

[1494.] 

WHILE  the  admiral  remained  among  the  mountains,  superin- 
tending the  building  of  the  fortress,  he  despatched  a  young 
cavalier  of  Madrid,  named  Juan  de  Luxan,  with  a  small  band 
of  armed  men,  to  range  about  the  country,  and  explore  the 
whole  of  the  province,  which,  from  the  reports  of  the  Indians, 
appeared  to  be  equal  in  extent  to  the  kingdom  of  Portugal. 
Luxan  returned,  after  a  few  days'  absence,  with  the  most  satis- 
factory accounts.  He  had  traversed  a  great  part  of  Cibao, 
which  he  found  more  capable  of  cultivation  than  had  at  first 
been  imagined.  It  was  generally  mountainous,  and  the  soil 
covered  with  large  round  pebbles'  of  a  blue  color,  yet  there  was 
good  pasturage  in  many  of  the  valleys.  The  mountains,  also, 
being  watered  by  frequent  showers,  produced  grass  of  surpris- 
ingly quick  and  luxuriant  growth,  often  reaching  to  the  saddles 
of  the  horses.  The  forests  seemed  to  Luxan  to  be  full  of  valu- 
able spices  ;  he  being  deceived  by  the  odors  emitted  by  those 
aromatic  plants  and  herbs  which  abound  in  the  woodlands  of 
the  tropics.  There  were  great  vines  also,  climbing  to.  the  very 


Peter  Martyr,  dccad.  i.  lib.  Hi. 


240  LIFE  OF  CHEJSTOPIIER   COLUMBUS. 

summits  of  the  trees,  and  bearing  clusters  of  grapes  entirely 
ripe,  full  of  juice,  and  of  a  pleasant  flavor.  Every  valley  in  id 
glen  possessed  its  streams,  large  or  small,  according  to  the  si/.e 
of  the  neighboring  mountain,  and  all  yielding  more  or  less 
gold,  in  small  particles.  Luxan  was  supposed,  likewise,  to 
have  learned  from  the  Indians  many  of  the  secrets  of  their 
mountains ;  to  have  been  shown  the  parts  where  the  greatest 
quantity  of  ore  was  found,  and  to  have  been  taken  to  the  rich- 
est streams.  On  all  these  points,  however,  he  observed  a  dis- 
creet mystery,  communicating  the  particulars  to  no  one  but  the 
admiral. s 

The  fortress  of  St.  Thomas  being  nearly  completed,  Columbus 
gave  it  iu  command  to  Pedro  Margarita,  the  same  cavalier 
whom  he  had  recommended  to  the  favor  of  the  sovereigns  ;  and 
he  left  him  with  a  garrison  of  fifty-six  men.  He  then  set  out 
on  his  return  to  Isabella.  On  arriving  at  the  banks  of  the  Rio 
Verde,  or  Nicayagua,  in  the  Royal  Vega,  he  found  a  number 
of  Spaniards  on  their  way  to  the  fortress  with  supplies.  He 
remained,  therefore,  a  few  days  in  the  neighborhood,  searching 
for  the  best  fording  place  of  the  river,  and  establishing  a  route 
between  the  fortress  and  the  harbor.  During  this  time  he 
resided  in  the  Indian  villages,  endeavoring  to  accustom  his 
people  to  the  food  of  the  natives,  as  well  as  to  inspire  the  latter 
with  a  mingled  feeling  of  good  will  and  reverence  for  the  white 
men. 

From  the  report  of  Lnxan,  Columbus  had  derived  some  in- 
formation concerning  the  character  and  customs  of  the  natives, 
and  he  acquired  still  more  from  his  own  observations,  in  the 
course  of  his  sojourn  among  the  tribes  of  the  mountains  and 
the  plains.  And  here  a  brief  notice  of  a  few  of  the  charac- 
teristics and  customs  of  these  people  may  be  interesting.  They 
are  given,  not  merely  as  observed  by  the  admiral  and  iiis  <>!li 
eel's  during  this  expedition,  but  as  recorded  some  time  after- 
ward, in  a  crude  dissertation,  by  a  friar  of  the  name  of  Roman  . 
a  poor  hermit,  as  he  styled  himself,  of  the  order  of  the  leroni- 
mites,  who  was  one  of  the  colleagues  of  Father  Boyle,  and 
resided  for  some  time  in  the  vega  as  a  missionary. 

Columbus  had  already  discovered  the  error  of  one  of  Ins 
opinions  concerning  these  islanders,  formed  during  his  first 
voyage.  They  were  not  so  entirely  pacific,  nor  so  ignorant  of 
warlike  arts,  as  he  had  imagined.  He  had  been  deceived  by  ihe 
enthusiasm  of  his  own  feelings,  and  by  the  gentleness  of  Gua- 

1  Peler  Martyr,  decad  i  lib.  lii. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  241 

canagari  and  his  subjects.  The  casual  descents  of  the  Caribs 
had  compelled  the  inhabitants  of  the  sea-shore  to  acquaint 
themselves  with  the  use  of  arms.  Some  of  the  mountain  tribes 
near  the  coast,  particularly  those  on  the  side  which  looked 
toward  the  Caribbee  Islands,  were  of  a  more  hardy  and  war- 
like character  than  those  of  the  plains.  Caonabo,  also,  the 
Carib  chieftain,  had  introduced  something  of  his  own  warrior 
spirit  into  the  centre  of  the  island.  Yet,  generally  speaking, 
the  habits  of  the  people  were- mild  and  gentle.  If  wars  some- 
times occurred  among  them,  they  were  of  short  duration,  and 
unaccompanied  by  any  great  effusion  of  blood  ;  and,  in  general, 
thry  mingled  amicably  and  hospitably  with  each  other. 

Columbus  had  also  at  first  indulged  in  the  error  that  the 
natives  of  Hayti  were  destitute  of  all  notions  of  religion,  and 
he  had  consequently  flattered  himself  that  it  would  be  the 
easier  to  introduce  into  their  minds  the  doctrines  of  Christi- 
anity ;  not  aware  that  it  is  more  difficult  to  light  up  the  lire  of 
devotion  in  the  cold  heart  of  an  atheist,  than  to  direct  the 
flame  to  a  new  object,  when  it  is  already  enkindled.  There  are 
few  beings,  however,  so  destitute  of  reflection  as  not  to  be  im- 
pressed with  the  conviction  of  an  overruling  deity.  A  nation 
of  atheists  never  existed.  It  was  soon  discovered  that  these 
islanders  had  their  creed,  though  of  a  vague  and  simple  nature. 
They  believed  in  one  supreme  being,  inhabiting  the  sky,  who 
was  immortal,  omnipotent,  and  invisible  ;  to  whom  they  as- 
cribed an  origin,  who  had  a  mother,  but  no  father.1  They 
never  addressed  their  worship  directly  to  him,  but  employed 
inferior  deities,  called  Zemes,  as  messengers  and  mediators. 
Each  cacique  had  his  tutelar  deity  of  this  order,  whom  he  in- 
voked and  pretended  to  consult  in  all  his  public  undertakings 
and  who  was  reverenced  by  his  i)eople.  He  had  a  house  apart, 
as  a  temple  to  this  deity,  in  which  was  an  image  of  his  Zemi. 
carved  of  wood  or  stone,  or  shaped  of  clay  or  cotton,  and  gen- 
erally of  some  monstrous  and  hideous  form.  Each  family  and 
each  individual  had  likewise  a  particular  Zemi,  or  protecting 
genius,  like  the  Lares  and  Penates  of  the  ancients.  They  were 
placed  in  every  part  of  their  houses,  or  carved  on  their  furni- 
ture ;  some  had  them  of  a  small  size,  and  bound  them  about 
their  foreheads  when  they  went  to  battle.  They  believed  their 
Zemes  to  be  transferable,  with  all  their  powers,  and  often  stole 
them  from  each  other.  When  the  Spaniards  came  among 
them,  they  often  hid  their  idols,  lest  they  should  be  taken 

1  Escrilura  de  Fr.  liomau.     Hist,  del  AUniraute. 


242  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

away.  They  believed  that  these  Zcraes  presided  over  every 
object  in  nature,  eaeli  having  a  particular  charge  or  govern- 
ment. They  influenced  the  seasons  and  the  elements,  causing 
sterile  or  abundant  years  ;  exciting  hurricanes  and  whirlwinds, 
and  tempests  of  rain  and  thunder,  or  sending  sweet  and  tem- 
perate breezes  and  fruitful  showers.  They  governed  the  seas 
and  forests,  the  springs  and  fountains  ;  like  the  Nereids,  the 
Dryads,  and  Satyrs  of  antiquity.  They  gave  success  in  hunt- 
ing and  fishing  ;  they  guided  the  waters  of  the  mountains  into 
safe  channels,  and  led  them  down  to  wander  through  the 
plains,  in  gentle  brooks  and  peaceful  rivers  ;  or,  if  incensed, 
they  caused  them  to  burst  forth  into  rushing  torrents  and  over- 
whelming floods,  inundating  and  laying  waste  the  valleys. 

The  natives  had  their  Butios,  or  priests,  who  pretended  to 
hold  communion  with  these  Zemes.  They  practised  rigorous 
fasts  and  ablutions,  and  inhaled  the  powder,  or  drank  the 
infusion,  of  a  certain  herb,  which  produced  a  temporary  intoxi- 
cation or  delirium.  In  the  course  of  this  process,  they  pro- 
fessed to  have  trances  and  visions,  and  that  the  Zemes  revealed 
to  them  future  events,  or  instructed  them  in  the  treatment  of 
maladies.  They  were,  in  general,  great  herbalists,  and  well  ac- 
quainted with  the  medicinal  properties  of  trees  and  vegetables. 
They  <!nred  diseases  through  their  knowledge  of  simples,  but 
always  with  many  mysterious  rites  and  ceremonies,  and  sup- 
posed charms  ;  chanting  and  burning  a  light  in  the  chamber  of 
the  patient,  and  pretending  to  exorcise  the  malady,  to  expel  it 
from  the  mansion,  and  to  send  it  to  the  sea  or  to  the  moun- 
tain.1 

Their  bodies  were  painted  or  tattooed  with  figures  of  the 
Zemes,  which  were  regarded  with  horror  by  the  Spaniards,  as 
so  many  representations  of  the  devil ;  and  the  Butios,  esteemed 
as  saints  by  the  natives,  were  abhorred  by  the  former  as  necro- 
mancers. These  Butios  often  assisted  the  caciques  in  prac- 
tising deceptions  upon  their  subjects,  speaking  oracularly  through 
the  Zemes,  by  means  of  hollow  tubes  ;  inspiriting  the  Indians  to 
battle  by  predicting  success,  or  dealing  forth  such  promises  or 
menaces  as  might  suit  the  purposes  of  the  chieftain. 

There  is  but  one  of  their  solemn  religious  ceremonies  of  which 
any  record  exists.  The  cacique  proclaimed  a  day  when  a  kind 
of  festival  was  to  be  held  in  honor  of  his  Zemes.  His  subjects 
assembled  from  all  parts,  and  formed  a  solemn  procession  ;  the 
married  men  and  women  decorated  with  their  most  precious 

1  Oviedo,  Cronic.,  lib.  v.  cap.  1. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  243 

ornaments,  the  young  females  entirely  naked.  The  cacique, 
or  the  principal  personage,  marched  at  their  head,  heating  a 
kind  of  drum.  In  this  way  they  proceeded  to  the  const-crated 
house  or  temple,  in  which  were  set  up  the  images  of  the  Zemes. 
Arrived  at  the  door,  the  cacique  seated  himself  on  the  outside, 
continuing  to  beat  his  drum  while  the  procession  entered,  the 
females  carrying  baskets  of  cakes  ornamented  with  flowers, 
and  singing  as  they  advanced.  These  offerings  were  received 
by  the  liutios  with  loud  cries,  or  rather  howlings.  They  broke 
the  cakes,  after  they  had  been  offered  to  the  Zemes,  and  distrib- 
uted the  portions  to  the  heads  of  families,  who  preserved 
them  carefully  throughout  the  year,  as  preventive  of  all  ad- 
verse accidents.  This  done,  the  females  danced,  at  a  given 
signal,  singing  songs  in  honor  of  the  Zemes,  or  in  praise  of  the 
heroic  actions  of  their  ancient  caciques.  The  whole  ceremony 
finished  by  invoking  the  Zemes  to  watch  over  and  protect  the 
nation.1 

Besides  the  Zemes,  each  cacique  had  three  idols  or  talismans, 
which  were  mere  stones,  but  which  were  held  in  great  rever- 
ence by  themselves  and  their  subjects.  One  they  supposed 
had  the  power  to  produce  abundant  harvests,  another  to  re- 
move all  pain  from  women  in  travail,  and  the  third  to  call  forth 
rain  or  sunshine.  Three  of  these  were  sent  home  by  Columbus 
to  the  sovereigns.2 

The  ideas  of  the  natives  with  respect  to  the  creation  were 
vague  and  undefined.  They  gave  their  own  island  of  Ilayti 
priority  of  existence  over  all  others,  and  believed  that  the  sun 
and  moon  originally  issued  out  of  a  cavern  in  the  island  to  give 
light  to  the  world.  This  cavern  still  exists,  about  seven  or  eigiit 
leagues  from  Cape  Francois,  now  Cape  Haytien,  and  is  known 
by  the  name  of  La  Vonte  a  Minguet.  It  is  about  one  hundred 
and  fifty  feet  in  depth,  and  nearly  the  same  in  height,  but  very 
narrow.  It  receives  no  light  but  from  the  entrance,  and  from 
a  round  hole  in  the  roof,  whence  it  was  said  the  sun  and  moon 
issued  forth  to  take  their  places  in  the  sky.  The  vault  was  so 
fair  and  regular,  that  it  appeared  a  work  of  art  rather  than  of 
nature.  In  the  time  of  Charlevoix  the  figures  of  various  Zemes 
were  still  to  be  seen  cut  in  the  rocks,  and  there  were  the  re- 
mains of  niches,  as  if  to  receive  statues.  Tin's  cavern  was  held 
in  great  veneration.  It  was  painted,  and  adorned  with  green 
branches,  and  other  simple  decorations.  There  were  in  it  two 
images  or  Zemes.  When  there  was  a  want  of  rain,  the  natives 

1  Charli-voix,  Hist.  St.  Domingo,  lib.  i.  p.  56.          *  llist.  del  Aluiiruniv,  tup.  ol. 


244  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

made  pilgrimage  and  processions  to  it,  with  songs  and  dances, 
bearing  offerings  of  fruits  and  flowers.1 

They  believed  that  mankind  issued  from  another  cavern,  the 
large  men  from  a  great  aperture,  the  small  men  from  a  little 
cranny.  They  were  for  a  long  time  destitute  of  women,  but 
wandering  on  one  occasion  near  a  small  lake,  they  saw  certain 
animals  among  the  branches  of  the  trees,  which  proved  to  be 
women.  On  attempting  to  catch  them,  however,  they  were 
found  to  be  as  slippery  as  eels,  so  that  it  was  impossible  to  hold 
them.  At  length  they  employed  certain  men,  whose  hands 
were  rendered  rough  by  a  kind  of  leprosy.  These  succeeded  in 
securing  four  of  these  slippery  females,  from  whom  the  world 
was  peopled. 

While  the  men  inhabited  this  cavern,  they  dared  only  to  ven- 
ture forth  at  night,  for  the  sight  of  the  sun  was  fatal  to  them, 
turning  them  into  trees  and  stones.  A  cacique,  named  Vago  • 
niona,  sent  one  of  his  men  forth  from  the  cave  to  fish,  who 
lingering  at  his  sport  until  the  sun  had  risen,  was  turned  into 
a  bird  of  melodious  note,  the  same  which  Columbus  mistook: 
for  the  nightingale.  They  added,  that  yearly  about  the  time  he 
had  suffered  this  transformation,  he  came  in  the  night  with  a 
mournful  song,  bewailing  his  misfortune  ;  which  was  the  cause 
why  that  bird  always  sang  in  the  night  season.'2 

Like  most  savage  nations,  they  had  a  tradition  concerning 
the  universal  deluge,  equally  fanciful  with  most  of  the  preced- 
ing ;  for  it  is  singular  how  the  human  mind,  in  its  natural  state, 
is  apt  to  account,  by  trivial  and  familiar  causes,  for  great 
events.  They  said  that  there  once  lived  in  the  island  a  mighty 
cacique,  who  slew  his  only  son  for  conspiring  against  him.  He 
afterward  collected  and  picked  his  bones,  and  preserved  them 
in  a  gourd,  as  was  the  custom  of  the  natives  with  the  relics  of 
their  friends.  On  a  subsequent  day,  the  cacique  and  his  wife 
opened  the  gourd  to  contemplate  the  bones  of  their  son,  when, 
to  their  astonishment,  several  fish,  great  and  small,  leaped  out. 
Upon  this  the  cacique  closed  the  gourd,  and  placed  it  on  the  top 
of  his  house,  boasting  that  he  had  the  sea  shut  up  within  it,  and 
could  have  fish  whenever  he  pleased.  Four  brothers,  however, 
who  had  been  born  at  the  same  birth,  and  were  curious  inter- 
meddlers,  hearing  of  this  gourd,  came  during  the  absence  of 
the  cacique  to  peep  into  it.  In  their  carelessness  they  suffered 
it  to  fall  upon  the  ground,  where  it  was  dashed  to  pieces;  when, 
lo !  to  their  astonishment  and  disma}*,  there  issued  forth  a 

>  f'harlevoix,  Fllst.  St.  Domingo,  lib.  i.  n.  60. 

1  Flay  Roman.     Ilisi.  del  Aluiiranlc.     1'.  Muityr,  dc-cad.  i.  lib.  ix. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  245 

might}*  flood,  with  dolphins,  and  sharks,  and  tumbling  por- 
poises, and  great  spouting  whales  ;  and  the  water  spread,  until 
it  overflowed  the  earth,  and  formed  the  ocean,  leaving  only  the 
tops  of  the  mountains  uncovered,  which  are  the  present 
islands.1 

The}7  had  singular  modes  of  treating  the  dying  and  the  dead. 
When  the  life  of  a  cacique  was  despaired  of,  they  strangled 
him  out  of  a  principle  of  respect,  rather  than  suffer  him  to  die 
like  the  vulgar.  Common  people  were  extended  in  their  ham- 
mocks, bread  and  water  placed  at  their  head,  and  they  were 
then  abandoned  to  die  in  solitude.  Sometimes  they  were  car- 
ried to  the  cacique,  and  if  he  permitted  them  the  distinction, 
they  were  strangled.  After  death  the  body  of  a  cacique  was 
opened,  dried  at  a  fire,  and  preserved  ;  of  others  the  head  only 
was  treasured  up  as  a  memorial,  or  occasionally  a  limb.  Some- 
times the  whole  body  was  interred  in  a  cave,  with  a  calal>:ish 
of  water  and  a  loaf  of  bread  ;  sometimes  it  was  consumed  with 
fire  in  the  house  of  the  deceased. 

They  had  confused  and  uncertain  notions  of  the  existence  of 
the  soul  when  separated  from  the  body.  They  believed  in  the 
apparitions  of  the  departed  at  night,  or  by  daylight  in  solitary 
places,  to  lonely  individuals  ;  sometimes  advancing  as  if  to  at- 
tack them,  but  upon  the  traveller's  striking  at  them  they  van- 
ished, and  he  struck  merely  against  trees  or  rocks.  Sometimes 
they  mingled  among  the  living,  and  were  only  to  be  known  by 
having  no  navels.  The  Indians,  fearful  of  meeting  with  these 
apparitions,  disliked  to  go  about  alone,  and  in  the  dark. 

They  had  an  idea  of  a  place  of  reward,  to  which  the  spirits  of 
good  men  repaired  after  death,  where  they  were  reunited  to  the 
spirits  of  those  they  had  most  loved  during  life,  and  to  all  their 
ancestors.  Here  they  enjoyed  uninterruptedly,  and  in  perfec- 
tion, those  pleasures  which  constituted  their  felicity  on  earth. 
They  lived  in  shady  and  blooming  bowers,  with  beautiful  wo- 
men, and  banqueted  on  delicious  fruits.  The  paradise  of  these 
happy  spirits  was  variously  placed,  almost  every  tribe  assign- 
ing some  favorite  spot  in  their  native  province.  JNIanv,  how- 
ever, concurred  in  describing  this  region  as  being  neal*  a  lake 
in  the  western  part  of  the  island,  in  the  beautiful  province  of 
Xaragua.  Here  there  were  delightful  valleys,  covered  with  a 
delicate  fruit  called  the  mamey,  about  the  size  of  an  apricot. 
They  imagined  that  the  souls  of  the  deceased  remained  con- 
cealed among  the  airy  and  inaccessible  cliffs  of  the  mountains 

1  Escritura  de  Fray  Roman,  pobre  Hereunto. 


246  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

during  the  day,  but  descended  at  night  into  these  happy  valleys, 
to  regale  on  this  consecrated  fruit.  The  living  were  sparing, 
therefore,  in  eating  it,  lest  the  souls  of  their  friends  should  suf- 
fer from  want  of  their  favorite  nourishment.1 

The  dances  to  which  the  natives  seemed  so  immoderately 
addicted,  and  which  had  been  at  first  considered  by  the  .Span- 
iards mere  idle  pastimes,  were  fouud  to  be  often  ceremonials 
of  a  serious  and  mystic  character.  They  form  indeed  a  singu- 
lar and  important  feature  throughout  the  customs  of  the  abori- 
ginals of  the  New  World.  In  these  are  typified,  by  signs  well 
understood  by  the  initiated,  and,  as  it  were,  by  hieroglyphic 
action,  their  historical  events,  their  projected  enterprises,  their 
hunting,  their  ambuscades,  and  their  battles,  resembling  in 
some  respects  the  Pyrrhic  dances  of  the  ancients.  Speaking  of 
the  prevalence  of  these  dances  among  the  natives  of  Hayti, 
Peter  Martyr  observes  that  they  performed  them  to  the  chant 
of  certain  metres  and  ballads,  handed  down  from  generation  to 
generation,  in  which  were  rehearsed  the  deeds  of  their  ances- 
tors. "  These  rhymes  or  ballads,"  he  adds,  "  they  call  areytos  ; 
and  as  our  minstrels  are  accustomed  to  sing  to  the  harp  and 
lute,  so  do  they  in  like  manner  sing  these  songs,  and  dance  to 
the  same,  playing  on  timbrels  made  of  shells  of  certain  fishes. 
These  timbrels  they  call  maguey.  They  have  also  songs  and 
ballads  of  love,  and  others  of  lamentation  or  mourning ;  some 
also  to  encourage  them  to  the  wars,  all  sung  to  tunes  agreeable 
to  the  matter."  It  was  for  these  dances,  as  has  been  already 
observed,  that  they  were  so  eager  to  procure  hawks'  bells,  sus- 
pending them  about  their  persons,  and  keeping  time  with  their 
sound  to  the  cadence  of  the  singers.  This  mode  of  dancing  to 
a  ballad  has  been  compared  to  the  dances  of  the  peasants  in 
Flanders  during  the  summer,  and  to  those  prevalent  through- 
out Spain  to  the  sound  of  the  castanets,  and  the  wild  popular 
chants  said  to  be  derived  from  the  Moors ;  but  which,  in  fact, 
existed  before  their  invasion  among  the  Goths  who  overran  the 
peninsula.2 

The  earliest  history  of  almost  all  nations  has  generally  been 
preser^jd  by  rude  heroic  rhymes  and  ballads,  and  by  the  lays 
of  the  minstrels  ;  and  such  was  the  case  with  the  areytos  of 
the  Indians.  "When  a  cacique  died,"  says  Oviedo,  "they 
sang  in  dirges  his  life  and  actions,  and  all  the  good  that  he  had 
done  was  recollected.  Thus  they  formed  the  ballads  or  areytos 

1  Tlist.  del  Alrairante,  cap.  61.  Peter  Martyr,  dccad.  i.  lib.  ix.  Charlevoix,  Hist.  St. 
Domingo,  lib.  i. 

1  Mariana,  Hist.  Esp.,  lib.  v.  cap.  1. 


LIFE   OF  CI1RISTOPUEB   COLUMBUS.  247 

which  constituted  their  history."  l  Some  of  these  ballads  were 
of  a  sacred  character,  containing  their  traditional  notions  of 
theology,  and  the  superstitions  and  fables  which  comprised 
their  religious  creeds.  None  were  permitted  to  sing  these  but 
the  sons  of  caciques,  who  were  instructed  in  them  by  their 
Butios.  They  were  chanted  before  the  people  on  solemn  festi- 
vals, like  those  already  described,  accompanied  by  the  sound 
of  a  kind  of  drum,  made  from  a  hollow  tree.2 

Such  are  a  few  of  the  characteristics  remaining  on  record  of 
these  simple  people,  who  perished  from  the  face  of  the  earth 
before  their  customs  and  creeds  were  thought  of  sufficient  im- 
portance to  be  investigated.  The  present  work  does  not  profess 
to  enter  into  detailed  accounts  of  the  countries  and  people  dis- 
covered by  Columbus,  otherwise  than  as  they  may  be  useful  for 
the  illustration  of  his  history ;  and  perhaps  the  foregoing  are 
carried  to  an  unuecessaiy  length,  but  they  may  serve  to  give 
greater  interest  to  the  subsequent  transactions  of  the  island. 

Many  of  these  particulars,  as  has  been  observed,  were  col- 
lected by  the  admiral  and  his  officers,  during  their  excursion 
among  {he  mountains  and  their  sojourn  in  the  plain.  The 
natives  appeared  to  them  a  singularly  idle  and  improvident 
race,  indifferent  to  most  of  the  objects  of  human  anxiety  and 
toil.  They  were  impatient  of  all  kinds  of  labor,  scarcely  giving 
themselves  the  trouble  to  cultivate  the  yuca  root,  the  maize, 
and  the  potato,  which  formed  the  main  articles  of  subsistence. 
For  the  rest,  their  streams  abounded  with  fish  ;  they  caught  the 
utia  or  coney,  the  guana,  and  various  birds  ;  and  they  had  a  per- 
petual banquet  from  the  fruits  spontaneously  produced  by  their 
groves.  Though  the  air  was  sometimes  cold  among  the  moun- 
tains, }'et  they  preferred  submitting  to  a  little  temporary  suffer- 
ing rather  than  take  the  trouble  to  weave  garments  from  the 
gossampiue  cotton  which  abounded  in  their  forests.  Thus  they 
loitered  away  existence  in  vacant  inactivity,  under  the  shade  of 
their  trees,  or  amusing  themselves  occasionally  with  various 
games  and  dances. 

In  fact,  they  were  destitute  of  powerful  motive  to  toil,  being 
free  from  most  of  those  wants  which  doom  mankind  in  civilized 
life,  or  in  less  genial  climes,  to  incessant  labor.  They  had  no 
sterile  winter  to  provide  against,  particularly  in  the  valleys  and 
the  plains,  where,  according  to  Peter  Martyr,  "  the  island  en- 
joyed perpetual  spring-time,  and  was  blessed  with  continual 

1  Oviedo.  Cron.  dp  las  India*,  lib.  v.  cap.  3. 

1  Fiay  Roman.  IIi*t.  del  Alrairante,  cap.  61.  P.  Martyr,  decad.  i.  lib.  ix.  Herrera, 
Ili.-t.  luj.,  decad.  i.  lib.  iii.  cap.  4.  Oviedo,  lib.  v.  cap.  1. 


248  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

summer  and  harvest.  The  trees  preserved  their  leaves  through- 
out the  year,  and  the  meadows  continued  always  green." 
"There  is  no  province,  nor  an}7  region,"  he  again  observes, 
"•  which  is  not  remarkable  for  the  majesty  of  its  mountains,  the 
fruitfulness  of  its  vales,  the  pleasantness  of  its  hills,  and  de- 
lightful plains,  with  abundance  of  fair  rivers  running  through 
them.  There  never  was  any  noisome  animal  found  in  it,  nor 
yet  any  ravening  four-footed  beast ;  no  lion,  nor  bear  ;  no  fierce 
tigers,  nor  crafty  foxes,  nor  devouring  wolves,  but  all  things 
blessed  and  fortunate.1 

In  the  soft  region  of  the  Vega,  the  circling  seasons  brought 
each  its  store  of  fruits ;  and  while  some  were  gathered  in  full 
maturity,  others  were  ripening  on  the  boughs,  and  buds  and 
blossoms  gave  promise  of  still  future  abundance.  What  need 
was  there  of  garnering  up  and  anxiously  providing  for  coming 
days,  to  men  who  lived  in  a  perpetual  harvest?  What  need, 
too,  of  toilfully  spinning  or  laboring  at  the  loom,  when  a  genial 
temperature  prevailed  throughout  the  year,  and  neither  nature 
nor  custom  prescribed  the  necessity  of  clothing. 

The  hospitality  that  characterizes  men  in  such  a  simple  and 
easy  mode  of  existence,  was  evinced  toward  Columbus  and  his 
followers  during  their  sojourn  in  the  Vega.  Wherever  they 
went  it  was  a  continual  scene  of  festivity  and  rejoicing.  The 
natives  hastened  from  all  parts,  bearing  presents,  and  laying 
the  treasures  of  their  groves,  and  streams,  and  mountains,  at 
the  feet  of  beings  whom  the}7  still  considered  as  descended  from 
the  skies  to  bring  blessings  to  their  island. 

Having  accomplished  the  purposes  of  his  residence  in  the 
Vega,  Columbus,  at  the  end  of  a  few  days,  took  leave  of  its 
hospitable  inhabitants,  and  resumed  his  inarch  for  the  harbor, 
returning  with  his  little  army  through  the  lofty  and  rugged 
gorge  of  the  mountains  called  the  Pass  of  the  Hidalgos.  As 
we  accompany  him  in  imagination  over  the  rocky  height,  whence 
the  Vega  first  broke  upon  the  eye  of  the  Europeans,  we  cannot 
help  pausing  to  cast  back  a  look  of  mingled  pity  and  admira- 
tion over  this  beautiful  but  devoted  region.  The  dream  of 
natural  liberty,  of  ignorant  content,  and  loitering  idleness,  was 
as  yet  unbroken,  but  the  fiat  had  gone  forth  ;  the  white  man 
had  penetrated  into  the  land  :  avarice,  and  pride,  and  ambition, 
and  pining  care,  and  sordid  labor,  and  withering  poverty,  were 
soon  to  follow,  and  the  indolent  paradise  of  the  Indian  was 
about  to  disappear  forever. 

1  Peter  Martyr,  decad.  iii.  lib.  is.,  translated  by  R.  Edeu.     London,  K55. 


LIFE   OF  CnillSTOPUER   COLUMBUS.  249 

CHAPTER  XI 

ARRIVAL  OF  COLUMBUS   AT   ISABELLA  —  SICKNESS    OF   THE   COLONY. 

[1494.] 

ON  the  29th  of  March,  Columbus  arrived  at  Isabella,  highly 
satisfied  with  his  expedition  into  the  interior.  The  appearance 
of  every  thing  in  the  vicinity  of  the  harbor  was  calculated  to 
increase  his  anticipations  of  prosperity.  The  plants  and  fruits 
of  the  Old  World,  which  he  was  endeavoring  to  introduce  into 
the  island,  gave  promise  of  rapid  increase.  The  orchards,  fields, 
and  gardens  were  in  a  great  state  of  forwardness.  The  seeds 
of  various  fruits  had  produced  young  plants ;  the  sugar-cane 
had  prospered  exceedingly  ;  a  native  vine,  trimmed  and  dressed 
with  care,  had  yielded  grapes  of  tolerable  flavor,  and  cuttings 
from  European  vines  already  began  to  form  their  clusters.  On 
the  30th  of  March  a  husbandman  brought  to  Columbus  ears  of 
wheat  which  had  been  sown  in  the  latter  part  of  January.  The 
smaller  kind  of  garden  herbs  came  to  maturity  in  sixteen  days, 
and  the  larger  kind,  such  as  melons,  gourds,  pompions,  and 
cucumbers,  were  fit  for  the  table  within  a  month  after  the  seed 
had  been  put  into  the  ground.  The  soil,  moistened  by  brooks 
and  rivers  and  frequent  showers,  and  stimulated  by  an  ardent 
sun,  possessed  those  principles  of  quick  and  prodigal  fecundity 
which  surprise  the  stranger,  accustomed  to  less  vigorous 
climates. 

The  admiral  had  scarcely  returned  to  Isabella  when  a  mes- 
senger arrived  from  Pedro  Margarite,  the  commander  at  fort 
St.  Thomas,  informing  him  that  the  Indians  of  the  vicinity  had 
manifested  unfriendly  feelings,  abandoning  their  villages  and 
shunning  all  intercourse  with  the  white  men  ;  and  that  Caonabo 
was  assembling  his  warriors,  and  preparing  to  attack  the  fort- 
ress. The  fact  was,  that  the  moment  the  admiral  had  departed, 
the  Spaniards,  no  longer  awed  by  his  presence,  had,  as  usual, 
listened  only  to  their  passions,  and  exasperated  the  natives  by 
wresting  from  them  their  gold,  and  wronging  them  with  respect 
to  their  women.  Caonaba  also  had  seen  with  impatience  these 
detested  intruders,  planting  their  standard  in  the  very  midst  of 
his  mountains,  and  he  knew  that  he  had  nothing  to  expect  from 
them  but  vengeance. 

The  tidings  of  Margarite,  however,  caused  but  little  solici- 


250  LIFE   OF  CIIRISTOPHEE   COLUMBUS. 

tude  in  the  mind  of  Columbus.  From  what  he  had  seen  of  the 
Indians  in  the  interior,  he  had  no  apprehensions  from  their  hos- 
tility. He  knew  their  weakness  and  their  awe  of  white  men, 
and  above  all,  he  confided  in  their  terror  of  the  horses,  which 
the\-  regarded  as  ferocious  beasts  of  prey,  obedient  to  the 
Spaniards,  but  ready  to  devour  their  enemies.  He  contented 
himself,  therefore,  with  sending  Margarite  a  re-enforcement  of 
twenty  men,  with  a  supply  of  provisions  and  ammunition,  and 
detaching  thirty  men  to  open  a  road  between  the  fortress  and 
the  port. 

What  gave  Columbus  real  and  deep  anxiety  was  the  sickness, 
the  discontent,  and  dejection  which  continued  to  increase  in  the 
settlement.  The  same  principles  of  heat  and  humidity  which 
gave  such  fecundity  to  the  fields  were  fatal  to  the  people.  The 
exhalations  from  undraiued  marshes,  and  a  vast  continuity  of 
forest,  and  the  action  of  a  burning  sun  upon  a  reeking  vege- 
table soil,  produced  intermittent  fevers,  and  various  other  of 
the  maladies  so  trying  to  European  constitutions  in  the  uncul- 
tivated countries  of  the  tropics.  Many  of  the  Spaniards  suf- 
fered also  under  the  torments  of  a  disease  hitherto  unknown  to 
them,  the  scourge,  as  was  supposed,  of  their  licentious  inter- 
course with  the  Indian  females ;  but  the  origin  of  which, 
whether  American  or  European,  has  been  a  subject  of  great 
dispute.  Thus  the  greater  part  of  the  colonists  were  either 
confined  by  positive  illness  or  reduced  to  great  debility.  The 
stock  of  medicines  was  soon  exhausted ;  there  was  a  lack  of 
medical  aid,  and  of  the  watchful  attendance  which  is  even  more 
important  than  medicine  to  the  sick.  Every  one  who  was  well, 
was  either  engrossed  by  the  public  labors,  or  by  his  own  wants 
or  cares ;  having  to  perform  all  menial  offices  for  himself,  even 
to  the  cooking  of  his  provisions.  The  public  works,  therefore, 
languished,  and  it  was  impossible  to  cultivate  the  soil  in  a  suf- 
ficient degree  to  produce  a  supply  of  the  fruits  of  the  earth. 
Provisions  began  to  fail,  much  of  the  stores  brought  from 
Europe  had  been  wasted  on  board  ship,  or  suffered  to  spoil 
through  carelessness,  and  much  had  perished  on  shore  from  the 
warmth  and  humidity  of  the  climate.  It  seemed  impossible  for 
the  colonists  to  accommodate  themselves  to  the  food  of  the 
natives ;  and  their  infirm  condition  required  the  aliments  to 
which  they  had  been  accustomed.  To  avert  an  absolute  famine, 
therefore,  it  was  necessary  to  put  the  people  on  a  short  allow- 
ance, even  of  the  damaged  and  unhealthy  provisions  which  re- 
mained. This  immediately  caused  loud  and  fractious  murmurs, 
in  which  many  of  those  in  office,  who  ought  to  have  supported 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  251 

Columbus  in  his  measures  for  the  common  safety,  took  a  leading 
part ;  among  those  was  Father  Boyle,  a  priest  as  turbulent  as 
be  \v:is  crafty.  He  had  been  irritated,  it  is  said,  by  the  rigid 
impartiality  of  Columbus,  who,  in  enforcing  his  salutary  meas- 
ures, made  no  distinction  of  rank  or  persons,  and  put  the  friar 
and  his  household  on  a  short  allowance  as  well  as  the  rest  of  the 
community. 

In  the  midst  of  this  general  discontent,  the  bread  began  to 
grow  scarce.  The  stock  of  flour  was  exhausted,  and  there  was 
no  mode  of  grinding  corn  but  by  the  tedious  and  toilsome  pro- 
cess of  the  hand-mill.  It  became  necessary,  therefore,  to  erect 
a  mill  immediately,  and  other  works  were  required  equally 
important  to  the  welfare  of  the  settlement.  Many  of  the  work- 
men, however,  were  ill,  some  feigning  greater  sickness  than 
they  really  suffered  ;  for  there  was  a  general  disinclination  to 
all  kinds  of  labor  which  was  not  to  produce  immediate  wealth. 
In  this  emergency,  Columbus  put  every  health}'  person  in  requisi- 
tion ;  and  as  the  cavaliers  and  gentlemen  of  rank  required  food 
as  well  as  the  lower  orders,  they  were  called  upon  to  take  their 
share  in  the  common  labor.  This  was  considered  a  cruel  deg- 
radation b}-  many  youthful  hidalgos  of  high  blood  and  haughty 
spirit,  and  they  refused  to  obey  the  summons.  Columbus,  how- 
ever, was  a  strict  disciplinarian,  and  felt  the  importance  of 
making  his  authority  respected.  He  resorted,  therefore,  to 
strong  and  compulsory  measures,  and  enforced  their  obedience. 
This  was  another  cause  of  the  deep  and  lasting  hostilities  that 
sprang  up  against  him.  It  aroused  the  immediate  indignation 
of  every  person  of  birth  and  rank  in  the  colony,  and  drew  upon 
him  the  resentment  of  several  of  the  proud  families  of  Spain. 
He  was  inveighed  against  as  an  arrogant  and  upstart  foreigner, 
who.  inflated  with  a  sudden  acquisition  of  power,  and  consulting 
only  his  own  ^vealth  and  aggrandizement,  was  trampling  upon 
the  rights  and  dignities  of  Spanish  gentlemen,  and  insulting 
the  honor  of  the  nation. 

Columbus  may  have  been  too  strict  and  indiscriminate  in  his 
regulations.  There  are  cases  in  which  even  justice  may  become 
oppressive,  and  where  the  severity  of  the  law  should  be  tem- 
pered with  indulgence.  What  was  mere  toilsome  labor  to  a 
common  man,  became  humiliation  and  disgrace  when  forced 
upon  a  Spanish  cavalier.  Many  of  these  young  men  had  come 
out,  not  iu  the  pursuit  of  wealth,  but  with  romantic  dreams  in- 
spired by  his  own  representations  ;  hoping,  no  doubt,  to  dis- 
tinguish themselves  by  heroic  achievements  and  chivalrous 
adventure,  and  to  continue  in  the  Indies  the  career  of  arms 


252  LIFE  OF  CnRISTOPIIER   COLUMBUS. 

which  they  had  commenced  in  the  recent  wars  of  Granada. 
Others  had  been  brought  up  in  soft,  luxurious  indulgence,  in 
the  midst  of  opulent  families,  and  were  little  calculated  for  the 
rude  perils  of  the  seas,  the  fatigues  of  the  land,  and  the  hard- 
ships, the  exposures,  and  deprivations  which  attend  a  new 
settlement  in  the  wilderness.  When  they  fell  ill,  their  case 
soon  became  incurable.  The  ailments  of  the  body  were  in- 
creased by  sickness  of  the  heart.  They  suffered  under  the 
irritation  of  wounded  pride,  and  the  morbid  melancholy  of  dis- 
appointed hope  ;  their  sick-bed  was  destitute  of  all  the  tender 
care  and  soothing  attention  to  which  they  had  been  accustomed  ; 
and  they  sank  into  the  grave  in  all  the  sullenness  of  despair, 
cursing  the  day  of  their  departure  from  their  country. 

The  venerable  Las  Casas,  and  Herrera  after  him,  record,  with 
much  solemnity,  a  popular  belief  current  in  the  island  at  the 
time  of  his  residence  there,  and  connected  with  the  untimely 
fate  of  these  cavaliers. 

In  after  years,  when  the  seat  of  the  colony  was  removed  from 
Isabella  on  account  of  its  unhealthy  situation,  the  city  fell  to 
ruin,  and  was  abandoned.  Like  all  decayed  and  deserted 
places,  it  soon  became  an  object  of  awe  and  superstition  to  the 
common  people,  and  no  one  ventured  to  enter  its  gates.  Those 
who  passed  near  it,  or  hunted  the  wild  swine  which  abounded 
in  the  neighborhood,  declared  they  heard  appalling  voices  issue 
from  within  its  walls  by  night  and  day.  The  laborers  became 
fearful,  therefore,  of  cultivating  the  adjacent  fields.  The  story 
went,  adds  Las  Casas,  that  two  Spaniards  happened  one  day  to 
wander  among  the  ruined  edifices  of  the  place.  On  entering 
one  of  the  solitary  streets,  they  beheld  two  rows  of  men,  evi- 
dently, from  their  stately  demeanor,  hidalgos  of  noble  blood, 
and  cavaliers  of  the  court.  They  were  richly  attired  in  the  old 
Castilian  mode,  with  rapiers  by  their  sides,  and  lyoad  travelling 
hats,  such  as  were  worn  at  the  time.  The  two  men  were  aston- 
ished to  behold  persons  of  their  rank  and  appearance  ap- 
parently inhabiting  that  desolate  place,  unknown  to  the  people 
of  the  island.  They  saluted  them,  and  inquired  whence  they 
came  and  when  they  had  arrived.  The  cavaliers  maintained  a 
gloomy  silence,  but  courteously  returned  the  salutation  by  raising 
their  hands  to  their  sombreros  or  hats,  in  taking  off  which  their 
heads  came  off  also,  and  their  bodies  stood  decapitated.  The 
whole  phantom  assemblage  then  vanished.  So  great  wras  the 
astonishment  and  horror  of  the  beholders,  that  they  had  nearly 
fallen  dead,  and  remained  stupefied  for  several  days.1 

1  Lau  Casas,  Hist.  Iiid.,  lib.  i.  cap.  92,  MS.  Herrera,  Hist,  lad.,  decad.  i.  lib.  ii.  cap.  12. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER    COLUMBUS.  253 

The  foregoing  legend  is  curious,  as  illustrating  the  supersti- 
tious character  of  the  age,  and  especially  of  the  people  with 
whom  Columbus  had  to  act.  It  shows,  also,  the  deep  and 
gloomy  impression  made  upon  the  minds  of  the  common  people 
by  the  death  of  these  cavaliers,  which  operated  materially  to 
increase  the  unpopularity  of  Columbus;  as  it  was  mischievously 
represented,  that  they  had  been  seduced  from  their  homes  by 
his  delusive  promises,  and  sacrificed  to  his  private  interests. 


CHAPTER  XII.' 

DISTRIBUTION   OF   THE    SPANISH    FORCES    IN   THE    INTERIOR PREP- 
ARATIONS   FOR   A    VOYAGE   TO   CUBA. 

[1494.] 

THE  increasing  discontents  of  the  motley  population  of  Isa- 
bella and  the  rapid  consumption  of  the  scanty  stores  which 
remained,  were  causes  of  great  anxiety  to  Columbus.  He  was 
desirous  of  proceeding  on  another  voyage  of  discovery,  but  it 
was  indispensable,  before  sailing,  to  place  the  affairs  of  the 
island  in  such  a  state  as  to  secure  tranquillity.  He  determined, 
therefore,  to  send  all  the  men  that  could  be  spared  from  Isa- 
bella, into  the  interior;  with  orders  to  visit  the  territories  of 
the  different  caciques,  and  explore  the  island.  By  this  means 
they  would  be  roused  and  animated  ;  they  would  become  ac-' 
customed  to  the  climate  and  to  the  diet  of  the  natives,  and  such 
a  force  would  be  displayed  as  to  overawe  the  machinations  of 
Caouabo  or  any  other  hostile  cacique.  In  pursuance  of  this 
plan,  every  healthy  person,  not  absolutely  necessary  to  the 
concerns  of  the  city  or  the  care  of  the  sick,  was  put  under  ann>, 
and  a  little  army  mustered,  consisting  of  two  hundred  and  fifty 
cross-bow  men,  one  hundred  and  ten  arquebusiers,  sixteen 
horsemen,  and  twenty  officers.  The  general  command  of  the 
forces  was  intrusted  to  Pedro  Margarita,  in  whom  Columbus 
had  great  confidence  as  a  noble  Catalonian.  and  a  knight  of  the 
order  of  Santiago.  Alonso  do  Ojeda  was  to  conduct  the  army 
to  the  fortress  of  St.  Thomas,  where  he  was  to  succeed  Mar- 
garit'e  in  the  command  ;  and  the  latter  was  to  proceed  with  the 
main  body  of  the  troops  on  a  military  tour,  in  which  he  was 
purtieularly  to  explore  the  province  of  Cibao,  and  subsequently 
the  other  parts  of  the  islaiid. 


254  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

Columbus  wrote  a  long  and  earnest  letter  of  instructions  to 
Margaritc,  by  which  to  govern  himself  in  a  service  requiring 
such  great  circumspection.  He  charged  him  above  all  things 
to  observe  the  greatest  justice  and  discretion  in  respect  to  the 
Indians,  protecting  them  from  all  wrong  and  insult,  and  treat- 
ing them  in  such  a  manner  as  to  secure  their  confidence  and 
friendship.  At  the  same  time  they  were  to  be  made  to  respect 
the  property  of  the  white  men,  and  all  thefts  were  to  be  severely 
punished.  Whatever  provisions  were  required  from  them  for 
the  subsistence  of  the  army,  were  to  be  fairly  purchased  by 
persons  whom  the  admiral  appointed  for  that  purpose ;  the 
purchases  were  to  be  made  in  the  presence  of  the  agent  of  the 
comptroller.  If  the  Indians  refused  to  sell  the  necessary  pro- 
visions, then  Margarite  was  to  interfere  and  compel  them  to  do 
so,  acting,  however,  with  all  possible  gentleness,  and  soothing 
them  by  kindness  and  caresses.  No  traffic  was  to  be  allowed 
between  individuals  and  the  natives,  it  being  displeasing  to 
the  sovereigns  and  injurious  to  the  service  ;  and  it  was  always 
to  be  kept  in  mind  that  their  majesties  were  more  desirous  of 
the  conversion  of  the  natives  than  of  any  riches  to  be  derived 
from  them. 

A  strict  discipline  was  to  be  maintained  in  the  army,  all 
breach  of  orders  to  lie  severely  punished,  the  men  to  be  kept 
together  and  not  suffered  to  wander  from  the  main  body,  either 
singly  or  in  small  parties,  lest  they  should  be  cut  off  by  the 
natives ;  for  though  these  people  were  pusillanimous,  there 
were  no  people  so  apt  to  be  perfidious  and  cruel  as  cowards.1 

These  judicious  instructions,  which,  if  followed,  might  have 
preserved  an  amicable  intercourse  with  the  natives,  are  more 
especially  deserving  of  notice,  because  Margarite  disregarded 
them  all,  and  by  his  disobedience  brought  trouble  on  the  colony, 
obloquy  on  the  nation,  destruction  oil  the  Indians,  and  un- 
merited censure  on  Columbus. 

In  addition  to  the  foregoing  orders,  there  were  particular 
directions  for  the  surprising  and  securing  of  the  persons  of 
Caonabo  and  his  brothers.  The  warlike  character  of  that 
chieftain,  his  artful  polic}',  extensive  power,  and  implacable 
hostility,  rendered  him  a  dangerous  enemy.  The  measures 
proposed  were  not  the  most  open  and  chivalrous,  but  Columbus 
thought  himself  justified  in  opposing  stratagem  to  stratagem 
with  a  subtle  and  sanguinary  foe. 

The  Oth  of  April,  Alouso  de  Ojeda  sallied  forth  from  Isabella 

1  Letter  of  Columbus.    Navarrete,  Colec.,  torn.  ii.  Documeut  No.  72. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  255 

at  the  head  of  the  forces,  amounting  to  nearly  four  hundred 
men.  On  arriving  at  the  Rio  del  Oro  in  the  Koyal  Vega,  he 
learnt  that  three  Spaniards  coming  from  the  fortress  of  St. 
Thomas  had  been  robbed  of  their  effects  by  five  Indians,  whom 
a  neighboring  cacique  had  sent  to  assist  them  in  fording  the 
river ;  and  that  the  cacique,  instead  of  punishing  the  thieves, 
had  countenanced  them  and  shared  their  booty.  Ojeda  was  a 
quick,  impetuous  soldier,  whose  ideas  of  legislation  were  all  of 
a  military  kind.  Having  caught  one  of  the  thieves,  he  caused 
his  ears  to  be  cutoff  in  the  public  square  of  the  village  ;  he  then 
seized  the  cacique,  his  son,  and  nephew,  and  sent  them  in  Chains 
to  the  admiral,  after  which  he  pursued  his  march  to  the  fortress. 

In  the  mean  time  the  prisoners  arrived  at  Isabella  in  deep 
dejection.  They  were  accompanied  by  a  neighboring  cacique, 
who,  reiving  upon  the  merit  of  various  acts  of  kindness  which 
he  had  shown  to  the  Spaniards,  came  to  plead  for  their  for- 
giveness. His  intercessions  appeared  to  be  of  no  avail.  Co- 
lumbus felt  the  importance  of  striking  awe  into  the  minds  of 
the  natives  with  respect  to  the  property  of  the  white  men.  He 
ordered,  therefore,  that  the  prisoners  should  be  taken  to  the 
public  square  with  their  hands  tied  behind  them,  their  crime 
and  punishment  proclaimed  by  the  crier,  and  their  heads  struck 
off.  Nor  was  this  a  punishment  disproportioued  to  their  own 
ideas  of  justice,  for  we  are  told  that  the  crime  of  theft  was  held 
in  such  abhorrence  among  them,  that,  though  not  otherwise 
sanguinary  in  their  laws,  they  punished  it  with  impalement.1 
It  is  not  probable,  however,  that  Columbus  really  meant  to 
carry  the  sentence  into  effect.  At  the  place  of  execution  the 
prayers  and  tears  of  the  friendly  cacique  were  redoubled, 
pledging  himself  that  there  should  be  no  repetition  of  the 
offence.  The  admiral  at  length  made  a  merit  of  yielding  to  his 
entreaties,  and  released  the  prisoners.  Just  at  this  juncture  a 
horseman  arrived  from  the  fortress,  who,  in  passing  by  the 
village  of  the  captive  cacique,  had  found  five  Spaniards  in  the 
power  of  the  Indians.  The  sight  of  his  horse  had  put  the  mul- 
titude to  flight,  though  upward  of  four  hundred  in  number. 
He  had  pursued  the  fugitives,  wounding  several  with  his  lance, 
and  had  brought  off  his  countrymen  in  triumph. 

Convinced  by  this  circumstance  that  nothing  was  to  be  appre- 
hended from  the  hostilities  of  these  timid  people  as  long  as  his 
orders  were  obeyed,  and  confiding  in  the  distribution  he  had 
made  of  his  forces,  both  for  the  tranquillity  of  the  colony  and 

1  Oviedo,  Ilist.  lud.,  lib.  v.  cap.  3. 


256  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

the  island,  Columbus  prepared  to  depart  on  the  prosecution  of 
his  discoveries.  To  direct  the  affairs  of  the  island  during  his 
absence,  he  formed  a  junta,  of  which  his  brother  Don  Diego  was 
president,  and  Father  Boyle,  Pedro  Feruandes  Coronel,  Alonzo 
Sanchez  Caravajal,  and  Juan  de  Luxan,  were  councillors.  He 
left  his  two  largest  ships  in  the  harbor,  being  of  too  great  a  size 
and  draught  of  water  to  explore  unknown  coasts  and  rivers, 
and  took  with  him  three  caravels,  the  2sTiiia  or  Santa  Clara, 
the  Sail  Juan,  aiid  the  Cordera. 


BOOK   VII. 

CHAPTER  I. 

VOYAGE   TO   THE   EAST   END   OF   CUBA. 
[1494.] 

THE  expedition  of  Columbus,  which  we  are  now  about  to 
record,  may  appear  of  minor  importance  at  the  present  day, 
leading  as  it  did  to  no  grand  discovery,  and  merely  extending 
along  the  coasts  of  islands  with  which  the  reader  is  sufficiently 
familiar.  Some  may  feel  impatient  at  the  development  of 
opinions  and  conjectures  which  have  long  since  been  proved  to 
be  fallacious,  and  the  detail  of  exploring  enterprises,  undertaken 
in  error,  and  which  they  know  must  end  in  disappointment. 
But  to  feel  these  voyages  properly,  we  must,  in  a  manner, 
divest  ourselves  occasionally  of  the  information  we  possess, 
relative  to  the  countries  visited ;  we  must  transport  ourselves 
to  the  time,  and  identify  ourselves  with  Columbus,  thus  fear- 
lessly launching  into  seas  where  as  yet  a  civilized  sail  had 
never  been  unfurled.  We  must  accompany  him,  step  by  step, 
in  his  cautious  but  bold  advances  along  the  bays  and  channels 
of  an  unknown  coast,  ignorant  of  the  dangers  which  might  lurk 
around  or  which  might  await  him  in  the  interminable  region  of 
mystery  that  still  kept  breaking  upon  his  view.  We  must,  as 
it  were,  consult  with  him  as  to  each  new  reach  of  shadowy 
land,  and  long  line  of  promontory,  that  we  see  faintly  emer- 
ging from  the  ocean  and  stretching  along  the  distant  horizon. 
We  must  watch  with  him  each  light  canoe  that  comes  skim- 
ming the  billows,  to  gather  from  the  looks,  the  ornaments,  and 
the  imperfect  communications  of  its  wandering  crew,  whether 
those  unknown  lands  are  also  savage  and  uncultivated,  whether 
they  are  islands  in  the  ocean,  untrodden  as  yet  by  civilized 
man,  or  tracts  of  the  old  continent  of  Asia,  and  wild  frontiers 
of  its  populous  and  splendid  empires.  We  must  enter  into  his 

257 


268  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

very  thoughts  and  fancies,  find  out  the  data  that  assisted  his 
judgment,  and  the  hints  that  excited  his  conjectures,  and  for  a 
time  clothe  the  regions  through  which  we  are  accompanying 
him  with  the  gorgeous  coloring  of  his  own  imagination.  In 
this  way  we  may  delude  ourselves  into  participation  of  the 
delight  of  exploring  unknown  and  magnificent  lands,  where 
new  wonders  and  beauties  break  upon  us  at  every  step,  and  we 
may  ultimately  be  able,  as  it  were,  from  our  own  familiar 
acquaintance,  to  form  an  opinion  of  the  character  of  this  ex- 
traordinary man,  and  of  the  nature  of  his  enterprises. 

The  plan  of  the  present  expedition  of  Columbus  was  to  revisit 
the  coast  of  Cuba  at  the  point  where  he  had  abandoned  it  on 
his  first  voyage,  and  thence  to  explore  it  on  the  southern  side. 
As  has  already7  been  observed,  he  supposed  it  to  be  a  continent, 
and  the  extreme  end  of  Asia,  and  if  so,  by  following  its  shores 
in  the  proposed  direction  he  must  eventually  arrive  at  Cathay 
and  those  other  rich  and  commercial  though  semi-barbarous 
countries  described  by  Mandeville  and  Marco  Polo.1 

He  set  sail  with  his  little  squadron  from  the  harbor  of  Isa- 
bella on  the  24th  of  April,  and  steered  to  the  westward.  After 
touching  at  Monte  Christi,  he  anchored  on  the  same  day  at  the 
disastrous  harbor  of  La  Navidad.  His  object  in  revisiting  this 
melancholy  scene  was  to  obtain  an  interview  with  Guacanagari, 
who,  he  understood,  had  returned  to  his  former  residence.  He 
could  not  be  persuaded  of  the  perfidy  of  that  cacique,  so  deep 
was  the  impression  made  upon  his  heart  by  past  kindness  ;  he 
trusted,  therefore,  that  a  frank  explanation  would  remove  all 
painful  doubts,  and  restore  a  friendly  intercourse,  which  would 
be  highly  advantageous  to  the  Spaniards,  in  their  present  time 
of  scarcity  and  suffering.  Guacanagari,  however,  still  main- 
tained his  equivocal  conduct,  absconding  at  the  sight  of  the 
ships  ;  and  though  several  of  his  subjects  assured  Columbus 
that  the  cacique  would  soon  make  him  a  visit,  he  did  not  think 
it  advisable  to  delay  his  vo3*age  on  such  an  uncertainty. 

Pursuing  his  course,  impeded  occasionally  by  contrary 
winds,  he  arrived  on  the  2'Jth  at  the  port  of  St.  Nicholas, 
whence  he  beheld  the  extreme  point  of  Cuba,  to  which  in  his 
preceding  voyage  he  had  given  the  name  of  Alpha  and  Omega, 
but  which  was  called  by  the  natives  Bayatiquiri,  and  is  now 
known  as  Point  Maysi.  Having  crossed  the  channel,  which  is 
about  eighteen  leagues  wide,  he  sailed  along  the  southern  coast 
of  Cuba,  for  the  distance  of  twenty  leagues,  when  he  anchored 

1  Cura  de  los  TalacioB,  cap.  123,  MS. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  259 

in  a  harbor,  to  which,  from  its  size,  he  gave  the  name  of  Puerto 
Grande,  at  present  called  Guantanaino.  The  entrance  was  nar- 
row and  winding,  though  deep;  the  harbor  expanded  within 
like  a  beautiful  lake,  in  the  bosom  of  a  wild  and  mountainous 
country,  covered  with  trees,  some  of  them  in  blossom,  others 
bearing  fruit.  Not  far  from  the  shore  were  two  cottages  built 
of  reeds,  and  several  tires  blazing  in  various  parts  of  the  beach 
gave  signs  of  inhabitants.  Columbus  landed,  therefore,  attend- 
ed by  several  men  well  armed,  and  by  the  young  Indian  inter- 
preter Diego  Colon,  the  native  of  the  island  of  Guanahani  who 
had  been  baptized  in  Spain.  On  arriving  at  the  cottages,  he 
found  them  deserted  ;  the  fires  also  were  abandoned,  and  there 
was  not  a  human  being  to  be  seen.  The  Indians  had  all  fled  to 
the  woods  and  mountains.  The  sudden  arrival  of  the  ships  had 
spread  a  panic  throughout  the  neighborhood,  and  apparently 
interrupted  the  preparations  for  a  rude  but  plentiful  banquet. 
There  were  great  quantities  of  fish,  utias,  and  guanas  ;  some 
suspended  to  the  branches  of  the  trees,  others  roasting  on 
wooden  spits  before  the  fires. 

The  Spaniards,  accustomed  of  late  to  slender  fare,  fell  with- 
out ceremony  on  this  bounteous  feast,  thus  spread  for  them,  as 
it  were,  in  the  wilderness.  They  abstained,  however,  from  the 
guanas,  which  they  still  regarded  with  disgust  as  a  species  of 
serpent,  though  they  were  considered  so  delicate  a  food  by  the 
savages,  that,  according  to  Peter  Martyr,  it  was  no  more  law- 
ful for  the  common  people  to  eat  them,  than  of  peacocks  and 
pheasants  in  Spain.1 

After  their  repast,  as  the  Spaniards  were  roving  about  the 
vicinity,  they  beheld  about  seventy  of  the  natives  collected  on 
the  top  of  a  lofty  rock,  and  looking  down  upon  them  with 
great  awe  and  amazement.  On  attempting  to  approach  them 
they  instantly  disappeared  among  the  woods  and  clefts  of  the 
mountain.  One,  however,  more  bold  or  more  curious  than  the 
rest,  lingered  on  the  brow  of  the  precipice,  gazing  with  timid 
wonder  at  the  Spaniards,  partly  encouraged  b}'  their  friendly 
signs,  but  ready  in  an  instant  to  bound  away  after  his  com- 
panions. 

By  order  of  Columbus  the  young  Lucayan  interpreter  ad- 
vanced and  accosted  him.  The  expressions  of  friendship,  in 
his  own  language,  soon  dispelled  his  apprehensions.  He  came 
to  meet  the  interpreter,  and  being  informed  by  him  of  the  good 
intentions  of  the  Spaniards,  hastened  to  communicate  the  in- 

i  P.  Martyr,  dt-cad.  i.  lib.  iii. 


260  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

telligence  to  his  comrades.  In  a  little  while  they  were  seen 
descending  from  the  rocks,  and  issuing  from  their  forests,  ap- 
proaching the  strangers  with  great  gentleness  and  veneration. 
Through  the  means  of  the  interpreter,  Columbus  learnt  that 
they  had  been  sent  to  the  coast  by  their  cacique,  to  procure  fish 
for  a  solemn  banquet,  which  he  was  about  to  give  to  a  neighbor- 
ing chieftain,  and  that  they  roasted  the  fish  to  prevent  it  from 
spoiling  in  the  transportation.  They  seemed  to  be  of  the  same 
gentle  and  pacific  character  with  the  natives  of  Ilayti.  The 
ravages  that  had  been  made  among  their  provisions  by  the  hun- 
gry Spaniards  gave  them  no  concern,  for  they  observed  that 
one  night's  fishing  would  replace  all  the  loss.  Columbus,  how- 
ever, in  his  usual  spirit  of  justice,  ordered  that  ample  compen- 
sation should  be  made  them,  and,  shaking  hands,  they  parted 
mutually  well-pleased.1 

Leaving  this  harbor  on  the  1st  of  May,  the  admiral  continued 
to  the  westward,  along  a  mountainous  coast,  adorned  by  beau- 
tiful rivers,  and  indented  by  those  commodious  harbors  for 
which  this  island  is  so  remarkable.  As  he  advanced,  the  coun- 
try grew  more  fertile  and  populous.  The  natives  crowded  to 
the  shores,  man,  woman,  and  child,  gazing  with  astonishment 
at  the  ships,  which  glided  gently  along  at  no  great  distance. 
They  held  up  fruits  and  provisions,  inviting  the  Spaniards  to 
land  ;  others  came  off  in  canoes,  bringing  cassava  bread,  fish, 
and  calabashes  of  water,  not  for  sale,  but  as  offerings  to  the 
strangers,  whom,  as  usual,  they  considered  celestial  beings  de- 
scended from  the  skies.  Columbus  distributed  the  customary 
presents  among  them,  which  were  received  with  transports 
of  joy  and  gratitude.  After  continuing  some  distance  along 
the  coast,  he  came  to  another  gulf  or  deep  bay,  narrow  at  the 
entrance  and  expanding  within,  surrounded  by  a  rich  and 
beautiful  country.  There  were  lofty  mountains  sweeping  up 
from  the  sea,  but  the  shores  were  enlivened  by  numerous  vil- 
lages, and  cultivated  to  such  a  degree  as  to  resemble  gardens 
and  orchards.  In  this  harbor,  which  it  is  probable  was  the 
same  at  present  called  St.  Jago  de  Cuba,  Columbus  anchored 
and  passed  a  night,  overwhelmed,  as  usual,  with  the  simple  hos- 
pitality of  the  natives.'2 

On  inquiring  of  the  people  of  this  coast  after  gold,  they  uni- 
formry  pointed  to  the  south,  and,  as  far  as  they  could  be 
understood,  intimated  that  it  abounded  in  a  great  island  which 
lay  in  that  direction.  The  admiral,  in  the  course  of  his  first 

1  Peter  Martyr,  ubi  sup.  »  Cura  de  los  Paladoe,  cap   124,  1£S. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER    COLUMBUS.  261 

voyage,  had  received  information  of  such  an  island,  which 
some  of  his  followers  had  thought  might  be  Habeque,  the  ob- 
ject of  so  much  anxious  search  and  chimerical  expectation. 
He  had  felt  a  strong  inclination  to  diverge  from  his  course 
and  go  in  quest  of  it,  and  this  desire  increased  with  every 
new  report.  On  the  following  day,  therefore  (the  3d  of  May), 
after  standing  westward  to  a  high  cape,  he  turned  his  prow 
directly  south,  and  abandoning  for  a  time  the  coast  of  Cuba, 
steered  off  into  the  broad  sea,  in  quest  of  this  reported  island. 


CHAPTER  n. 

DISCOVERY   OF   JAMAICA. 
[1494.] 

COLUMBUS  had  not  sailed  many  leagues  before  the  blue  sum- 
mits of  a  vast  and  lofty  island  at  a  great  distance,  began  to 
rise  like  clouds  above  the  horizon.  It  was  two  days  and  nights, 
however,  before  he  reached  its  shores,  filled  with  admiration, 
as  he  gradually  drew  near,  at  the  beauty  of  its  mountains,  the 
majesty  of  its  forests,  the  fertility  of  its  valleys,  and  the  great 
number  of  villages  with  which  the  whole  face  of  the  country 
was  animated. 

On  approaching  the  land,  at  least  seventy  canoes,  filled  with 
savages  gayly  painted  and  decorated  with  feathers,  sallied 
forth  more  than  a  league  from  the  shore.  They  advanced  in 
warlike  array,  uttering  loud  yells,  and  brandishing  lances  of 
pointed  wood.  The  mediation  of  the  interpreter,  and  a  few 
presents  to  the  crew  of  one  of  the  canoes,  which  ventured 
nearer  than  the  rest,  soothed  this  angry  armada,  and  the  squad- 
ron pursued  its  course  unmolested.  Columbus  anchored  in  a 
harbor  about  the  centre  of  the  island,  to  which,  from  the  great 
beauty  of  the  surrounding  country,  he  gave  the  name  of  Santa 
Gloria.1 

On  the  following  morning  he  weighed  anchor  at  daybreak, 
and  coasted  westward  in  search  of  a  sheltered  harbor,  where 
his  ship  could  be  careened  and  calked,  as  it  leaked  considerably. 
After  proceeding  a  few  leagues,  he  found  one  apparently  suit- 
able for  the  purpose.  On  sending  a  boat  to  sound  the  entrance, 
two  large  canoes,  filled  with  Indians,  issued  forth,  hurling  their 

1  Cura  tie  los  Palacioa,  cap.  125. 


C2    2  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

lances,  but  from  such  distance  as  to  fall  short  of  the  Spaniards. 
AVishing  to  avoid  any  act  of  hostility  that  might  prevent  fntuie 
intercourse,  Columbus  ordered  the  boat  to  return  on  board,  and 
finding  there  was  sufficient  depth  of  water  for  his  ship,  entered 
and  anchored  in  the  harbor.  Immediately  the  whole  beach  was 
covered  with  Indians  painted  with  a  variety  of  colors,  but 
chiefly  black,  some  partly  clothed  with  palm-leaves,  and  all 
wearing  tufts  and  coronets  of  feathers.  Unlike  the  hospitable 
islanders  of  Cuba  and  Ilayti,  they  appeared  to  partake  of  the 
warlike  character  of  the  Caribs,  hurling  their  javelins  at  the 
ships,  and  making  the  shores  resound  with  their  yells  and  war- 
whoops. 

The  admiral  reflected  that  further  forbearance  might  be  mis- 
taken for  cowardice.  Jt  was  necessary  to  careen  his  ship,  and 
to  send  men  on  shore  for  a  supply  of  water,  but  previously  it 
was  advisable  to  strike  an  awe  into  the  savages,  that  might  pre- 
vent any  molestation  from  them.  As  the  caravels  could  not 
approach  sufficiently  near  to  the  beach  where  the  Indians  were 
collected,  he  despatched  the  boats  well  manned  and  armed. 
These,  rowing  close  to  the  shore,  let  fly  a  volley  of  arrows 
from  their  cross-bows,  by  which  several  Indians  were  wounded, 
and  the  rest  thrown  into  confusion.  The  Spaniards  then  sprang 
on  shore,  and  put  the  whole  multitude  to  flight,  giving  another 
discharge  with  their  cross-bows,  and  letting  loose  upon  them  a 
dog,  who  pursued  them  with  sanguinary  fury.1  This  is  the 
first  instance  of  the  use  of  dogs  against  the  natives,  which  were 
afterward  employed  with  such  cruel  effect  by  the  Spaniards  in 
their  Indian  wars.  Columbus  now  landed  and  took  formal  pos- 
session of  the  island,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Santiago; 
but  it  has  retained  its  original  Indian  name  of  Jamaica.  The 
harbor,  from  its  commodiousuess,  he  called  Puerto  Bueno ;  it 
was  in  the  form  of  a  horseshoe,  and  a  river  entered  the  sea  in 
its  vicinity.2 

During  the  rest  of  the  day  the  neighborhood  remained  silent 
and  deserted.  On  the  following  morning,  however,  before  sun- 
rise, six  Indians  were  seen  on  the  shore,  making  signs  of  amity. 
They  proved  to  be  envo3's  sent  by  the  caciques  with  proffers  of 
peace  and  friendship.  These  were  cordially  returned  by  the 
admiral ;  presents  of  trinkets  were  sent  to  the  chieftains ;  and 
in  a  little  while  the  harbor  again  swarmed  with  the  naked  and 
painted  multitude,  bringing  abundance  of  provisions,  similar  in 
kind,  but  superior  in  quality,  to  those  of  the  other  islands. 

1  Cura  de  los  Palacios,  cap.  125.  »  Hist,  del  Almirante,  ubi  ano. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  263 

During  three  days  that  the  ships  remained  in  this  harbor, 
the  most  amicable  intercourse  was  kept  up  with  the  natives. 
They  appeared  to  be  more  ingenious,  as  well  as  more  warlike, 
than  their  neighbors  of  Cuba  and  Hayti.  Their  cauoes  were 
better  constructed,  being  ornamented  with  carving  and  paint- 
ing at  the  bow  and  stern.  Many  were  of  great  size,  though 
formed  of  the  trunks  of  single  trees,  often  from  a  species  of  the 
mahogany.  Columbus  measured  one,  which  was  ninety-six  feet 
long,  and  eight  broad,1  hollowed  out  of  one  of  those  magnificent 
trees  which  rise  like  verdant  towers  amidst  the  rich  forests  of 
the  tropics.  Every  cacique  prided  himself  on  possessing  a  large 
canoe  of  the  kind,  which  he  seemed  to  regard  as  his  ship  of 
state.  It  is  curious  to  remark  the  apparently  innate  difference 
between  these  island  tribes.  The  natives  of  Poito  Rico,  though 
surrounded  by  adjacent  islands,  and  subject  to  frequent  incur- 
sions of  the  Caribs,  were  of  a  pacific  character,  and  possessed 
very  few  canoes ;  while  Jamaica,  separated  by  distance  from 
intercourse  with  other  islands,  protected  in  the  same  way  from 
the  dangers  of  invasion,  and  embosomed,  as  it  were,  in  a  peace- 
ful mediterranean  sea,  was  inhabited  by  a  warlike  race,  and 
surpassed  all  the  other  islands  in  its  maritime  armaments. 

His  ship  being  repaired,  and  a  supply  of  water  taken  in, 
Columbus  made  sail,  and  continued  along  the  coast  to  the  west- 
ward, so  close  to  the  shore  that  the  little  squadron  was  contin- 
ually surrounded  by  the  cauoes  of  the  natives,  who  came  off 
from  every  bay,  and  river,  and  headland,  no  longer  manifest- 
ing hostility,  but  anxious  to  exchange  any  thing  they  possessed 
for  European  trifles.  After  proceeding  about  twenty-four 
leagues,  they  approached  the  western  extremity  of  the  island, 
where  the  coast  bending  to  the  south,  the  wind  became  unfavor- 
able for  their  farther  progress  along  the  shore.  Being  disap- 
pointed in  his  hopes  of  finding  gold  in  Jamaica,  and  the  breeze 
being  fair  for  Cuba,  Columbus  determined  to  return  thither, 
and  not  to  leave  it  until  he  had  explored  its  coast  to  a  sufficient 
distance  to  determine  the  question  whether  it  was  terra  firma  or 
an  island.2  To  the  last  place  at  which  he  touched  in  Jamaica, 
he  gave  the  name  of  the  Gulf  of  Buentiempo  (or  Fair  Weather), 
on  account  of  the  propitious  wind  which  blew  for  Cuba.  Just 
as  he  was  about  to  sail,  a  young  Indian  came  off  to  the  ship, 
and  begged  the  Spaniards  would  take  him  to  their  country.  He 
was  followed  by  his  relatives  and  friends,  who  endeavored  by 
the  most  affecting  supplications  to  dissuade  him  from  his  pur- 


1  (Jura  de  los  I'alacios,  cap.  124.  !  Ilist.  del  Aluiirau'.e,  cap.  54. 


264  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

pose.  For  some  time  he  was  distracted  between  concern  for  the 
distress  of  his  family,  and  an  ardent  desire  to  see  the  home  of 
these  wonderful  strangers.  Curiosity,  and  the  youthful  pro- 
pensity to  rove,  prevailed  ;  he  tore  himself  from  the  embrace's 
of  his  friends,  and,  that  he  might  not  behold  the  tears  of  his 
sisters,  hid  himself  in  a  secret  part  of  the  ship.  Touched  by 
this  scene  of  natural  affection,  and  pleased  with  the  enterprising 
and  confiding  spirit  of  the  youth,  Columbus  gave  orders  that  he 
should  be  treated  with  especial  kindness.1 

Jt  would  have  been  interesting  to  have  known  something 
more  of  the  fortunes  of  this  curious  savage,  and  of  the  impres- 
sions made  upon  so  lively  a  mind  by  a  first  sight  of  the  wonders 
of  civilization  —  whether  the  land  of  the  white  men  equalled  his 
hopes ;  whether,  as  is  usual  with  savages,  he  pined  amid  the 
splendors  of  cities  for  his  native  forests,  and  whether  he  ever 
returned  to  the  arms  of  his  family.  The  early  Spanish  histo- 
rians seem  never  to  have  interested  themselves  in  the  feelings  or 
fortunes  of  these  first  visitors  from  the  New  to  the  Old  World. 
No  further  mention  is  made  of  this  youthful  adventurer. 


CHAPTER   III. 

RETURN  TO  CUBA NAVIGATION  AMONG  THE  ISLANDS  CALLED  THE 

QUEEN'S    GARDENS. 

[1494.] 

SETTING  sail  from  the  Gulf  of  Buentiempo,  the  squadron  once 
more  steered  for  the  island  of  Cuba,  and  on  the  18th  of  May 
arrived  at  a  great  cape,  to  which  Columbus  gave  the  name  of 
Cabo  de  la  Cruz,  which  it  still  retains.  Here,  landing  at  a 
large  village,  he  was  well  received  and  entertained  by  the 
cacique  and  his  subjects,  who  had  long  since  heard  of  him  and 
his  ships.  In  fact,  Columbus  found,  from  the  report  of  this 
chieftain,  that  the  numerous  Indians  who  had  visited  his  ships 
during  his  cruise  along  the  nothern  coast  in  his  first  voj'age, 
had  spread  the  story  far  and  near  of  these  wonderful  visitors 
who  had  descended  from  the  sky,  and  had  filled  the  whole 
island  with  rumors  and  astonishment.2  The  admiral  endeav- 
ored to  ascertain  from  this  cacique  and  his  people,  whether 

»  Hist,  del  Almirante,  cap.  54.  *  Curacle  los  Palacios,  cap.  126. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  265 

Cuba  wns  an  island  or  a  continent.  They  all  replied  that  it 
wa-  :in  island,  but  of  infinite  extent;  for  they  declared  that  110 
one  had  ever  seen  the  end  of  it.  This  reply,  while'it  manifested 
their  ignorance  of  the  nature  of  a  continent,  left  the  question 
still  in  doubt  and  obscurity.  The  Indian  name  of  this  province 
of  Cuba  was  Macaca. 

Resuming  his  course  to  the  west  on  the  following  day, 
Columbus  came  to  where  the  coast  suddenly  swept  away  to 
the  north-ea>t  for  many  leagues,  and  then  curved  around  again 
to  the  west,  forming  an  immense  hay.  or  rather  gulf.  Here  he 
was  assailed  by  a  violent  storm,  accompanied  by  awful  thun- 
der and  lightning,  which  in  these  latitudes  seem  to  rend  the  very 
heavens.  Fortunately  the  storm  was  not  of  long  duration,  or 
his  situation  would  have  been  perilous  in  the  extreme;  for  he 
found  the  navigation  rendered  difficult  by  numerous  keys1  and 
sand-banks.  These  increased  as  he  advanced,  until  the  mari- 
ner stationed  at  the  masthead  beheld  the  sea,  as  far  as  the  eye 
could  reach,  completely  studded  with  small  islands;  some  were 
low,  naked,  ami  sandy,  others  covered  with  verdure,  and 
others  tufted  with  loft}'  and  beautiful  forests.  They  were  of 
various  sizes,  from  one  to  four  leagues,  and  were  generally  the 
more  fertile  and  elevated,  the  nearer  they  were  to  Cuba. 
Finding  them  to  increase  in  numl)er,  so  as  to  render  it  impossi- 
ble to  give  names  to  each,  the  admiral  gave  the  whole  labyrinth 
of  islands,  which  in  a  manner  enamelled  the  face  of  the  ocean 
with  variegated  verdure,  the  name  of  the  Queen's  Gardens. 
He  thought  at  first  of  leaving  this  archipelago  on  his  right,  and 
standing  farther  out  to  sea ;  but  he  called  to  mind  that  Sir  John 
Mandeville  and  Marco  Polo  had  mentioned  that  the  coast  of 
Asia  was  fringed  with  islands  to  the  amount  of  several  thousand. 
He  persuaded  himself  that  he  was  among  that  cluster,  and  re- 
solved not  to  lose  sight  of  the  mainland,  by  following  which, 
if  it  were  really  Asia,  he  must  soon  arrive  at  the  dominions  of 
the  Grand  Khan. 

Entering  among  these  islands,  therefore,  Columbus  soon 
became  entangled  in  the  most  perplexed  navigation,  in  which 
he  was  exposed  to  continual  perils  and  difficulties  from  sand- 
banks, counter  currents,  and  sunken  rocks.  The  ships  were 
compelled,  in  a  manner,  to  grope  their  way,  with  men  stationed 
at  the  masthead,  and  the  lead  continually  going.  Sometimes 
they  were  obliged  to  shift  their  course,  within  the  hour,  to  all 
points  of  the  compass ;  sometimes  they  were  straitened  in  a 

1  Keys,  from  Cayos,  rocks  which  occasionally  form  email  inlands  on  the  coast  of 
America. 


266  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

narrow  channel,  where  it  was  necessary  to  lower  all  sail,  and 
tow  the  vessels  out,  lest  they  should  run  aground  ;  notwith- 
standing all  'which  precautions  they  frequently  touched  upon 
sand-banks,  and  were  extricated  with  great  difficulty.  The 
variableness  of  the  weather  added  to  the  embarrassment  of  the 
navigation  ;  though  after  a  little  while  it  began  to  assume  some 
method  in  its  very  caprices.  In  the  morning  the  wind  rose  in 
the  east  with  the  sun,  and  following  his  course  through  the  day, 
died  away  at  sunset  in  the  west.  Heavy  clouds  gathered  with 
the  approach  of  evening,  sending  forth  sheets  of  lightning,  and 
distant  peals  of  thunder,  and  menacing  a  furious  tempest ;  but 
as  the  moon  rose,  the  whole  mass  broke  away,  part  melting  in  a 
shower,  and  part  dispersing  by  a  breeze  which  sprang  up  from 
the  land. 

There  was  much  in  the  character  of  the  surrounding  scenery 
to  favor  the  idea  of  Columbus,  that  he  was  in  the  Asiatic  archi- 
pelago. As  the  ships  glided  along  the  smooth  and  glassy  canals 
which  separated  these  verdant  islands,  the  magnificence  of 
their  vegetation,  the  soft  odors  wafted  from  flowers,  and  blos- 
soms, and  aromatic  shrubs,  and  the  splendid  plumage  of  the 
scarlet  cranes,  or  rather  flamingoes,  which  abounded  in  the 
meadows,  and  of  other  tropical  birds  which  fluttered  among 
the  groves,  resembled  what  is  described  of  Oriental  climes. 
These  islands  were  generally  uninhabited.  They  found  a  con- 
siderable village,  however,  on  one  of  the  largest,  where  they 
lauded  on  the  -22d  of  May.  The  houses  were  abandoned  by  their 
inhabitants,  who  appeared  to  depend  principally  on  the  sea  for 
their  subsistence.  Large  quantities  of  fish  were  found  in  their 
dwellings,  and  the  adjacent  shore  was  covered  with  the  shells 
of  tortoises.  There  were  also  domesticated  parrots,  and  scarlet 
cranes,  and  a  number  of  dumb  dogs,  which  it  was  afterward 
found  they  fattened  as  an  article  of  food.  To  this  island  the 
admiral  gave  the  name  of  Santa  Marta. 

In  the  course  of  his  voyage  among  these  islands,  Columbus 
beheld  one  day  a  number  of  the  natives  in  a  canoe  on  the  still 
surface  of  one  of  the  channels,  occupied  in  fishing,  and  was 
struck  with  the  singular  means  they  employed.  The}'  had  a 
small  fish,  the  flat  head  of  which  was  furnished  with  numerous 
suckers,  by  which  it  attached  itself  so  firmly  to  any  object,  as 
to  be  torn  in  pieces  rather  than  abandon  its  hold.  Tying  a  line 
of  great  length  to  the  tail  of  this  fish,  the  Indians  permitted  it 
to  swim  at  large  ;  it  generally  kept  near  the  surface  of  the 
water  until  it  perceived  its  prey,  when,  darting  down  swiftly, 
it  attached  itself  by  the  suckers  to  the  throat  of  a  fish  or  to  the 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  267 

under  shell  of  a  tortoise,  nor  did  it  relinquish  its  prey  until 
both  were  drawn  up  by  the  fisherman  and  taken  out  of  the 
water.  In  this  way  the  Spaniards  witnessed  the  taking  of  a 
tortoise  of  immense  size,  and  Fernando  Columbus  afh'rms  that 
he  himself  saw  a  shark  caught  in  the  same  manner  on  the  coast 
of  Veragua.  The  fact  has  been  corroborated  by  the  accounts 
of  various  navigators ;  and  the  same  mode  of  fishing  is  said  to 
be  employed  on  the  eastern  coast  of  Africa,  at  Mozambique, 
and  at  Madagascar.  "  Thus,"  it  has  been  observed,  '•  savage 
people,  who  probably  have  never  held  communication  with  each 
other,  offer  the  most  striking  analogies  in  their  modes  of  exer- 
cising empire  over  animals."1  These  fishermen  came  on  board 
of  the  ships  in  a  fearless  manner.  They  furnished  the  Span- 
iards with  a  supply  of  fish,  and  would  cheerfully  have  given 
them  every  thing  they  possessed.  To  the  admiral's  inquiries 
concerning  those  parts,  they  said  that  the  sea  was  full  of  islands 
to  the  south  and  to  the  west,  but  as  to  Cuba,  it  continued  run- 
ning to  the  westward  without  any  termination. 

Having  extricated  himself  from  this  archipelago,  Columbus 
steered  for  a  mountainous  part  of  the  island  of  Cuba  about 
fourteen  leagues  distant,  where  he  landed  at  a  large  village  on 
the  .'Ul  of  June.  Here  he  was  received  with  that  kindness  and 
amity  which  distinguished  the  inhabitants  of  Cuba,  whom  he 
extolled  above  all  the  other  islanders  for  their  mild  and  pacific 
character.  Their  veiy  animals,  he  said,  were  tamer,  as  well  as 
larger  and  better,  than  those  of  the  other  islands.  Among  the 
various  articles  of  food  which  the  natives  brought  with  joyful 
alacrity  from  all  parts,  were  stock-doves  of  uncommon  size  and 
flavor ;  perceiving  something  peculiar  in  their  taste,  Columbus 
ordered  the  crops  of  several  newly  killed  to  be  opened,  in  which 
were  found  sweet  spices. 

While  the  crews  of  the  boats  were  procuring  water  and  pro- 
visions, Columbus  sought  to  gather  information  from  the  ven- 
erable cacique,  and  several  of  the  old  men  of  the  village.  They 
told  him  that  the  name  of  their  province  was  Ornofay ;  that 
farther  to  the  westward  the  sea  was  again  covered  with  innu- 
merable islands,  and  had  but  little  depth.  As  to  Cuba,  none 
of  them  had  ever  heard  that  it  had  an  end  to  the  westward  ; 
fort}*  moons  would  not  suffice  to  reach  to  its  extremity  ;  in  fact, 
they  considered  it  interminable.  They  observed,  however,  that 
the  admiral  would  receive  more  ample  information  from  the 
inhabitants  of  Mangon,  an  adjacent  province,  which  lay  toward 

1  Humboldt,  Essai  Polilique  sur  I'll  de  Cuba,  torn.  i.  p.  364. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER    COLUMBUS. 

the  west.  The  quick  apprehension  of  Columbus  was  struck 
with  the  sound  of  this  name  ;  it  resembled  that  of  Mangi,  the 
richest  province  of  the  Grand  Khan,  bordering  on  the  ocean. 
He  made  further  inquiries  concerning  the  region  of  Mungon, 
and  understood  the  Indians  to  say  that  it  was  inhabited  by 
people  who  had  tails  like  animals,  and  wore  garments  to  con- 
ceal them.  He  recollected  that  Sir  John  Mandeville,  in  his 
account  of  the  remote  parts  of  the  East,  had  recorded  a  story 
of  the  same  kind  as  current  among  certain  naked  tribes  of 
Asia,  and  told  by  them  in  ridicule  of  the  garments  of  their 
civilized  neighbors,  which  they  could  only  conceive  useful  as 
concealing  some  bodily  defect.1  He  became,  therefore,  more 
confident  than  ever  that,  by  keeping  along  the  coast  to  the 
westward,  he  should  eventually  arrive  at  the  civilized  realms  of 
Asia.  He  flattered  himself  with  the  hopes  of  linding  this  re- 
gion of  Mangon  to  be  the  rich  province  of  Mangi,  and  its  peo- 
ple with  tails  and  garments,  the  long-robed  inhabitants  of  the 
empire  of  Tartary. 


CHAPTER   IV. 

COASTING   OFF   THE    SOUTHERN    SIDE    OF   CUBA. 
[1449.] 

ANIMATED  by  one  of  the  pleasing  illusions  of  his  ardent  im- 
agination, Columbus  pursued  his  voyage,  with  a  prosperous 
breeze,  along  the  supposed  continent  of  Asia.  He  was  now 
opposite  that  part  of  the  southern  side  of  Cuba,  where,  for 
nearly  thirty-five  leagues,  the  navigation  is  unembarrassed  by 
banks  and  islands.  To  his  left  was  the  broad  and  open  sea, 
the  dark  blue  color  of  which  gave  token  of  ample  depth ;  to  his 
right  extended  the  richly-wooded  province  of  Ornofay,  gradu- 
ally sweeping  up  into  a  range  of  interior  mountains  ;  the  ver- 
dant coast  watered  by  innumerable  streams,  and  studded  with 
Indian  villages.  The  appearance  of  the  ships  spread  wonder 
and  joy  along  the  seacoast.  The  natives  hailed  with  acclama- 
tions the  arrival  of  these  wonderful  beings  whose  fame  had  cir- 
culated more  or  less  throughout  the  island,  and  who  brought 
with  them  the  blessings  of  heaven.  They  came  off  swimming, 
or  in  their  canoes,  to  offer  the  fruits  and  productions  of  the 

1  Cura  de  los  Palacioa,  cap.  127. 


LIFE   OF  CERISTOPIIEU   COLUMBUS.  269 

land,  and  regarded  the  white  men  almost  with  adoration. 
After  the  usual  evening  shower,  when  the  breeze  blew  from 
the  shore  ami  brought  off  the  sweetness  of  the  land,  it  bore 
with  it  also  the  distant  songs  of  the  natives  and  the  sound  of 
their  rude  music,  as  they  were  probably  celebrating,  with  their 
national  chants  and  dances,  the  arrival  of  the  white  men.  80 
delightful  were  these  spicy  odors  and  cheerful  sounds  to  Co- 
lumbus, who  was  at  present  open  to  all  pleasurable  influences, 
that  he  declared  the  night  passed  away  as  a  single  hour.1 

It  was  impossible  to  resist  noticing  the  striking  contrasts 
which  are  sometimes  presented  by  the  lapse  of  time.  The  coast 
here  described,  so  populous  and  animated,  rejoicing  in  the  visit 
of  the  discoverers,  is  the  same  that  extends  westward  of  the 
city  of  Trinidad,  along  the  Gulf  of  Xagua.  All  is  now  silent 
and  deserted :  civilization,  which  has  covered  some  parts  of 
Cuba  with  glittering  cities,  has  rendered  this  a  solitude.  The 
whole  race  of  Indians  has  long  since  passed  away,  pining  and  per- 
ishing beneath  the  domination  of  the  strangers  whom  they  wel- 
comed so  joyfully  to  their  shores.  Before  me  lies  the  account 
of  a  night  recently  passed  on  this  very  coast,  by  a  celebrated 
traveller ;  but  with  what  different  feelings  from  those  of 
Columbus!  '•  I  passed,"  said  he,  "a  great  part  of  the 
night  upon  the  deck.  What  deserted  coasts  !  not  a  light  to 
announce  the  cabin  of  a  fisherman.  From  Batabano  to  Trinidad, 
a  distance  of  fifty  leagues,  there  does  not  exist  a  village.  Yet 
in  the  time  of  Columbus  this  land  was  inhabited  even  along  the 
margin  of  the  sea.  When  pits  are  digged  in  the  soil,  or  the 
torrents  plough  open  the  surface  of  the  earth,  there  are  often 
found  hatchets  of  stone  and  vessels  of  copper,  relics  of  the  an- 
cient inhabitants  of  the  island."  2 

For  the  greater  part  of  two  days  the  ships  swept  along  this 
open  part  of  the  coast,  traversing  the  wide  Gulf  of  Xagua.  At 
length  they  came  to  where  the  sea  became  suddenly  as  white 
as  milk,  and  perfectly  turbid,  as  though  flour  had  been  mingled 
with  it.  This  is  caused  by  fine  sand,  or  calcareous  particles, 
raised  from  the  bottom  at  certain  depths  by  the  agitation  of  the 
waves  and  currents.  It  spread  great  alarm  through  the  ships, 
which  was  heightened  by  their  soon  finding  themselves  sur- 
rounded by  banks  and  keys,  and  in  shallow  water.  The  far- 
ther they  proceeded,  the  more  perilous  became  their  situation. 
They  were  in  a  narrow  channel,  where  they  had  no  room  to 
turn,  and  to  beat  out ;  where  there  was  no  hold  for  their  an- 

1  Cura  de  los  Palacios.  z  Ilumboidt,  Esaai  Pol.  sur  Cuba;  lorn.  ii.  p.  25. 


270  LIFE  OF  CnEISTOPHEE   COLUMBUS. 

chors,  and  where  they  were  violently  tossed  about  by  the 
winds,  and  in  danger  of  being  stranded.  At  length  they  came 
to  a  small  island,  where  they  found  tolerable  anchorage.  Here 
they  remained  for  the  night  in  great  anxiety  ;  many  were  for 
abandoning  all  further  prosecution  of  the  enterprise,  thinking 
that  they  might  esteem  themselves  fortunate  should  they  be 
able  to  return  from  whence  they  came.  Columbus,  however, 
could  not  consent  to  relinquish  his  voyage,  now  that  he  thought 
himself  in  the  route  for  a  brilliant  discovery.  The  next  morn- 
ing he  despatched  the  smallest  caravel  to  explore  this  new  laby- 
rinth of  islands,  and  to  penetrate  to  the  mainland  in  quest 
of  fresh  water,  of  which  the  ships  were  in  great  need.  The 
caravel  returned  with  the  report  that  the  canals  and  keys  of 
this  group  were  as  numerous  and  intricate  as  those  of  the  Gar- 
dens of  the  Queen  ;  that  the  mainland  was  bordered  by  deep 
marshes  and  a  muddy  coast,  where  the  mangrove  trees  grew 
within,  the  water,  and  so  close  together  that  they  formed,  as  it 
were,  an  impenetrable  wall ;  that  within,  the  laud  appeared 
fertile  and  mountainous  ;  and  columns  of  smoke,  rising  from 
various  parts,  gave  signs  of  numerous  inhabitants.1  Under 
the  guidance  of  this  caravel,  Columbus  now  ventured  to  pene- 
trate this  little  archipelago ;  working  his  way  with  great  cau- 
tion, toil,  and  peril,  among  the  narrow  channels  which  separated 
the  sandbanks  and  islands,  and  frequently-  getting  aground. 
At  length  he  reached  a  low  point  of  Cuba,  to  which  he  gave 
the  name  of  Point  Serafin  ;  within  which  the  coast  swept  off  to 
the  east,  forming  so  deep  a  bay  that  he  could  not  see  the  land 
at  the  bottom.  To  the  north,  however,  there  were  mountains 
afar  off,  and  the  intermediate  space  was  clear  and  open  ;  the 
islands  in  sight  lying  to  the  south  and  west;  a  description 
which  agrees  with  that  of  the  great  Bay  of  Batabano.  Colum- 
bus now  steered  for  these  mountains,  with  a  fail-  wind  and 
three  fathoms  of  water,  and  on  the  following  day  anchored  on 
the  coast  near  a  beautiful  grove  of  palm-trees. 

Here  a  party  was  sent  on  shore  for  wood  and  water  ;  and  they 
found  two  living  springs  in  the  midst  of  the  grove.  While  they 
were  employed  in  cutting  wood  and  filling  their  water-casks, 
an  archer  strayed  into  the  forest  with  his  cross-bow  in  search 
of  game,  but  soon  returned,  flying  with  great  terror,  and 
calling  loudly  upon  his  companions  for  aid.  He  declared  that 
lie  had  not  proceeded  far,  when  he  suddenly  espied,  through  an 
open  glade,  a  man  in  a  long  white  dress,  so  like  a  friar  of  the 


1  Cura  dc  loe  Talacioe,  cap.  128. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  271 

order  of  St.  Mary  of  Mercy,  that  at  first  sight  he  took  him  for 
the  chaplain  of  the  admiral.  Two  others  followed  in  white 
tunics  reaching  to  their  knees,  and  the  three  were  of  as  fair 
complexions  as  Europeans.  Behind  these  appeared  many  more, 
to  the  number  of  thirty,  armed  with  clubs  and  lances.  They 
made  no  signs  of  hostility,  but  remained  quiet,  the  man  in  the 
long  white  dress  alone  advancing  to  accost  him  ;  but  he  was  so 
alarmed  at  their  number  that  he  had  fled  instantly  to  seek  the 
aid  of  his  companions.  The  latter,  however,  were  so  daunted 
by  the  reported  number  of  armed  natives,  that  the}'  had  not 
courage  to  seek  them  nor  to  wait  their  coming,  but  hurried  with 
all  speed  to  the  ships. 

AVhen  Columbus  heard  this  story  he  was  greatly  rejoiced,  for 
he  concluded  that  these  must  be  the  clothed  inhabitants  of 
Mangon,  of  whom  he  had  recently  heard,  and  that  he  had  at 
length  arrived  at  the  confines  of  a  civilized  country,  if  not  within 
the  very  borders  of  the  rich  province  of  Mangi.  On  the  follow- 
ing day  he  despatched  a  party  of  armed  men  in  quest  of  these 
people  clad  in  white,  with  orders  to  penetrate,  if  necessary, 
forty  miles  into  the  interior,  until  the}-  met  with  some  of  the 
inhabitants;  for  he  thought  the  populous  and  cultivated  parts 
might  be  distant  from  the  sea,  and  that  there  might  be  towns 
and  cities  beyond  the  woods  and  mountains  of  the  coast.  The 
party  penetrated  through  a  belt  of  thick  forests  which  girdled 
the  shore,  and  then  entered  u[>on  a  great  plain  or  savanna,  cov- 
ered with  rank  grass  and  herbage  as  tall  as  ripe  corn,  and 
destitute  of  any  road  or  footpath.  Here  they  were  so  entangled 
and  fettered,  as  it  were,  by  matted  grass  and  creeping  vegeta- 
tion, that  it  was  with  the  utmost  difficulty  they  could  penetrate 
the  distance  of  a  mile,  when  they  had  to  abandon  the  attempt, 
and  return  weary  and  exhausted  to  the  ships. 

Another  party  was  sent  on  the  succeeding  day  to  penetrate 
in  a  different  direction.  They  had  not  proceeded  far  from  the 
coast,  when  they  beheld  the  foot-prints  of  some  large  animal 
with  claws,  which  some  supposed  the  tracks  of  a  lion,  others  of 
a  griffon,1  but  which  were  probably  made  by  the  alligators 
which  abound  in  that  vicinity.  Dismayed  at  the  sight,  they 
hastened  back  toward  the  seaside.  In  their  way  they  passed 
through  a  forest,  with  lawns  and  meadows  opening  in  various 

1  Cardinal  Pierre  de  Aliaco,  a  favorite  author  with  Columbus,  upeaks  repeatedly,  in 
his  Imago  Mundi.of  the  existence  of  griffons  in  India;  and  (rlanville,  whose  work,  De 
Propi  ielatilius  Rerum,  was  familiar  to  Columbus,  describes  them  as  having  the  body 
and  claws  nf  a  lion,  and  the  head  and  wings  of  an  eagle,  and  an  infecting  the  mountains 
which  .if  ion  1 1' 1  rd  with  gold  and  precious  stones,  so  as  to  render  the  access  to  them 
extremely  perilous.—  De  Pivprietat.  Rerum,  lib.  xviii.  cap.  150. 


272  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

parts  of  it,  in  which  were  flocks  of  cranes,  twice  the  size  of 
those  of  Europe.  Many  of  the  trees  and  shrubs  sent  forth 
those  aromatic  odors  which  were  continually  deceiving  them 
with  the  hope  of  finding  Oriental  spices.  They  saw  also  abun- 
dance of  grape-vines,  that  beautiful  feature  in  the  vegetation 
of  the  New  World.  Many  of  these  crept  to  the  summits  of 
the  highest  trees,  overwhelming  them  with  foliage,  twisting 
themselves  from  branch  to  branch,  and  bearing  ponderous 
clusters  of  juicy  grapes.  The  part}'  returned  to  the  ships 
equally  unsuccessful  with  their  predecessors,  and  pronounced 
the  country  wild  and  impenetrable,  though  exceedingly  fertile. 
As  a  proof  of  its  abundance,  they  brought  great  clusters  of 
the  wild  grapes,  which  Columbus  afterward  transmitted  to  the 
sovereigns,  together  with  a  specimen  of  the  water  of  the  White 
Sea  through  which  he  had  passed. 

As  no  tribe  of  Indians  was  ever  discovered  in  Cuba  wearing 
clothing,  it  is  probable  that  the  story  of  the  men  in  white  origi- 
nated in  some  error  of  the  archer,  who,  full  of  the  idea  of  the 
mysterious  inhabitants  of  Mangon,  may  have  been  startled  in 
the  course  of  his  lonely  wanderings  in  the  forest,  by  one  of 
those  flocks  of  cranes  which  it  seems  abounded  in  the  neighbor- 
hood. These  birds,  like  the  flamingoes,  feed  in  company,  with 
one  stationed  at  a  distance  as  sentinel.  When  seen  through 
the  openings  of  the  woodlands,  standing  in  rows  along  a  smooth 
savanna,  or  in  a  glassy  pool  of  water,  their  height  and  erect- 
ness  give  them,  at  the  first  glance,  the  semblance  of  human 
figures.  Whether  the  story  originated  in  error  or  in  falsehood, 
it  made  a  deep  impression  on  the  mind  of  Columbus,  who  was 
predisposed  to  be  deceived,  and  to  believe  every  thing  that 
favored  the  illusion  of  his  being  in  the  vicinity  of  a  civilized 
country. 

After  he  had  explored  the  deep  bay  to  the  east,  and  ascer- 
tained that  it  was  not  an  arm  of  the  sea,  he  continued  westward, 
and  proceeding  about  nine  leagues,  came  to  an  inhabited  shore, 
where  he  had  communications  with  several  of  the  natives.  They 
wt-iv  naked  as  usual ;  but  that  ho  attributed  to  their  being  mere 
fishermen  inhabiting  a  savage  coast;  he  presumed  the  civilized 
regions  to  lie  in  the  interior.  As  his  Lucayan  interpreter  did 
not  understand  the  language,  or  rather  dialect,  of  this  part  of 
Cuba,  all  the  information  which  he  could  obtain  from  the  natives 
was  necessarily  received  through  the  erroneous  medium  of  signs 
and  gesticulations.  Deluded  by  his  own  favorite  hypothesis, 
he  understood  from  them  that,  among  certain  mountains,  which 
he  saw  far  off  to  the  west,  there  was  a  powerful  king,  who 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  273 

reigned  in  great  state  over  many  populous  provinces ;  that  he 
MOIC  a  white  garment  which  swept  the  ground;  that  he  was 
called  a  saint;1  that  he  never  spoke,  but  communicated  his 
orders  to  his  subjects  by  signs,  which  were  implicitly  obeyed.2 
In  all  this  we  see  the  busy  imagination  of  the  admiral  interpret- 
ing every  thing  into  unison  with  his  preconceived  ideas.  Las 
C:isas  assures  us  that  there  was  no  cacique  ever  known  in  the 
island  who  wore  garments,  or  answered  in  other  respects  to  this 
description.  This  king,  with  the  saintly  title,  was  probably 
nothing  more  than  a  reflected  image  haunting  the  mind  of 
Columbus,  of  that  mysterious  potentate,  Prester  John,  who 
had  long  figured  in  the  narrations  of  all  eastern  travellers, 
sometimes  as  a  monarch,  sometimes  as  a  priest,  the  situation 
of  whose  empire  and  court  was  always  a  matter  of  doubt  'and 
contradiction,  and  had  recently  become  again  an  object  of 
curious  inquiry. 

The  information  derived  from  these  people  concerning  the 
coast  to  the  westward  was  entirely  vague.  They  said  that 
it  continued  for  at  least  twenty  days'  journey,  but  whether  it 
terminated  there  they  did  not  know.  They  appeared  but  little 
informed  of  any  thing  out  of  their  immediate  neighborhood. 
Taking  an  Indian  from  this  place  as  a  guide,  Columbus  steered 
for  the  distant  mountains  said  to  be  inhabited  by  this  cacique 
in  white  raiment,  hoping  they  might  prove  the  confines  of  a 
more  civilized  country.  He  had  not  gone  far  before  he  was 
involved  in  the  usual  perplexities  of  keys,  shelves,  and  sand- 
banks. The  vessels  frequently  stirred  up  the  sand  and  slime 
from  the  bottom  of  the  sea ;  at  other  times  they  were  almost 
imbedded  in  narrow  channels,  where  there  was  no  room  to  tack, 
and  it  was  necessary  to  haul  them  forward  by  means  of  the 
capstan,  to  their  great  injury.  At  one  time  they  came  to  where 
the  sea  was  almost  covered  with  tortoises  ;  at  another  time 
flights  of  cormorants  and  wood-pigeons  darkened  the  sun,  and 
one  day  the  whole  air  was  filled  with  clouds  of  gaud}7  butter- 
flies, until  dispelled  by  the  evening  shower. 

When  they  approached  the  mountainous  regions,  they  found 
the  coast  bordered  by  drowned  lands  or  morasses,  and  beset  by 
such  thick  forests  that  it  was  impossible  to  penetrate  to  the 
interior.  The}'  were  several  days  seeking  fresh  water,  of  which 
they  were  in  great  want.  At  length  they  found  a  spring  in  a 
grove  of  palm-trees,  and  near  it  shells  of  the  pearl-oyster,  from 

1  Que  le  llaiiKiban  panto  e  que  traia  tunica  blauca  quo  le  araslra  por  el  suelo. —  Cura 
de  lux  1'nlin  ion,  i-ap.  1-S. 

1  Herrcru,  Uist.  lud.,  dec.  i.  lib.  ii.  cap.  14. 


274  LIFE  OF  CIIItlSTOPUER   COLUMBUS. 

which  Columbus  thought  there  might  be  a  valuable  pearl-fishery 
in  the  neighborhood. 

While  thus  cut  off  from  all  intercourse  with  the  interior  by  a 
belt  of  swamp  and  forest,  the  country  appeared  to  be  well 
peopled.  Columns  of  smoke  ascended  from  various  parts, 
which  grew  more  frequent  as  the  vessels  advanced,  until  they 
rose  from  every  rock  and  woody  height.  The  Spaniards  were 
at  a  loss  to  determine  whether  these  arose  from  villages  and 
towns,  or  whether  from  signal  fires,  to  give  notice  of  the 
approach  of  the  ships,  and  to  alarm  the  country,  such  as  were 
usual  on  European  sea-shores,  when  an  enemy  was  descried 
hovering  in  the  vicinity. 

For  several  days  Columbus  continued  exploring  this  per- 
plexed and  lonely  coast,  whose  intricate  channels  are  seldom 
visited,  even  at  the  present  day,  excepting  by  the  solitary  and 
lurking  bark  of  the  smuggler.  As  he  proceeded,  however,  he 
found  that  the  coast  took  a  general  bend  to  the  south-west. 
This  accorded  precisely  with  the  descriptions  given  by  Marco 
Polo  of  the  remote  coast  of  Asia.  He  now  became  fully  as- 
sured that  he  was  on  that  part  of  the  Asiatic  continent  which 
is  be3'ond  the  boundaries  of  the  Old  World  as  laid  down  by 
Ptolemy.  Let  him  but  continue  this  course,  he  thought,  and  he 
must  surely  arrive  to  the  point  where  this  range  of  coast  ter- 
minated in  the  Aurea  Chersonesus  of  the  ancients.1 

The  ardent  imagination  of  Columbus  was  always  sallying  in 
the  advance,  and  suggesting  some  splendid  track  of  enterprise. 
Combining  his  present  conjectures  as  to  his  situation  with  the 
imperfect  lights  of  geography,  he  conceived  a  triumphant  route 
for  his  return  to  Spain.  Doubling  the  Aurea  Chersonesus,  he 
should  emerge  into  the  seas  frequented  by  the  ancients,  and 
bordered  by  the  luxurious  nations  of  the  Plast.  Stretching 
across  the  Gulf  of  the  Ganges,  he  might  pass  by  Taprobana, 
and  continuing  on  to  the  straits  of  Babelmandel,  arrive  on  the 
shores  of  the  Red  Sea.  Thence  he  might  make  his  way  by  laud 
to  Jerusalem,  taking  shipping  at  Joppa,  and  traverse  the  Medi- 
terranean to  Spain.  Or  should  the  route  from  Ethiopia  to  Jeru- 
salem be  deemed  too  perilous  from  savage  and  warlike  tribes, 
or  should  he  not  choose  to  separate  from  his  vessels,  he  might 
sail  round  the'whole  coast  of  Africa,  pass  triumphantly  by  the 
Portuguese,  in  their  midway  groping  along  the  shores  of  Guinea, 
and  after  having  thus  circumnavigated  the  globe,  furl  his  adven- 
turous sails  at  the  Pillars  of  Hercules,  the  ne  plus  ultra  of  the 

1  The  present  peninsula  of  Malacca. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  275 

ancient  world  !  Such  was  the  soaring  meditation  of  Columbus, 
as  recorded  by  one  of  his  intimate  associates  ; l  nor  is  there  any 
thing  surprising  in  his  ignorance  of  the  real  magnitude  of  our 
globe.  The  mechanical  admeasurement  of  a  known  part  of  its 
circle  has  rendered  its  circumference  a  familiar  fact  in  our  day  ; 
but  in  his  time  it  still  remained  a  problem  with  the  most  pro- 
found philosophers. 


CHAPTER  V. 

RETURN   OF   COLUMBUS   ALONG   THE    SOUTHERN   COAST   OF    CUBA. 

[1494.] 

THE  opinion  of  Columbus,  that  he  was  coasting  the  continent 
of  Asia,  and  approaching  the  confines  of  eastern  civilization, 
was  shared  by  all  his  fellow-voyagers,  among  whom  were  several 
able  and  experienced  navigators.  They  were  far,  however, 
from  sharing  his  enthusiasm.  They  were  to  derive  no  glory 
from  the  success  of  the  enterprise,  and  they  shrunk  from  its 
increasing  difficulties  and  perils.  The  ships  were  strained  and 
crazed  by  the  various  injuries  they  had  received,  in  running 
frequently  aground.  Their  cables  and  rigging  were  worn,  their 
provisions  were  growing  scanty,  a  great  part  of  the  biscuit  was 
spoiled  by  the  sea-water,  which  oozed  in  through  innumerable 
leaks.  The  crews  were  worn  out  by  incessant  labor,  and  dis- 
heartened at  the  appearance  of  the  sea  before  them,  which 
continued  to  exhibit  a  mere  wilderness  of  islands.  They  remon- 
strated, therefore,  against  persisting  any  longer  in  this  voyage. 
They  had  already  followed  the  coast  far  enough  to  satisfy  their 
minds  that  it  was  a  continent,  and  though  they  doubted  not 
that  civilized  regions  lay  in  the  route  they  were  pursuing,  yet 
their  provisions  might  be  exhausted,  and  their  vessels  disabled, 
before  they  could  arrive  at  them. 

Columbus,  as  his  imagination  cooled,  was  himself  aware  of 
the  inadequacy  of  his  vessels  to  the  contemplated  voyage  ;  but 
felt  it  of  importance  to  his  fame  and  to  the  popularity  of  his 
enterprises,  to  furnish  satisfactory  proofs  that  the  land  he  had 
discovered  was  a  continent.  He  therefore  persisted  four  days 
longer  in  exploring  the  coast,  as  it  bent  to  the  south-west,  until 

1  Cura  de  Ion  Palacios,  cap.  123,  MS. 


276  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

every  one  declared  there  could  no  longer  be  a  doubt  on  the  sub- 
ject, for  it  was  impossible  so  vast  a  continuity  of  land  should 
belong  to  a  mere  island.  The  admiral  was  determined,  how- 
ever, that  the  fact  should  not  rest  on  his  own  assertion  merely, 
having  had  recent  proofs  of  a  disposition  to  gainsay  his  state- 
ments, and  depreciate  his  discoveries.  He  sent  round,  there- 
fore, a  public  notary,  Fernand  Perez  de  Luna,  to  eacli  of  the 
vessels,  accompanied  by  four  witnesses,  who  demanded  formally 
of  every  person  on  board,  from  the  captain  to  the  ship-boy, 
whether  he  had  any  doubt  that  the  land  before  him  was  a  con- 
tinent, the  beginning  and  end  of  the  Indies,  by  which  any  one 
might  return  overland  to  Spain,  and  by  pursuing  the  coast  of 
which,  they  could  soon  arrive  among  civilized  people.  If  any 
one  entertained  a  doubt,  he  was  called  upon  to  express  it,  that  it 
might  be  removed.  On  board  of  the  vessels,  as  has  been 
observed,  were  several  experienced  navigators  and  men  well 
versed  in  the  geographical  knowledge  of  the  times.  They  ex- 
amined their  maps  and  charts,  and  the  reckonings  and  journals 
of  the  voyage,  and  after  deliberating  maturely,  declared,  under 
oath,  that  the}7  had  no  doubt  upon  the  subject.  They  grounded 
their  belief  principally  upon  their  having  coasted  for  three  hun- 
dred and  thirty-five  leagues,1  an  extent  unheard  of  as  appertain- 
ing to  an  island,  while  the  land  continued  to  stretch  forward 
interminably,  bending  toward  the  south,  conformably  to  the 
description  of  the  remote  coasts  of  India. 

Lest  they  should  subsequently,  out  of  malice  or  caprice,  con- 
tradict the  opinion  thus  solemnly  avowed,  it  was  proclaimed  by 
the  notary,  that  whoever  should  offend  in  such  manner,  if  an 
officer,  should  pay  a  penalty  of  ten  thousand  inaravedies  ;  if  a 
ship-boy  or  person  of  like  rank,  he  should  receive  a  hundred 
lashes,  and  have  his  tongue  cut  out.  A  formal  statement  was 
afterward  drawn  up  by  the  notary,  including  the  depositions 
and  names  of  every  individual ;  which  document  still  exists.2 
This  singular  process  took  place  near  that  deep  bay  called  by 
some  the  Bay  of  Philipina,  by  others  of  Cortes.  At  this  very 
time,  as  has  been  remarked,  a  ship-boy  from  the  masthead  might 
have  overlooked  the  group  of  islands  to  the  south,  and  beheld 
the  open  sea  beyond.8  Two  or  three  days'  farther  sail  would 
have  carried  Columbus  round  the  extremity  of  Cuba ;  would 


1  This  calculation  evidently  includes  all  the  courses  of  the  ships  in  their  various  tacks 
along  the  coast.  Columbus  could  hardly  have  made  such  an  error  an  to  have  trivuu  this 
extent  to  the  southern  side  of  the  island,  even  including  the  inflections  of  the  coast. 

-  Xavarrete,  ('ollec.,  torn.  ii. 

s  Mufioz,  llist.  X.  Mundo,  lib.  v.  p.  217. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  277 

have  dispelled  his  illusion,  and  might  have  given  an  entirely 
different  course  to  his  subsequent  discoveries.  In  his  present 
conviction  he  lived  and  died;  believing,  to  his  last  hour,  that 
Cuba  was  the  extremity  of  the  Asiatic  continent. 

Relinquishing  all  further  investigation  of  the  coast,  he  stood 
to  the  south-east  on  the  13th  of  June,  and  soon  came  in  sight 
of  a  large  island  with  mountains  rising  majestically  among  this 
labyrinth  of  little  keys.  To  this  he  gave  the  name  of  Evauuvl- 
ista.  It  is  at  present  known  as  the  Island  of  Pines,  and  is 
celebrated  for  its  excellent  mahogany. 

Here  he  anchored,  and  took  in  a  supply  of  wood  and  water. 
He  then  stood  to  the  south,  along  the  shores  of  the  island, 
hoping  by  turning  its  southern  extremity  to  find  an  open  route 
eastward  for  Hispaniola,  and  intending,  on  his  way,  to  run 
along  the  southern  side  of  Jamaica.  He  had  not  proceeded  far 
before  he  came  to  what  he  supposed  to  be  a  channel,  opening 
to  the  south-east  between  Evangelista  and  some  opposite  island. 
After  entering  for  some  distance,  however,  he  found  himself 
enclosed  in  a  deep  bay,  being  the  Lagoon  of  Siguanca,  which 
penetrates  far  into  the  island. 

Observing  dismay  painted  on  the  faces  of  his  crew  at  finding 
themselves  thus  land-locked  and  almost  destitute  of  provisions, 
Columbus  cheered  them  with  encouraging  words,  and  resolved 
to  extricate  himself  from  this  perplexing  maze  by  retracing  his 
course  along  Cuba.  Leaving  the  lagoon,  therefore,  he  returned 
to  his  last  anchoring  place,  and  set  sail  thence  on  the  *2oth  of 
June,  navigating  back  through  the  groups  of  islands  between 
Evangelista  and  Cuba,  and  across  a  tract  of  the  White  Sea, 
which  had  so  much  appalled  his  people.  Here  he  experienced 
a  repetition  of  the  anxieties,  perils,  and  toils  which  had  beset 
him  in  his  advance  along  the  coast.  The  crews  were  alarmed  by 
the  frequent  changes  in  the  color  of  the  water,  sometimes  green, 
sometimes  almost  black,  at  other  times  as  white  as  milk  ;  at  one 
time  they  fancied  themselves  surrounded  by  rocks,  at  another 
the  sea  appeared  to  be  a  vast  sand-bank.  On  the  30th  of  June 
the  admiral's  ship  ran  aground  with  such  violence  as  to  sustain 
great  injury.  Every  effort  to  extricate  her  by  sending  out 
anchors  astern  was  ineffectual,  and  it  was  necessary  to  drag 
her  over  the  shoal  by  the  prow.  At  length  they  emerged  from 
the  clusters  of  islands  called  the  Jardins  and  Jardinelles,  and 
came  to  the  open  part  of  the  coast  of  Cuba.  Here  they  once 
more  sailed  along  the  beautiful  and  fertile  province  of  Ornofay, 
and  were  again  delighted  with  fragrant  and  honeyed  airs,  wafted 
from  the  land.  Among  the  mingled  odors,  the  admiral  fancied 


278  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

he  could  perceive  that  of  storax  proceeding  from  the  smoke  of 
fires  blazing  on  the  shores.1 

Here  Columbus  sought  some  convenient  harbor  where  he 
might  procure  wood  and  water,  and  allow  his  crews  to  enjoy 
repose  and  the  recreations  of  the  land  ;  for  they  were  exceed- 
ingly enfeebled  and  emaciated  by  the  toils  and  privations  of 
the  voyage.  For  nearly  two  months  they  had  been  struggling 
with  perpetual  difficulties  and  dangers,  and  suffering  from  a 
scarcity  of  provisions.  Among  these  uninhabited  keys  and 
drowned  shores,  their  supplies  from  the  natives  had  been  pre- 
carious and  at  wide  intervals  ;  nor  could  the  fresh  provisions 
thus  furnished  last  above  a  day,  from  the  heat  and  humidity 
of  the  climate.  It  was  the  same  case  with  any  fish  they  might 
'chance  to  catch,  so  that  they  had  to  depend  almost  entirely 
upon  their  daily  allowance  of  ships'  provisions,  which  was 
reduced  to  a  pound  of  mouldy  bread  and  a  small  portion  of 
wine.  With  joy,  therefore,  they  anchored  on  the  7th  of  July  iu 
the  mouth  of  a  fine  river,  in  this  genial  and  abundant  region. 
The  cacique  of  the  neighborhood,  who  reigned  over  an  exten- 
sive territory,  received  the  admiral  with  demonstrations  of 
mingled  joy  and  reverence,  and  his  subjects  came  laden  with 
whatever  their  country  afforded  —  utias,  birds  of  various  kinds, 
particularly  large  pigeons,  cassava  bread,  and  fruits  of  a  rich 
and  aromatic  flavor. 

It  was  a  custom  with  Columbus,  in  all  remarkable  places 
which  he  visited,  to  erect  crosses  in  conspicuous  situations,  to 
denote  the  discovery  of  the  country,  and  its  subjugation  to  the 
true  faith.  He  ordered  a  large  cross  of  wood,  therefore,  to  be 
elevated  on  the  bank  of  this  river.  This  was  done  on  a  Sunday 
morning  with  great  ceremony,  and  the  celebration  of  a  solemn 
mass.  When  he  disembarked  for  this  purpose,  he  was  met 
upon  the  shore  by  the  cacique  and  his  principal  favorite,  a 
venerable  Indian,  fourscore  years  of  age,  of  grave  and  dignified 
deportment.  The  old  man  brought  a  string  of  beads,  of  a  kind 
to  which  the  Indians  attached  a  mystic  value,  and  a  calabash 
of  a  delicate  kind  of  fruit ;  these  he  presented  to  the  admiral  in 
token  of  amity.  He  and  the  cacique  then  each  took  him  by 
the  hand  and  proceeded  with  him  to  the  grove,  where  prepara- 
tions had  been  made  for  the  celebration  of  the  mass  ;  a  multi- 
tude of  the  natives  followed.  While  mass  was  performing  in 
this  natural  temple,  the  Indians  looked  on  with  awe  and  rev- 

i  Hnnboldt  (in  his  Essai  Polit.,  torn.  ii.  p.  24)  speaks  of  the  fragrance  of  flowers 
and  houey  which  exhales  from  this  same  coast,  and  which  is  perceptible  to  a  considerable 
distance  at  sea. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  279 

erence,  perceiving  from  the  tones  and  gesticulations  of  the 
priest,  the  lighted  tapers,  the  smoking  incense,  and  the  devo- 
tion of  the  Spaniards,  that  it  must  be  a  ceremony  of  a  sacred 
and  mysterious  nature.  When  the  service  was  ended,  the  old 
man  of  fourscore,  who  had  contemplated  it  with  profound 
attention,  approached  Columbus,  and  made  him  an  oration  in 
the  Indian  manner. 

44  This  which  tliou  hast  been  doing,"  said  he,  "is  well,  for  it 
appears  to  be  thy  manner  of  giving  thanks  to  God.  I  am  told 
that  thou  hast  lately  come  to  these  lands  with  a  mighty  force, 
and  subdued  many  countries,  spreading  great  fear  among  the 
people ;  but  be  not,  therefore,  vainglorious.  Know  that, 
according  to  our  belief,  the  souls  of  men  have  two  journeys  to 
perform  after  they  have  departed  from  the  body.  One  to  a 
place,  dismal,  and  foul,  and  covered  with  darkness,  prepared 
for  those  who  have  been  unjust  and  cruel  to  their  fellow-men  ; 
the  other  pleasant  and  full  of  delight,  for  such  as  have  promoted 
peace  on  earth.  If,  then,  thou  art  mortal  and  dost  expect  to 
die,  and  dost  believe  that  each  one  shall  be  rewarded  accord- 
ing to  his  deeds,  beware  that  thou  wrongfully  hurt  no  man, 
nor  do  harm  to  those  who  have  done  no  harm  to  thee."  1  The 
admiral,  to  whom  this  speech  was  explained  by  his  Lucayan 
interpreter,  Diego  Colon,  was  greatly  moved  by  the  simple 
eloquence  of  this  untutored  savage.  He  told  him  in  reply  that 
he  rejoiced  to  hear  his  doctrine  respecting  the  future  state  of 
the  soul,  having  supposed  that  no  belief  of  the  kind  existed 
among  the  inhabitants  of  these  countries.  That  he  had  been 
sent  among  them  by  his  sovereigns,  to  teach  them  the  true 
religion  ;  to  protect  them  from  harm  and  injury  ;  and  especially 
to  subdue  and  punish  their  enemies  and  persecutors,  the  canni- 
bals. That,  therefore,  all  innocent  and  peaceable  men  might 
look  up  to  him  with  confidence,  as  an  assured  friend  and  pro- 
tector. 

The  old  man  was  overjoyed  at  these  words,  but  was  equally 
astonished  to  learn  that  the  admiral,  whom  he  considered  so 
great  and  powerful,  was  yet  but  a  subject.  His  wonder  in- 
creased when  the  interpreter  told  him  of  the  riches,  and  splen- 
dor, and  power  of  the  Spanish  mouarchs,  and  of  the  wonderful 
things  he  had  beheld  on  his  visit  to  Spain.  Finding  himself 
listened  to  with  eager  curiosity  by  the  multitude,  the  interpre- 
ter went  on  to  describe  the  objects  which  had  most  struck  his 
mind  in  the  country  of  the  white  men.  The  splendid  cities,  the 

1  Herrera,  dec*d.  i.  lib.  xi.  cap.  14.  Hi«t.  del  Almirante,  cap.  57.  Peter  Martyr, 
decad.  :.  lib.  iii.  Curade  los  Pulacios,  cap.  130. 


280  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

vast  churches,  the  troops  of  horsemen,  the  great  animals  of 
various  kinds,  the  pompous  festivals  and  tournaments  of  the 
court,  the  glittering  armies,  and,  above  all,  the  bull-fights. 
The  Indians  all  listened  in  mute  amazement,  bukthe  old  man 
was  particularly  excited.  He  was  of  a  curious  and  wandering 
disposition,  and  had  been  a  great  voyager,  having  according  to 
his  account,  visited  Jamaica,  and  Hispariiola,  and  the  remote 
parts  of  Cuba.1  A  sudden  desire  now  seized  him  to  behold  the 
glorious  country  thus  described,  and,  old  as  he  was,  he  offered 
to  embark  with  the  admiral.  His  wife  and  children,  however, 
beset  him  with  such  lamentations  and  remonstrances,  that  he 
was  obliged  to  abandon  the  intention,  though  he  did  it  with 
great  reluctance,  asking  repeatedly  if  the  land  they  spoke  of 
were  not  heaven,  for  it  seemed  to  him  impossible  that  earth 
could  produce  such  wonderful  beings.'2 


CHAPTER  VI. 

COASTING   VOYAGE   ALONG   THE    SOUTH    SIDE   OF   JAMAICA. 
[1494.] 

COLUMBUS  remained  for  several  days  at  anchor  in  the  river, 
to  which,  from  the  mass  performed  on  its  banks,  he  gave  tke 
name  of  Rio  de  la  Misa.  At  length,  on  tire  16th  of  July,  he 
took  leave  of  the  friendly  cacique  and  his  ancient  counsellor, 
who  beheld  his  departure  with  sorrowful  countenances.  He 
took  a  young  Indian  with  him  from  this  place,  whom  lie  after- 
ward sent  to  the  Spanish  sovereigns.  Leaving  to  the  left  the 
Queen's  Gardens,  he  steered  south  for  the  broad  open  sea  and 
deep  blue  water,  until  having  a  free  navigation  he  could  stand 
eastward  for  Hispaniola.  He  had  scarcely  got  clear  of  the 
islands,  however,  when  he  was  assailed  by  furious  gusts  of 
wind  and  rain,  which  for  two  claj's  pelted  his  crazy  vessels,  and 
harassed  his  enfeebled  crews.  At  length,  as  he  approached 
Cape  Cruz,  a  violent  squall  struck  the  ships,  and  nearly  threw 
them  on  their  beam-ends.  Fortunately  they  were  able  to  take 
in  sail  immediately,  and,  letting  go  their  largest  anchors,  rode 
out  the  transient  gale.  The  admiral's  ship  was  so  strained  by 
the  injuries  received  among  the  islands,  that  she  leaked  at 
every  seam,  and  the  utmost  exertions  of  the  weary  crew  could 

»  Hist,  del  Aluriraute,  c»p.  57.         »  Peter  Martyr,  decad.  i.  lib.  iii. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  281 

not  prevent  the  water  from  gaining  on  her.  At  length  they 
were  enabled  to  reach  Cape  Cruz,  where  the\"  anchored  on  the 
18th  of  July,  and  remained  three  days,  receiving  the  same  hos- 
pitable succor  from  the  natives  that  they  had  experienced  on 
their  former  visit.  The  wind  continuing  contrary  for  the  re- 
turn to  Hispauiola,  Columbus,  on  the  23d  of  July,  stood  across 
for  Jamaica,  to  complete  the  circumnavigation  of  that  island. 
For  nearly  a  month  he  continued  beating  to  the  eastward  along 
its  southern  coast,  experiencing  just  such  variable  winds  and 
evening  showers  as  had  prevailed  along  the  shores  of  Cuba. 
Every  evening  he  was  obliged  to  anchor  under  the  land,  often 
at  nearly  the  same  place  whence  he  had  sailed  in  the  morning. 
The  natives  no  longer  manifested  hostility,  but  followed  the 
ships  in  their  canoes,  bringing  supplies  of  provisions.  Colum- 
bus was  so  much  delighted  with  the  verdure,  freshness,  and 
fertility  of  this  noble  island,  that,  had  the  state  of  his  vessels 
and  crews  permitted,  he  would  gladly  have  remained  to  explore 
the  interior.  He  spoke  with  admiration  of  its  frequent  and  ex- 
cellent harbors,  but  was  partic.ilarly  pleased  with  a  great  bay, 
containing  seven  islands,  and  surrounded  by  numerous  vil- 
lages.1 Anchoring  here  one  evening,  he  was  visited  by  a 
cacique  who  resided  in  a  large  village,  situated  on  an  eminence 
of  the  loftiest  and  most  fertile  of  the  islands.  lie  came  attend- 
ed by  a  numerous  train,  bearing  refreshments,  and  manifested 
great  curiosity  in  his  inquiries  concerning  the  Spaniards,  their 
ships,  and  the  region  whence  they  came.  The  admiral  made 
his  customary  reply,  setting  forth  the  great  power  and  the  be- 
nign intentions  of  the  Spanish  sovereigns.  The  Lucayan  in- 
terpreter again  enlarged  upon  the  wonders  he  had  beheld  in 
Spain,  the  prowess  of  the  Spaniards,  the  countries  they  had 
visited  and  subjugated,  and,  above  all,  their  having  made  de- 
scents on  the  islands  of  the  Caribs,  routed  their  formidable 
inhabitants,  and  carried  several  of  them  into  captivity.  To 
these  accounts  the  cacique  and  his  followers  remained  listening 
in  profound  attention  until  the  night  was  advanced. 

The  next  morning  the  ships  were  under  way  and  standing 
along  the  coast  with  a  light  wind  and  easy  sail,  when  they  be- 
held three  canoes  issuing  from  among  the  islands  of  the  bay. 
They  approached  in  regular  order ;  one,  which  was  very  large 
and  handsomely  carved  and  painted,  was  in  the  centre,  a  little 
in  advance  of  the  other  two,  which  appeared  to  attend  and 
guard  it. 

1  From  the  description,  this  must  be  the  great  bay  east  of  Portland  Point,  at  the 
bottom  of  which  id  Old  Harbor. 


282  LIFE  Of   CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

In  this  was  seated  the  cacique  and  his  family,  consisting  of 
his  wife,  two  daughters,  two  sons,  and  five  brothers.  One  of 
the  daughters  was  eighteen  years  of  age,  beautiful  in  form  and 
countenance ;  her  sister  was  somewhat  younger ;  both  were 
naked,  according  to  the  custom  of  these  islands,  but  were  of 
modest  demeanor.  In  the  prow  of  the  canoe  stood  the  standard- 
bearer  of  the  cacique,  clad  in  a  mantle  of  variegated  feathers, 
with  a  tuft  of  gay  plumes  on  his  head,  and  bearing  in  his  hand 
a  fluttering  white  banner.  Two  Indians  with  caps  or  helmets 
of  feathers  of  uniform  shape  and  color,  and  their  faces  painted 
in  a  similar  manner,  beat  upon  tabors  ;  two  others,  with  hats 
curiously  wrought  of  green  feathers,  held  trumpets  of  a  fine 
black  wood,  ingeniously  carved ;  there  were  six  others,  in  large 
hats  of  white  feathers,  who  appeared  to  be  guards  to  the 
cacique. 

Having  arrived  alongside  of  the  admiral's  ship,  the  cacique 
entered  on  board  with  all  his  train.  He  appeared  in  full  regalia. 
Around  his  head  was  a  band  of  small  stones  of  various  colors, 
but  principally  green,  symmetrically  arranged,  with  large  white 
stones  at  intervals,  and  connected  in  front  by  a  large  jewel  of 
gold.  Two  plates  of  gold  were  suspended  to  his  ears  by  rings 
of  very  small  green  stones.  To  a  necklace  of  white  beads,  of 
a  kind  deemed  precious  b}-  them,  was  suspended  a  large  plate,  in 
the  form  of  a  fleur-de-lis,  of  guanin,  an  inferior  species  of  gold  ; 
and  a  girdle  of  variegated  stones  similar  to  those  round  his 
head,  completed  his  regal  decorations.  His  wife  was  adorned 
in  a  similar  manner,  having  also  a  very  small  apron  of  cotton, 
and  bauds  of  the  same  round  her  arms  and  legs.  The  daugh- 
ters were  without  ornaments,  excepting  the  eldest  and  hand- 
somest, who  had  a  girdle  of  small  stones,  from  which  was  sus- 
pended a  tablet,  the  size  of  an  ivy  leaf,  composed  of  various 
colored  stones,  embroidered  on  network  of  cotton. 

When  the  cacique  entered  on  board  the  ship,  he  distributed 
presents  of  the  productions  of  his  island  among  the  officers  and 
men.  The  admiral  was  at  this  time  in  his  cabin,  engaged  in 
his  morning  devotions.  When  he  appeared  on  deck,  the  chief- 
tain hastened  to  meet  him  with  an  animated  countenance. 
'•  My  friend,"  said  he,  "  I  have  determined  to  leave  my  coun- 
try, and  to  accompany  thee.  I  have  heard  from  these  Indians 
who  are  with  thee  of  the  irresistible  power  of  thy  sovereigns, 
and  of  the  many  nations  thou  hast  subdued  in  their  name. 
Whoever  refuses  obedience  to  thee  is  sure  to  suffer.  Thou  hast 
destroyed  the  canoes  and  dwellings  of  the  Caribs,  slaying  their 
warriors,  and  carrying  into  captivity  their  wives  and  children. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  283 

All  these  islands  are  in  dread  of  thce  ;  for  who  can  withstand 
thec  now  that  thoti  knowest  the  secrets  of  the  land,  and  the 
weakness  of  the  people.  Rather,  therefore,  than  thou  shouldst 
take  away  my  dominions  I  will  embark  with  all  my  household 
in  thy  ships,  and  will  go  to  do  homage  to  thy  king  and  queen, 
and  to  behold  their  country,  of  which  thy  Indians  relate  such 
wonders."  When  this  speech  was  explained  to  Columbus,  and 
he  beheld  the  wife,  the  sons  and  daughters  of  the  cacique,  and 
thought  upon  the  snares  to  which  their  ignorance  and  simplicity 
would  be  exposed,  he  was  touched  with  compassion  and  deter- 
mined not  to  take  them  from  their  native  land.  He  replied  to 
the  cacique,  therefore,  that  he  received  him  under  his  protection 
as  a  vassal  of  his  sovereigns,  but  having  man}'  lands  yet  to 
visit  before  he  returned  to  his  country,  he  would  at  some  future 
time  fulfil  his  desire.  Then  taking  leave  with  many  expressions 
of  amity,  the  cacique,  with  his  wife  and  daughters,  and  all  his 
retinue,  re-embarked  in  the  canoes,  returning  reluctantly  to  their 
island,  and  the  ships  continued  ou  their  course.1 


CHAPTER  VII. 

VOYAGE    ALONG    THE    SOUTH     SIDE    OF    HISPANIOLA,    AND    RETURN 
TO   ISABELLA. 

[1494.] 

ON  the  10th  of  August,  Columbus  lost  sight  of  the  eastern 
extremity  of  Jamaica,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Cape 
Farol.  at  present  called  Point  Morant.  Steering  eastward,  he 
beheld,  ou  the  following  day,  that  long  peninsula  of  Hispau- 
iola.  known  by  the  name  of  Cape  Tiburon,  but  to  which  he  gave 
the  name  of  Cape  San  Miguel.  He  was  not  aware  that  it  was 
a  part  of  the  island  of  Hayti,  until,  coasting  along  its  southern 
side,  a  cacique  came  off  on  the  23d  of  August,  and  called  him 


1  Hitherto,  in  narrating  the  voyage  of  Columbus  along  the  coast  of  Cuba,  I  have  been 
guided  principally  by  the  manuscript  history  of  the  curate  de  los  I'alacios.  His  account 
is  the  most  clear  and  satisfactory  us  to  name*,  dates,  and  routes,  and  contains  many 
characteristic  particulars  not  inserted  in  any  other  history.  His  sources  of  information 
were  of  the  highest  kind.  Columbus  wa»  his  guest  after  his  return  to  Spain  in  149ti,  and 
left  with  him  hi«  manuscripts,  journals,  and  memorandums;  from  these  he  made  ex- 
tracts, collating  them  with  the  letters  of  Doctor  Chauca,  and  other  persons  of  note  who 
bad  accompanied  the  admiral. 

I  have  examined  two  copies  of  the  NfS.  of  the  curate  d?  los  Falacios,  both  in  the  pos- 
session of  O.  Rich,  Ksq.  One  written  in  an  ancient  handwriting,  in  the  early  part  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  varies  from  the  other,  but  only  iu  a  few  trivial  particulars. 


284  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER    COLUMBUS. 

by  his  title,  addressing  him  with  several  words  of  Castilian. 
The  sound  of  these  words  spread  joy  through  the  ship,  and  the 
weary  seamen  heard  with  delight  that  the}-  were  on  the  southern 
coast  of  Hispaniola.  They  had  still,  however,  many  toilsome 
days  before  them.  The  weather  was  boisterous,  the  wind  con- 
trary and  capricious,  and  the  ships  were  separated  from  each 
other.  About  the  end  of  August,  Columbus  anchored  at  a  small 
island,  or  rather  rock,  which  rises  singly  out  of  the  sea  opposite 
to  a  long  cape,  stretching  southward  from  the  centre  of  the 
island,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Cape  Beata.  The  rock  at 
which  he  anchored  had  the  appearance,  at  a  distance,  of  a  tall 
ship  under  sail,  from  which  circumstance  the  admiral  called  it 
*•  Alto  Velo."  Several  seamen  were  ordered  to  climb  to  the  top 
of  the  island,  which  commanded  a  great  extent  of  ocean,  and 
to  look  out  for  the  other  ships.  Nothing  of  them  was  to  be  seen. 
On  their  return  the  sailors  killed  eight  sea-wolves,  which  were 
sleeping  on  the  sands  ;  they  also  knocked  down  many  pigeons 
and  other  birds  with  sticks,  and  took  others  with  the  hand  ;  for 
in  this  unfrequented  island,  the  animals  seemed  to  have  none 
of  that  wildness  and  timidity  produced  by  the  hostility  of  man. 

Being  rejoined  by  the  two  caravels,  he  continued  along  the 
»  coast,  passing  the  beautiful  country  watered  by  the  branches  of 
the  Neyva,  where  a  fertile  plain,  covered  with  villages  and 
groves,  extended  into  the  interior.  After  proceeding  some  dis- 
tance farther  to  the  east,  the  admiral  learnt  from  the  natives 
who  came  off  to  the  ships,  that  several  Spaniards  from  the  set- 
tlement had  penetrated  to  their  province.  From  all  that  he 
could  learn  from  these  people,  every  thing  appeared  to  be  going 
on  well  in  the  island.  Encouraged  by  the  tranquillity  of  the 
interior,  he  landed  nine  men  here,  with  orders  to  traverse  the 
island,  and  give  tidings  of  his  safe  arrival  on  the  coast. 

Continuing  to  the  eastward,  he  sent  a  boat  on  shore  forwatet 
near  a  large  village  on  a  plain.  The  inhabitants  issued  forth 
with  bows  and  arrows  to  give  battle,  while  others  were  provided 
with  cords  to  bind  prisoners.  These  were  the  natives  of  Higuey, 
the  eastern  province  of  Hispaniola.  They  were  the  most  war- 
like people  of  the  island,  having  been  inured  to  arms  from  the 
frequent  descents  of  the  Caribs.  They  were  said  also  to  make 
use  of  poisoned  arrows.  In  the  present  instance,  their  hostility 
was  but  in  appearance.  When  the  crew  landed,  they  threw  by 
their  weapons,  and  brought  various  articles  of  food,  and  asked 
for  the  admiral,  whose  fame  had  spread  throughout  the  island, 
and  in  whose  justice  and  magnanimit}-  all  appeared  to  repose  con- 
fidence. After  leaving  this  place,  the  weather,  which  had  been 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS,  285 

so  long  variable  and  adverse,  assumed  a  threatening  appearance. 
A  huge  fish,  as  large  as  a  moderate-sized  whale,  raised  itself  out 
of  the  water  one  day,  having  a  shell  on  its  neck  like  that  of  a 
tortoise,  two  great  tins  like  wings,  and  a  tail  like  that  of  a  tunny 
fish.  At  sight  of  this  fish  and  at  the  indications  of  the  clouds 
and  sky,  Columbus  anticipated  an  approaching  storm,  and 
sought  for  some  secure  harbor.1  He  found  a  channel  opening 
between  Hispaniola,  and  a  small  island,  called  by  the  Indians 
Adamaney,  but  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Saona  ;  here  he 
took  refuge,  anchoring  beside  a  key  or  islet  in  the  middle  of  the 
channel.  On  the  night  of  his  arrival,  there  was  an  eclipse  of 
the  moon,  and  taking  an  observation,  he  found  the  difference 
of  longitude  between  Saona  and  Cadiz  to  be  five  hours  and 
twenty-three  minutes.2  This  is  upward  of  eighteen  degrees 
more  than  the  true  longitude  ;  an  error  which  must  have  re- 
sulted from  the  incorrectness  of  his  table  of  eclipses.8 

For  eight  days  the  admiral's  ship  remained  weather-bound  in 
this  channel,  during  which  time  he  suffered  great  anxiety  for 
the  fate  of  the  other  vessels,  which  remained  at  sea,  exposed  to 
the  violence  of  the  storm.  They  escaped,  however,  uninjured, 
and  once  more  rejoined  him  when  the  weather  had  moderated. 

Leaving  the  channel  of  ISaona,  they  reached,  on  the  24th  of 
September,  the  eastern  extremity  of  Hispaniola,  to  which  Co- 
lumbus gave  the  name  of  Cape  San  Rafael,  at  present  known  as 
Cape  Engaiio.  Hence  they  stood  to  the  south-east,  touching  at 
the  island  of  Mona,  or,  as  the  Indians  called  it,  Amona,  situated 
between  Porto  Rico  and  Hispaniola.  It  was  the  intention  of 
Columbus,  notwithstanding  the  condition  of  the  ships,  to  con- 
tinue farther  eastward,  and  to  complete  the  discovery  of  the 
Caribbee  Islands,  but  his  physical  strength  did  not  correspond 
to  the  efforts  of  his  lofty  spirit.4  The  extraordinary  fatigues, 
both  of  mind  and  body,  during  an  anxious  and  harassing  voy- 
age of  five  months,  had  preyed  upon  his  frame.  He  hud  shared 
in  all  the  hardships  and  privations  of  the  commonest  seaman. 
He  had  put  himself  upon  the  same  scanty  allowance,  and  ex- 
posed himself  to  the  same  buffetings  of  wind  and  weather. 
But  he  had  other  cares  and  trials  from  which  his  people  were 
exempt.  When  the  sailor,  worn  out  with  the  labors  of  his 
watch,  slept  soundly  amid  the  howling  of  the  storm,  the  anx- 
ious commander  maintained  his  painful  vigil,  through  long 

1  Herrera,  flUt.  Ind.,  decad.  i.  lib.  H.  cap.  15.    Hist,  del  Almirante,  cap.  59. 

2  Herrera,  ubi  sup.     Hi*l    Almirante,  ubi  uup. 

3  Five  hours  twenty-five  ininuiuit  are  equal  to  80°  35';  whereas  the  true  longitude  of 
Suonu  is  t'rj*  -JU'  west  of  Cadiz. 

•  Aluiioz,  liist.  N.  Muiido,  lib.  v.  see.  22. 


286  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

sleepless  nights,  amid  the  pelting  of  the  tempest  and  the  drench- 
ing surges  of  the  sea.  The  safety  of  his  ships  depended  upon 
his  watchfulness  ;  but  above  all,  he  felt  that  a  jealous  nation 
and  an  expecting  world  were  anxiously  awaiting  the  result  of 
his  enterprise.  During  a  great  part  of  the  present  voyage  he 
had  been  excited  by  the  constant  hope  of  soon  arriving  at  the 
known  parts  of  India,  and  by  the  anticipation  of  a  triumphant 
return  to  Spain,  through  the  regions  of  the  East,  after  circum- 
navigating the  globe.  When  disappointed  in  these  expecta- 
tions he  was  yet  stimulated  by  a  conflict  with  incessant  hard- 
ships and  perils,  as  he  made  his  way.back  against  contrary 
winds  and  storms.  The  moment  he  was  relieved  from  all  soli- 
citude, and  beheld  himself  in  a  known  and  tranquil  sea,  tho 
excitement  suddenly  ceased,  and  mind  and  body  sank  exhausted 
by  almost  superhuman  exertions.  The  very  day  on  which  he 
sailed  from  Mona  he  was  struck  with  a  sudden  malady,  which 
deprived  him  of  memory,  of  sight,  and  all  his  faculties.  He 
fell  into  a  deep  lethargy,  resembling  death  itself.  His  crew, 
alarmed  at  this  profound  torpor,  feared  that  death  was  really 
at  hand.  They  abandoned,  therefore,  all  further  prosecution  of 
the  voyage,  and  spreading  their  sails  to  the  east  wind  so  preva- 
lent in  those  seas,  bore  Columbus  back,  in  a  state  of  complete 
insensibility,  to  the  harbor  of  Isabella. 


BOOK    YIIL 


CHAPTER  I. 

ARRIVAL    OF    THE     ADMIRAL     AT     ISABELLA  —  CHARACTER   OF 
BARTHOLOMEW    COLUMBUS. 

[1494.     Sept.  4.] 

THE  sight  of  the  little  squadron  of  Columbus  standing  once 
more  into  the  harbor  was  hailed  with  joy  by  such  of  the  inhab- 
itants of  Isabella  as  remained  faithful  to  him.  The  long  time 
that  had  elapsed  since  his  departure  on  this  adventurous  voy- 
age, without  any  tidings  arriving  from  him,  had  given  rise  to 
the  most  serious  apprehensions  for  his  safety  ;  and  it  began 
to  be  feared  that  he  had  fallen  a  victim  to  his  enterprising  spirit 
in  some  remote  part  of  these  unknown  seas. 

A  joyful  and  heartfelt  surprise  awaited  the  admiral  on  his 
arrival,  in  finding  at  his  bedside  his  brother  Bartholomew,  the 
companion  of  his  youth,  his  confidential  coadjutor,  and  in  a 
manner  his  second  self,  from  whom  he  had  been  separated  for 
several  years.  It  will  be  recollected  that,  about  the  time  of 
the  admiral's  departure  from  Portugal,  he  had  commissioned 
Bartholomew  to  repair  to  England,  and  propose  his  project  of 
discovery  to  King  Henry  VII.  Of  this  application  to  the  Eng- 
lish court  no  precise  particulars  are  known.  Fernando  Co- 
lumbus states  that  his  uncle,  in  the  course  of  his  voyage,  was 
captured  and  plundered  by  a  corsair,  and  reduced  to  such  pov- 
erty, that  he  had  for  a  long  time  to  struggle  for  a  mere  subsist- 
ence by  making  sea-charts  ;  so  that  some  years  elapsed  before 
he  made  his  application  to  the  English  monarch.  Las  Casas 
thinks  that  he  did  not  immediately  proceed  to  P^ngland,  having 
found  a  memorandum  in  his  handwriting,  113*  which  it  would 
appear  that  he  accompanied  Bartholomew  Diaz  in  1486,  in  his 
voyage  along  the  coast  of  Africa,  in  the  service  of  the  King  of 

287 


288  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

Portugal,  in  the  course  of   which  voyage  was  discovered  the 
Cape  of  Good  Hope.1 

It  is  but  justice  to  the  memory  of  Henry  VII.  to  say  that 
when  the  proposition  was  eventually  made  to  him  it  met  with 
a  more  ready  attention  than  from  any  other  sovereign.  An 
agreement  was  actually  made  with  Bartholomew  for  the  prose- 
cution of  the  enterprise,  and  the  latter  departed  for  Spain  in 
search  of  his  brother.  On  reaching  Paris,  he  first  received  the 
joyful  intelligence  that  the  discovery  was  already  made  ;  that 
his  brother  had  returned  to  Spain  in  triumph,  and  was  actually 
at  the  Spanish  court,  honored  by  the  sovereigns,  caressed  by 
the  nobility,  and  idolized  by  the  people.  The  glory  of  Colum- 
bus already  shed  its  rays  upon  his  family,  and  Bartholomew 
found  himself  immediately  a  person  of  importance.  He  was 
noticed  by  the  French  monarch  Charles  VIII.,  who,  under- 
standing that  he  was  low  in  purse,  furnished  him  with  one 
hundred  crowns  to  defray  the  expenses  of  his  journey  to  Spain. 
He  reached  Seville  just  as  his  brother  had  departed  on  his 
second  voyage.  Bartholomew  immediately  repaired  to  the 
court,  then  at  Valladolid,  taking  with  him  his  two  nephews, 
Diego  and  Fernando,  who  were  to  serve  in  quality  of  pages  to 

1  The  memorandum  cited  by  Las  Casas  (Hist.  Ind.,  lib.  i.  cap.  7)  is  curious,  though 
not  conclusive.  He  says  that  he  found  it  iu  an  old  book  belonging  to  Christopher  Co- 
lumbus, containing  the  works  of  Pedro  de  Aliaco.  It  was  written  in  the  margin  of  a 
treatise  on  the  form  of  the  globe,  in  the  handwriting  of  Bartholomew  Columbus,  which 
was  well-known  to  Las  Ca.sas,  as  lie  had  many  of  his  letters  in  his  possession.  The 
memorandum  was  in  a  barbarous  mixture  of  Latin  and  Spanish,  and  to  the  following 
effect  : 

Iu  the  year  1488,  in  December,  arrived  at  Lisbon  Bartholomew  Diaz,  captain  of  three 
caravels,  which  the  King  of  Portugal  sent  to  discover  (juinea,  and  brought  accounts  that 
he  had  discovered  six  hundred  leagues  of  territory,  four  hundred  and  fifty  to  the  south 
and  one  hundred  and  fifty  north,  to  a  cape,  named  by  him  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope;  ;i:>d 
that  by  the  astrolabe  he  found  the  cape  45  degrees  beyond  the  equinoctial  line.  The 
cape  was  3100  leagues  distant  from  Lisbon;  the  which  the  said  captain  says  he  set  down, 
league  by  league,  in  a  chart  of  navigation  presented  by  him  to  the  King  of  Portugal;  in 
all  which,  adds  the  writer,  1  was  present  (in  quibus  omnibus  interfui). 

Las  Casas  expresses  a  doubt  whether  Bartholomew  wrote  this  note  for  himself  or  on 
the  part  of  his  brother,  but  infers  that  one,  or  both,  were  in  this  expedition.  The  infer- 
ence may  be  correct  with  respect  to  Bartholomew,  but  Christopher,  at  ihe  time  specified, 
was  at  the  Spanish  court. 

Las  Casas  accounts  for  a  difference  in  date  between  the  foregoing  memorandum 
and  the  chronicles  of  the  voyage;  the  former  making  the  return  of  Uiaz  in  the  year 
'88,  the  latter  '.ST.  This,  he  observes,  might  be  because  some  begin  to  count  the  year 
after  Christmas,  others  at  the  first  of  January;  and  the  expedition  sailed  about  the 
end  of  August,  '66,  and  returned  iu  December,  '87,  after  an  absence  of  seventeen 
months. 

NOTE.  —  Since  publishing  the  first  edition  of  this  work,  the  author  being  in  Seville, 
and  making  researches  in  the  Bibliotheca  Columbina,  the  library  given  by  Fernando 
Columbus  to  the  cathedral  of  that  city,  he  came  accidentally  upon  the  above-mentioned 
copy  of  the  work  of  Pedro  Aliaco.  He  ascertained  it  to  be  the  same  by  finding  the 
above-cited  memorandum  written  on  the  margin,  at  the  eighth  chapter  of  the  tract  called 
"  Imago  Mundi."  It  is  an  old  volume  in  folio,  bound  in  parchment,  published  soon  after 
the  invention  of  printing,  containing  a  collection  in  Latin  of  astronomical  mid  cosmo- 
graphical  tracts  of  Pedro  (or  Peter)  de  Aliaco.  Archbishop  of  Cam  bray  and  Cardinal, 
and  of  his  disciple,  John  (ierson.  Pedro  de  Aliaco  was  born  in  1U4K,  aiid  died,  accord- 
lug  m  some,  iu  1416,  according  to  others  iu  14ii.  lie  was  the  author  of  many  works, 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  289 

Prince  Juan.1  He  was  received  with  distinguished  favor  by 
the  sovereigns  ;  who,  finding  him  to  be  an  able  and  accom- 
plished navigator,  gave  him  the  command  of  three  ships 
freighted  with  supplies  for  the  colony,  and  sent  him  to  aid  his 
brother  in  his  enterprises.  He  had  again  arrived  too  late ; 
reaching  Isabella  just  after  the  departure  of  the  admiral  for 
the  coast  of  Cuba. 

The  sight  of  this  brother  was  an  inexpressible  relief  to  Co- 
lumbus, overwhelmed  as  he  was  by  cares,  and  surrounded  by 
strangers.  His  chief  dependence  for  sympathy  and  assistance 
had  hitherto  been  on  his  brother  Don  Diego ;  but  his  mild  and 
peaceable  disposition  rendered  him  little  capable  of  managing 
the  concerns  of  a  factious  colony.  Bartholomew  was  of  a 
different  and  more  efficient  character.  He  was  prompt,  active, 
decided,  and  of  a  fearless  spirit ;  whatever  he  determined,  he 
carried  into  instant  execution,  without  regard  to  difficulty  or 
danger.  His  person  corresponded  to  his  mind  ;  it  was  tall, 
muscular,  vigorous,  and  commanding.  He  had  an  air  of  great 
authority,  but  somewhat  stern,  wanting  that  sweetness  and 
benignity  which  tempered  the  authoritative  demeanor  of  the 
admiral.  Indeed,  there  was  a  certain  asperity  in  his  temper, 
and  a  dryness  and  abruptness  in  his  manners,  which  made  him 
many  enemies ;  yet  notwithstanding  these  external  defects,  he 
was  of  a  generous  disposition,  free  from  all  arrogance  or  ma- 
levolence, and  as  placable  as  he  was  brave. 

He  was  a  thorough  seaman,  understanding  both  the  theory 
and  practice  of  his  profession  ;  having  been  formed,  in  a  great 
measure,  under  the  eye  of  the  admiral,  and  being  but  little 

and  one  of  the  most  learned  and  scientific  men  of  bis  day.  LasC'asas  is  of  opinion  that 
his  writings  had  more  effect  in  stimulating  Columbus  to  his  enterprise  than  those  of  any 
other  author.  "Hi*  work  was  so  familiar  to  Columbus,  that  he  had  filled  its  whole 
ninriiin  with  Latin  note*  in  his  handwriting;  citing  many  things  which  he  hud  read  and 
gathered  elsewhere.  This  book,  which  was  very  old,"  continues  Las  Casas,  "  I  bad 
many  times  in  my  hands;  and  I  drew  some  things  from  it,  written  in  Latin  by  the  said 
admiral,  Christopher  Columbus,  to  verify  certain  points  appertaining  to  his  history,  of 
which  I  before  was  in  doubt."  (Hist.  Ind.,  lib.  i.  cap.  11.) 

It  was  a  great  satisfaction  to  the  author,  therefore,  to  discover  this  identical  volume, 
this  1'nde  M«  inn  of  Columbus,  in  a  state  of  good  presei-vation.  [It  is  in  the  cathedral 

library,  E G,  Tab.  178,  No.  21.  |  The  notes  and  citations  mentioned  by  Las  Casas, 

are  in  Latin,  with  many  abbreviations,  written  in  a  very  small,  but  neat  and  distinct 
hand,  and  run  throughout  the  volume;  calling  attention  to  the  most  striking  passages, 
or  to  those  which  bear  most  upon  the  theories  of  Columbus;  occasionally  containing 
brief  comments  or  citing  the  opinions  of  other  authors,  ancient  and  modem,  either  in 
support  or  contradiction  of  the  text.  The  memorandum  particularly  cited  by  Ijw  Casas, 
mentioning  the  voyage  of  Bartholomew  Diaz  to  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  is  to  disprove 
an  opinion  in  the  text,  that  the  tori  id  zone  wan  uninhabitable.  This  volume  is  a  most 
curious  and  interesting  document,  the  only  one  that  remains  of  Columbus  prior  to  his 
discovery.  It  illustrates  his  researches  and  in  a  manner  the  current  of  his  thoughts, 
while  as  yet  his  great  enterprise  existed  but  in  idea,  and  while  he  was  seeking  means  to 
convince  the  world  of  its  practicability.  It  will  be  found  also  to  contain  the  grounds  of: 
many  of  his  opinions  and  speculations  ou  a  variety  of  subjecU. 

1  ili.-t.  del  Adiniraute,  cap.  60. 


290  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

inferior  to  him  in  science.  He  was  superior  to  him  in  the 
exercise  of  the  pen,  according  to  Las  Casas,  who  had  letters 
and  manuscripts  of  both  in  his  possession.  He  was  acquainted 
with  Latin,  but  does  not  appear  to  have  been  highly  educated  ; 
his  knowledge,  like  that  of  his  brother,  being  chiefly  derived 
from  a  long  course  of  varied  experience  and  attentive  observa- 
tion. Equally  vigorous  and  penetrating  in  intellect  with  the 
admiral,  but  less  enthusiastic  in  spirit  and  soaring  in  imagina- 
tion, and  with  less  simplicity  of  heart,  he  surpassed  him  in  the 
subtle  and  adroit  management  of  business,  was  more  attentive 
to  his  interests,  and  had  more  of  that  worldly  wisdom  which  is 
so  important  in  the  ordinary  concerns  of  life.  His  genius 
might  never  have  enkindled  him  to  the  sublime  speculation 
which  ended  in  the  discovery  of  a  world,  but  his  practical 
sagacity  was  calculated  to  turn  that  discovery  to  advantage. 
Such  is  the  description  of  Bartholomew  Columbus,  as  furnished 
by  the  venerable  Las  Casas  from  personal  observation  ; l  and  it 
will  be  found  to  accord  with  his  actions  throughout  the  remain- 
ing history  of  the  admiral,  in  the  events  of  which  he  takes  a 
conspicuous  part. 

Anxious  to  relieve  himself  from  the  pressure  of  public  busi- 
ness, which  weighed  heavily  upon  him  during  his  present  mal- 
ady, Columbus  immediately  invested  his  brother  Bartholomew 
with  the  title  and  authority  of  Adelantado,  an  oflice  equivalent 
to  that  of  lieutenant-governor.  He  considered  himself  entitled 
to  do  so  from  the  articles  of  his  arrangement  with  the  sover- 
eigns, but  it  was  looked  upon  by  King  Ferdinand  as  an  undue 
assumption  of  power,  and  gave  great  offence  to  that  jealous 
monarch,  who  was  exceedingly  tenacious  of  the  prerogatives 
of  the  crown,  and  considered  dignities  of  this  rank  and  impor- 
tance as  only  to  be  conferred  by  royal  mandate.2  Columbus, 
however,  was  not  actuated  in  this  appointment  by  a  mere  de- 
sire to  aggrandize  his  family.  He  felt  the  imj>ortance  of  his 
brother's  assistance  in  the  present  critical  state  of  the  colony, 
but  that  this  co-operation  would  be  inefficient  unless  it  bore  the 
stamp  of  high  official  authority.  In  fact,  during  the  few 
months  that  he  had  been  absent,  the  whole  island  had  become 
a  scene  of  discord  and  violence,  in  consequence  of  the  neglect, 
or  rather  the  flagrant  violation,  of  those  rules  which  he  had 
prescribed  for  the  maintenance  of  its  tranquillity.  A  brief  re- 
trospect of  the  recent  affairs  of  the  colony  is  here  necessary  to 


'  Law  CaKa*,  Hint.  Ind.,  lib.  i.  cap.  29. 
»  La»  Cutu*.  Hist.  Ind.,  liU  i.  cap.  101. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  291 

explain  their  present  confusion.  It  will  exhibit  one  of  the 
many  instances  in  which  Columbus  was  doomed  to  reap  the 
fruits  of  the  evil  seed  sown  by  his  adversaries. 


CHAPTER  II. 

MISCONDUCT    OF     DON     PEDRO     MARGARITE,    AND     HIS     DEPARTURE 
FKO.M    THE    ISLAND. 

[1494.] 

IT  will  be  recollected,  that  before  departing  on  his  vo^vage, 
Columbus  had  given  the  command  of  the  army  to  Don  Pedro 
JMargarite,  with  orders  to  make  a  military  tour  of  the  island, 
awing  the  natives  by  a  display  of  military  force,  but  conciliat- 
ing their  good-will  by  cquitabfe  and  amicable  treatment. 

The  island  was  at  this  time  divided  into  live  domains,  each 
governed  by  a  cacique  of  absolute  and  hereditary  power,  to 
whom  a  great  number  of  inferior  caciques  yielded  tributary  al- 
legiance. The  first  or  most  important  domain  comprised  the 
middle  part  of  the  royal  Vega.  It  was  a  rich,  lovely  country, 
partly  cultivated  after  the  imperfect  manner  of  the  natives, 
partly  covered  with  noble  forests,  studded  with  Indian  towns, 
and  watered  by  numerous  rivers,  many  of  which,  rolling  down 
from  the  mountains  of  Cibao,  on  its  southern  frontier,  had 
gold-dust  mingled  with  their  sands.  The  name  of  the  cacique 
was  Guarionex,  whose  ancestors  had  long  ruled  over  the 
province. 

The  second,  called  Marien,  was  under  the  sway  of  Guacana- 
gari,  on  whose  coast  Columbus  had  l>een  wrecked  in  his  first 
voyage.  It  was  a  large  and  fertile  territory,  extending  along 
the  northern  coast  from  Cape  St.  Nicholas  at  the  western  ex- 
tremity of  the  island,  to  the  great  river  Yagui,  afterward  called 
Monte  Christi,  and  including  the  northern  part  of  .the  royal 
Vega,  since  called  the  plain  of  Cape  Francois,  now  Cape  Hay- 
tie  n  . 

The  third  bore  the  name  of  Maguana.  It  extended  along  the 
southern  coast  from  the  river  Ozema  to  the  lakes,  and  com- 
prised the  chief  part  of  the  centre  of  the  island  lying  along  the 
southern  face  of  the  mountains  of  Cibao,  the  mineral  district 
of  Hayti.  It  was  under  the  dominion  of  the  Carib  cacique 


292  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

Caonabo,  the  most  fierce  and  puissant  of  the  savage  chieftains, 
and  the  inveterate  enemy  of  the  white  men. 

The  fourth  took  its  name  from  Xaragua,  a  large  lake,  and 
was  the  most  populous  and  extensive  of  all.  It  comprised  the 
whole  western  coast,  including  the  long  promontory  of  Cape 
Tiburon,  and  extended  for  a  considerable  distance  along  the 
southern  side  of  the  island.  The  inhabitants  were  finely 
formed,  had  a  noble  air,  a  more  agreeable  elocution,  and  more 
soft  and  graceful  manners  than  the  natives  of  the  other  parts 
of  the  island.  The  sovereign  was  named  Behechio :  his  sister, 
Anacaona,  celebrated  throughout  the  island  for  her  beauty,  was 
the  favorite  wife  of  the  neighboring  cacique  Caonabo. 

The  fifth  domain  was  Higuey,  and  occupied  the  whole  east- 
ern part  of  the  island,  being  bounded  on  the  north  by  the  Bay 
of  Samana  and  part  of  the  river  Yuna,  and  on  the  west  by  the 
Ozema.  The  inhabitants  were  the  most  active  and  warlike 
people  of  the  island,  having  learned  the  use  of  the  bow  and  ar- 
row from  the  Caribs.  who  made  frequent  descents  upon  their 
coasts ;  the}'  were  said  also  to  make  use  of  poisoned  weapons. 
Their  bravery,  however,  was  but  comparative,  and  was  found 
eventually  of  little  avail  against  the  terror  of  European  arms. 
They  were  governed  by  a  cacique  named  Cotubanama.1 

Such  were  the  five  territorial  divisions  of  the  island  at  the 
time  of  its  discovery.  The  amount  of  its  population  has  never 
been  clearly  ascertained ;  some  have  stated  it  at  a  million  of 
souls,  though  this  is  considered  an  exaggeration.  It  must, 
however,  have  been  very  numerous,  and  sufficient,  in  case  of 
any  general  hostility,  to  endanger  the  safety  of  a  handful  of 
Europeans.  Columbus  trusted  for  safety  partly  to  the  awe  in- 
spired by  the  weapons  and  horses  of  the  Spaniards,  and  the 
idea  of  their  superhuman  nature,  but  chiefly  to  the  measures 
he  had  taken  to  conciliate  the  good-will  of  the  Indians  by 
gentle  and  beneficent  treatment. 

Margarite  set  forth  on  his  expedition  with  the  greater  part 
of  the  forces,  leaving  Alonzo  de  Ojeda  in  command  of  the  for- 
tress of  St.  Thomas.  Instead,  however,  of  commencing  by 
exploring  the  rough  mountains  of  Cibao,  as  he  had  been  com- 
manded, he  descended  into  the  fertile  region  of  the  Vega. 
Here  he  lingered  among  the  populous  and  hospitable  Indian 
villages,  forgetful  of  the  object  of  his  command,  and  of  the  in- 
structions left  him  by  the  admiral.  A  commander  who  lapses 
from  duty  himself  is  little  calculated  to  enforce  discipline. 

1  Charlevoii,  Hist.  St.  Domingo,  lib.  i.  p.  69. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  293 

The  sensual  indulgences  of  Margarite  were  imitated  by  his  fol- 
lowers, and  his  army  soon  became  little  better  than  a  crew  of 
riotous  marauders.  The  Indians,  for  a  time,  supplied  them 
with  provisions  with  their  wonted  hospitality,  but  the  scanty- 
stores  of  those  abstemious  yet  improvident  people  were  soon 
exhausted  by  the  Spaniards;  one  of  whom  they  declared  would 
consume  more  in  a  day  than  would  support  an  Indian  for  a 
month.  If  provisions  were  withheld,  or  scantily  furnished, 
they  were  taken  with  violence ;  nor  was  any  compensation 
given  to  the  natives,  nor  means  taken  to  soothe  their  irritation. 
The  avidity  for  gold  also  led  to  a  thousand  acts  of  injustice  and 
oppression  ;  but  above  all  the  Spaniards  outraged  the  dearest 
feelings  of  the  natives,  by  their  licentious  conduct  with  respect 
to  the  women.  In  fact,  instead  of  guests,  they  soon  assumed 
the  tone  of  imperious  masters  ;  instead  of  enlightened  benefac- 
tors, the\-  became  sordid  and  sensual  oppressors. 

Tidings  of  these  excesses,  and  of  the  disgust  and  impatience 
they  were  awakening  among  the  natives,  soon  reached  Don 
Diego  Columbus.  With  the  concurrence  of  the  council,  he 
wrote  to  Margarite,  reprehending  his  conduct,  and  requesting 
him  to  proceed  on  the  military  tour,  according  to  the  com- 
mands of  the  admiral.  The  pride  of  Margarite  took  fire  at 
this  reproof ;  he  considered,  or  rather  pretended  to  consider, 
himself  independent  in  his  command,  and  above  all  responsi- 
bility to  the  council  for  his  conduct.  Being  of  an  ancient 
family,  also,  and  a  favorite  of  the  king,  he  affected  to  look 
down  with  contempt  upon  the  newly-coined  nobility  of  Diego 
Columbus.  His  letters  in  reply  to  the  orders  of  the  president 
and  council  were  couched  in  a  tone  either  of  haughty  contume- 
ly or  of  military  defiance.  He  continued  with  his  followers 
quartered  in  the  Vega,  persisting  in  a  course  of  outrages  and 
oppressions  fatal  to  the  tranquillity  of  the  island. 

He  was  supported  in  his  arrogant  defiance  of  authority  by 
the  cavaliers  and  adventurers  of  noble  birth  who  were  in  the 
colony,  and  who  had  been  deeply  wounded  in  the  proud  punc- 
tilio so  jealously  guarded  by  a  Spaniard.  They  could  not  for- 
get nor  forgive  the  stern  equity  exercised  by  the  admiral  in  a 
time  of  emergency,  in  making  them  submit  to  the  privations 
and  share  the  labors  of  the  vulgar.  Still  less  could' they  brook 
the  authority  of  his  brother  Diego,  destitute  of  his  high  per- 
sonal claims  to  distinction.  They  formed,  therefore,  a  kind  of 
aristocratical  faction  in  the  colony  ;  affecting  to  consider  Colum- 
bus and  his  family  as  mere  mercenary  and  upstart  foreigners, 
building  up  their  own  fortunes  at  the  expense  of  the  toils  and 


294  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

sufferings  of  the  community,  and  the  degradation  of  Spanish 
hidalgos  and  cavaliers. 

In  addition  to  these  partisans,  Margarite  had  a  powerful  ally 
in  his  fellow-countryman,  Friar  Boyle,  the  head  of  the  religious 
fraternity,  one  of  the  members  of  the  council,  and  apostolical 
vicar  of  the  New  World.  It  is  not  easy  to  ascertain  the  original 
cause  of  the  hostility  of  this  holy  friar  to  the  admiral,  who  was 
never  wanting  in  respect  to  the  clergy.  Various  altercations, 
however,  had  taken  place  between  them.  Some  say  that  the 
friar  interfered  in  respect  to  the  strict  measures  deemed  neces- 
sary  by  the  admiral  for  the  security  of  the  colony  :  others  that 
he  resented  the  fancied  indignity  offered  to  himself  and  his 
household,  in  putting  them  on  the  same  short  allowance  with 
the  common  people.  He  appears,  however,  to  have  been  gener- 
ally disappointed  and  disgusted  with  the  sphere  of  action  af- 
forded by  the  colony.,  and  to  have  looked  back  with  regret  to  the 
Old  World.  He  had  none  of  that  enthusiastic  zeal  and  perse- 
vering self-devotion,  which  induced  so  many  of  the  Spanish 
missionaries  to  brave  all  the  hardships  and  privations  of  the 
New  World,  in  the  hope  of  converting  its  pagan  inhabitants. 

Encouraged  and  fortified  by  such  powerful  partisans,  Mar- 
garite really  began  to  consider  himself  above  the  temporary 
authorities  of  the  island.  Whenever  he  came  to  Isabella,  he 
took  no  notice  of  Don  Diego  Columbus,  nor  paid  any  respect  to 
the  council,  but  acted  as  if  he  had  paramount  command.  He 
formed  a  cabal  of  most  of  those  who  were  disaffected  to  Colum- 
bus, and  discontented  with  their  abode  in  the  colony.  Among 
these  the  leading  agitator  was  Friar  Boyle.  It  was  concerted 
among  them  to  take  possession  of  the  ships  which  had  brought 
out  Don  Bartholomew  Columbus,  and  to  return  in  them  to  Spain. 
Both  Margarite  and  Boyle  possessed  the  favor  of  the  king,  and 
they  deemed  it  would  be  an  easy  matter  to  justify  their  abandon- 
ment of  their  military  and  religious  commands  by  a  pretended 
zeal  for  the  public  good  ;  hurrying  home  to  represent  the  dis- 
astrous state  of  the  country,  through  the  tyranny  and  oppression 
of  its  rulers.  Some  have  ascribed  the  abrupt  departure  of 
Margarite  to  his  fear  of  a  severe  military  investigation  of  his 
conduct  on  the  return  of  the  admiral ;  others,  to  his  having,  in 
the  course  of  his  licentious  amours,  contracted  a  malady  at  that 
time  new  and  unknown,  and  which  he  attributed  to  the  climate, 
and  hoped  to  cure  by  medical  assistance  in  Spain.  Whatever 
may  have  been  the  cause,  his  measures  were  taken  with  great 
preciptiancy,  without  any  consultation  of  the  proper  authorities, 
or  any  regard  to  the  consequences  of  his  departure.  Accorn- 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  295 

panied  by  a  band  of  malcontents,  he  and  Friar  Boyle  took 
possession  of  some  ships  in  the  harbor,  and  set  sail  for  Spain  ; 
the  first  general  and  apostle  of  the  New  World  thus  setting  the 
flagrant  example  of  unauthorized  abandonment  of  their  posts. 


CHAPTER   III. 

TROUBLES    WITH    THE    NATIVES ALONZO    DE    OJEDA    BESIEGED    BT 

C AON A BO. 

[1494.] 

THE  departure  of  Pedro  Margarite  left  the  army  without  a 
head,  and  put  an  end  to  what  little  restraint  or  discipline  re- 
mained. There  is  no  rabble  so  licentious  as  soldiery  left  to 
their  own  direction  in  a  defenceless  country.  The}-  now  roved 
about  in  hands  or  singly,  according  to  their  caprice,  scattering 
themselves  among  the  Indian  villages,  and  indulging  in  all 
kinds  of  excesses  either  as  prompted  by  avarice  or  sensuality. 
The  natives,  indignant  at  having  their  hospitality  thus  requited, 
refused  any  longer  to  furnish  them  with  food.  In  a  little  while 
the  Spaniards  began  to  experience  the  pressure  of  hunger,  and 
seized  upon  provisions  wherever  they  could  be  found,  accom- 
panying these  seizures  with  acts  of  wanton  violence.  At 
length,  by  a  series  of  flagant  outrages,  the  gentle  and  pacific 
nature  of  this  people  was  aroused  to  resentment,  and  from  con- 
fiding and  hospitable  hosts  they  were  converted  into  vindictive 
enemies.  All  the  precautions  enjoined  by  Columbus  having 
been  neglected,  the  evils  he  had  apprehended  came  to  pass. 
Though  the  Indians,  naturally  timid,  dared  not  contend  with 
the  Spaniards  while  they  kept  up  any  combined  and  disciplined 
force,  yet  they  took  sanguinary  vengeance  on  them  whenever 
they  met  with  small  parties  or  scattered  individuals,  roving  about 
in  quest  of  food.  Encouraged  by  these  petty  triumphs,  and 
the  impunity  which  seemed  to  attend  them,  their  hostilities  grew 
more  and  more  alarming.  Guatiguana,  cacique  of  a  large  town 
on  the  banks  of  the  Grand  River,  in  the  dominions  of  Guarionex, 
sovereign  of  the  Vega,  put  to  death  ten  Spaniards,  who  had 
quartered  themselves  in  his  town  and  outraged  the  inhabitants 
by  their  licentiousness.  He  followed  up  this  massacre  by  set- 
ting fire  to  a  house  in  which  forty-six  Spaniards  were  lodged.1 

»  Herrera,  Hist.  lud.,  deeud.  i.  lib.  ii.  cap.  1(5. 


296  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

Flushed  by  his  success,  he  threatened  to  attack  a  small  fortress 
called  Magdalena,  which  had  recently  been  built  in  his  neigh- 
borhood in  the  Vega ;  so  that  the  commander,  Luis  de  Arriaga, 
having  but  a  feeble  garrison,  was  obliged  to  remain  shut  up 
within  its  walls  until  relief  should  arrive  from  Isabella. 

The  most  formidable  enemy  of  the  Spaniards,  however,  was 
Caonabo,  the  Carib  cacique  of  Maguana.  With  natural  talents 
for  war,  and  intelligence  superior  to  the  ordinary  range  of 
savage  intellect,  he  had  a  proud  and  daring  spirit  to  urge  him 
on,  three  valiant  brothers  to  assist  him,  and  a  numerous  tribe 
at  his  command.1  He  had  always  felt  jealous  of  the  intrusion 
of  the  white  men  into  the  island  ;  but  particularly  exasperated 
by  the  establishment  of  the  fortress  of  St.  Thomas,  erected  in 
the  very  centre  of  his  dominions.  As  long  as  the  army  lay 
within  call  in  the  Vega  he  was  deterred  from  any  attack  :  but 
when,  on  the  departure  of  Margarite,  it  became  dismembered 
and  dispersed,  the  time  for  striking  a  signal  blow  seemed 
arrived.  The  fortress  remained  isolated,  with  a  garrison  of 
only  fifty  men.  By  a  sudden  and  secret  movement,  he  might 
overwhelm  it  with  his  forces,  and  repeat  the  horrors  which  he 
had  wreaked  upon  La  Navidad. 

The  wily  cacique,  however,  had  a  different  kind  of  enemy  to 
deal  with  in  the  commander  of  St.  Thomas.  Alonzo  de  Ojeda 
had  been  schooled  in  Moorish  warfare.  He  was  versed  in  all 
kinds  of  feints,  stratagems,  lurking  ambuscades,  and  wild  assaults. 
No  man  was  more  fitted,  therefore,  to  cope  with  Indian  war- 
riors. He  had  a  headlong  courage,  arising  partly  from  the 
natural  heat  and  violence  of  his  disposition,  and,  in  a  great 
measure,  from  religious  superstition.  He  had  been  engaged  in 
wars  with  Moors  and  Indians,  in  public  battles  and  private 
combats,  in  fights,  feuds,  and  encounters  of  all  kinds,  to  which 
he  had  been  prompted  by  a  rash  and  fiery  spirit,  and  a  love 
of  adventure  ;  yet  he  had  never  been  wounded,  nor  lost  a  drop  of 
blood.  He  began  to  doubt  whether  any  weapon  had  power  to 
harm  him,  and  to  consider  himself  under  the  special  protection 
of  the  Holy  Virgin.  As  a  kind  of  religious  talisman,  he  had  a 
small  Flemish  painting  of  the  Virgin,  given  him  by  his  patron, 
Fonseca,  Bishop  of  Badajos.  This  he  constantly  carried  with 
him  in  city,  camp,  or  field,  making  it  the  object  of  his  frequent 
orisons  and  invocations.  In  garrison  or  encampment,  it  was 
suspended  in  his  chamber  or  his  tent ;  in  his  rough  expeditions 
in  the  wilderness  he  carried  it  in  his  knapsack,  and  whenever 

>  Herrera,  Hist.  Ind.,  decad.  i.  lib.  ii.  cap.  16. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  297 

leisure  permitted,  would  take  it  out,  fix  it  against  a  tree,  and 
addivss  his  prayers  to  this  military  patroness.1  In  a  word,  he 
swore  by  the  Virgin,  he  invoked  the  Virgin  whether  in  brawl  or 
battle,  and  under  the  favor  of  the  Virgin  he  was  ready  for  any 
enterprise  or  adventure.  Such  was  this  Alonzo  de  Ojeda ; 
bigoted  in  his  devotion,  reckless  in  his  life,  fearless  in  his  spirit, 
like  many  of  the  roving  Spanish  cavaliers  of  those  days. 
Though  small  in  size,  he  was  a  prodigy  of  strength  and  prowess  ; 
and  the  chroniclers  of  the  early  discoveries  relate  marvels  of  his 
valor  and  exploits. 

Having  reconnoitred  the  fortress,  Caonabo  assembled  ten 
thousand  warriors,  armed  with  war  clubs,  bows  and  arrows, 
and  lances  hardened  in  the  fire  ;  and  making  his  way  secretly 
through  the  forests,  came  suddenly  in  the  neighborhood,  ex- 
pecting to  surprise  the  garrison  in  a  state  of  careless  security. 
lie  found  Ojeda' s  forces,  however,  drawn  up  warily  within  his 
tower,  which,  being  built  upon  an  almost  insulated  height,  with 
a  river  nearly  surrounding  it,  and  the  remaining  space  traversed 
by  a  deep  ditch,  set  at  defiance  an  attack  by  naked  warriors. 

Foiled  in  his  attempt,  Caonabo  now  hoped  to  reduce  it  by 
famine.  For  this  purpose,  he  distributed  his  warriors  through 
the  adjacent  forests,  and  waylaid  every  pass,  so  as  to  intercept 
any  supplies  brought  by  the  natives,  and  to  cut  off  any  foraging 
party  from  the  fortress.  This  siege  or  investment  lasted  for 
thirty  days,2  and  reduced  the  garrison  to  great  distress.  There 
is  a  traditional  anecdote,  which  Oviedo  relates  of  Pedro  Mar- 
garite,  the  former  commander  of  this  fortress,  but  which  may 
with  more  probability  be  ascribed  to  Alonzo  de  Ojeda,  as 
having  occurred  during  this  siege.  At  a  time  when  the  garri- 
son was  sore  pressed  by  famine,  an  Indian  gained  access  to 
the  fort,  bringing  a  couple  of  wood-pigeons  for  the  table  of  the 
commander.  The  latter  was  in  an  apartment  of  the  tower  sur- 
rounded by  several  of  his  officers.  Seeing  them  regard  the 
birds  with  the  wistful  eyes  of  famishing  men,  "It  is  a  pity," 
said  he,  "  that  here  is  not  enough  to  give  us  all  a  meal ;  I  can- 
not consent  to  feast  while  the  rest  of  you  are  starving  :  "  so  say- 
ing, he  turned  loose  the  pigeons  from  a  window  of  the  tower. 

During  the  siege,  Ojeda  displa^ved  the  greatest  activity  of 
spirit  and  fertility  of  resource.  He  baffled  all  the  arts  of  the 
Carib  chieftain,  concerting  stratagems  of  various  kinds  to  re- 
lieve the  garrison  and  annoy  the  foe.  He  sallied  forth  when- 
ever the  enemy  appeared  in  any  force,  leading  the  van  with 

1  Herrera,  Hist.  Ind.,  decad.  t.  lib.  viii.  cap.  4.    Pizarro  Varoueue  II  lustres,  cap.  8. 
1  1'.  Martyr,  decad.  i.  lib.  Iv. 


298  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

that  headlong  valor  for  which  he  was  noted  ;  making  great 
slaughter  with  his  single  arm,  and,  as  usual,  escaping  unhurt 
from  am  ids  showers  of  darts  and  arrows. 

Caonabo  saw  many  of  his  bravest  warriors  slain.  His  forces 
were  diminishing,  for  the  Indians,  unused  to  any  protracted 
operations  of  war,  grew  weary  of  this  siege,  and  returned  daily 
in  numbers  to  their  homes.  He  gave  up  all  further  attempt, 
therefore,  on  the  fortress,  and  retired,  filled  with  admiration  of 
the  prowess  and  achievements  of  Ojeda.1 

The  restless  chieftain  was  not  discouraged  by  the  failure  of 
this  enterprise,  but  meditated  schemes  of  a  bolder  and  more 
extensive  nature.  Prowling  in  secret  in  the  vicinity  of  Isabella, 
he  noted  the  enfeebled  state  of  the  settlement.2  Many  of  the 
inhabitants  were  suffering  under  various  maladies,  and  most  of 
the  men  capable  of  bearing  arms  were  distributed  about  the 
country.  He  now  conceived  the  project  of  a  general  league 
among  the  caciques,  to  surprise  and  overwhelm  the  settlement, 
and  massacre  the  Spaniards  wherever  they  could  be  found. 
This  handful  of  intruders  once  exterminated,  he  trusted  the 
island  would  be  delivered  from  all  further  molestation  of  the 
kind  ;  little  dreaming  of  the  hopeless  nature  of  the  contest,  and 
that  where  the  civilized  man  once  plants  his  foot,  the  power  of 
the  savage  is  gone  forever. 

Reports  of  the  profligate  conduct  of  the  Spaniards  had  spread 
throughout  the  island,  and  inspired  hatred  and  hostility  even 
among  tribes  who  had  never  beheld  them,  nor  suffered  from 
their  misdeeds.  Caonabo  found  three  of  the  sovereign  caciques 
inclined  to  co-operate  with  him,  though  impressed  with  deep 
awe  of  the  supernatural  power  of  the  Spaniards,  and  of  their 
terrific  arms  and  animals.  The  league,  however,  met  with  un- 
expected opposition  in  the  fifth  cacique,  Guacanagari,  the  sov- 
ereign of  Marien.  His  conduct  in  this  time  of  danger  complete- 
ly manifested  the  injustice  of  the  suspicions  which  had  been 
entertained  of  him  by  the  Spaniards.  He  refused  to  join  the 
other  caciques  with  his  forces,  or  to  violate  those  laws  of  hos- 
pitality by  which  he  had  considered  himself  bound  to  protect 
and  aid  the  white  men,  ever  since  they  had  been  shipwrecked 
on  his  coast.  He  remained  quietly  in  his  dominions,  entertain- 
ing at  his  own  expense  a  hundred  of  the  suffering  soldiery,  and 
supplying  all  their  wants  with  his  accustomed  generosity. 
This  conduct  drew  upon  him  the  odium  and  hostility  of  his 
fellow  caciques,  particularly  of  the  fierce  Carib,  Caonabo,  and 

1  Oyiedo.  Chronica  do  las  Inclias,  lib.  iii.  cap.  i. 
1  Hist,  del  Altniraute,  cap.  60. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  299 

and  his  brother-in-law,  Behechio.  They  made  irruptions  into 
his  territories,  and  inflicted  on  him  various  injuries  and  indig- 
nities. Behechio  killed  one  of  his  wives,  and  Caonabo  carried 
another  away  captive:1  Nothing,  however,  could  shake  the 
devotion  of  Gaacanagari  to  the  Spaniards  ;  and  as  his  dominions 
lay  immediately  adjacent  to  the  settlement,  and  those  of  some 
of  the  other  caciques  were  very  remote,  the  want  of  his  co- 
operation impeded  tor  some  time  the  hostile  designs  of  his  coil- 
federates.2 

Such  was  the  critical  state  to  which  the  affairs  of  the  colony 
had  been  reduced,  and  such  the  bitter  hostility  engendered 
among  the  people  of  the  island,  during  the  absence  of  Colum- 
bus, and  merely  in  consequence  of  violating  all  his  regulations. 
^lai'irarite  and  Friar  Boyle  had  hastened  to  Spain  to  make  false 
representations  of  the  miseries  of  the  island.  Had  they  re- 
mained faithfully  at  their  posts,  and  discharged  zealously  the 
tru-4  confided  to  them,  those  miseries  might  have  beeu  easily 
remedied,  if  not  entirely  prevented. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

MEASURES    OF     COLUMBUS    TO    RESTORE   THE   QUIET    OF   THE    ISLAND 
EXPEDITION    OF    OJEUA    TO    SURPRISE   CAONABO. 

[1494.] 

IMMEDIATELY  after  the  return  of  Columbus  from  Cuba,  while 
he  was  yet  confined  to  his  bed  by  indisposition,  he  was  gratified 
by  a  voluntary  visit  from  Guacanagari,  who  manifested  the 
greatest  concern  at  his  illness,  for  he  appears  to  have  always 
entertained  an  affectionate  reverence  for  the  admiral.  He 
again  spoke  with  tears  of  the  massacre  of  Fort  Nativity,  dwell- 
ing on  the  exertions  he  had  made  in  defence  of  the  Spaniards. 
He  now  informed  Columbus  of  the  secret  league  forming  among 
the  caciques ;  of  his  opposition  to  it,  and  the  consequent  perse- 
cution he  had  suffered  :  of  the  murder  of  one  of  his  wives  and 
the  capture  of  another.  He  urged  the  admiral  to  be  on  his 
guard  against  the  designs  of  Caonabo,  and  offered  to  lead  his 
subjects  to  the  lield,  to  fight  by  the  side  of  the  Spaniards,  as 


1  HiM.  do  Altnirante,  cap.  60. 

1  Herrcra,  Ilist.  lud.,  decad.  i.  lib.  ii. 


cap.  16. 


300  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

well  out  of  friendship  for  them  as  in  revenge  of  his  own  in- 
juries.1 

Columbus  had  always  retained  a  deep  sense  of  the  ancient 
kindness  of  Guacanagari,  and  was  rejoiced  to  have  all  suspicion 
of  his  good  faith  thus  effectually  dispelled.  Their  former  ami- 
cable intercourse  was  renewed,  with  this  difference,  that  the 
man  whom  Guacanagari  had  once  relieved  and  succored  as  a 
shipwrecked  stranger,  had  suddenly  become  the  arbiter  of  the 
fate  of  himself  and  all  his  countrymen. 

The  manner  in  which  this  peaceful  island  had  been  exasperated 
and  embroiled  by  the  licentious  conduct  of  the  Europeans,  was 
a  matter  of  deep  concern  to  Columbus.  He  saw  all  his  plans 
of  deriving  an  immediate  revenue  to  the  sovereigns  completely 
impeded.  To  restore  the  island  to  tranquillity  required  skilful 
management.  His  forces  were  but  small,  and  the  awe  in  which 
the  natives  had  stood  of  the  white  men,  as  supernatural  beings, 
had  been  in  some  degree  dispelled.  He  was  too  ill  to  take  a 
personal  share  in  any  warlike  enterprise  ;  his  brother  Diego 
was  not  a  military  character,  and  Bartholomew  was  j-et  a 
stranger  among  the  Spaniards,  and  regarded  by  the  leading 
men  with  jealous}'.  Still  Columbus  considered  the  threatened 
combination  of  the  caciques  as  but  imperfectly  formed ;  he 
trusted  to  their  want  of  skill  and  experience  in  warfare,  and 
conceived  that  by  prompt  measures,  by  proceeding  in  detail, 
punishing  some,  conciliating  others,  and  uniting  force,  gentle- 
ness, and  stratagem,  he  might  succeed  in  dispelling  the  threat- 
ened storm. 

His  first  care  was  to  send  a  body  of  armed  men  to  the  relief 
of  Fort  Magdalena,  menaced  with  destruction  by  Guatiguana, 
the  cacique  of  the  Grand  River,  who  had  massacred  the  Span- 
iards quartered  in  this  town.  Having  relieved  the  fortress,  the 
troops  overran  the  territory  of  Guatiguana,  killing  many  of  his 
warriors,  and  carrying  others  off  captives :  the  chieftain  him- 
self made  his  escape.2  He  was  tributary  to  Guarionex,  sover- 
eign cacique  of  the  Royal  Vega.  As  this  Indian  prince  reigned 
over  a  great  and  populous  extent  of  country,  his  friendship  was 
highly  important  for  the  prosperity  of  the  colony,  while  there 
was  imminent  risk  of  his  hostility,  from  the  unbridled  excesses 
of  the  Spaniards  who  bad  been  quartered  in  his  dominions. 
Columbus  sent  for  him,  therefore,  and  explained  to  him  that 
these  excesses  had  been  in  violation  of  his  orders,  and  contrary 
to  his  good  intentions  toward  the  natives,  whom  it  was  his  wish 

>  Horerra,  Hint.  Ind.,  decad.  i.  lib.  ii.  cap.  16. 
1  Hereira,  Hint,  lud.,  tit-cud,  i.  lib.  ii.  cap.  1. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  301 

in  every  way  to  please  and  benefit.  He  explained,  likewise, 
that  the  expedition  against  Guatiguana  was  an  act  of  mere  in- 
dividual punishment,  not  of  hostility  against  the  territories  of 
Guarionex.  The  cacique  was  of  a  quiet  and  placable  disposi- 
tion, and  whatever  anger  he  might  have  felt  was  easily  soothed. 
To  link  him  in  some  degree  to  the  Spanish  interest,  Columbus 
prevailed  on  him  to  give  his  daughter  in  marriage  to  the  Indian 
interpreter,  Diego  Colon.1  As  a  stronger  precaution  against 
any  hostility  on  the  part  of  the  cacique,  and  to  insure  tranquil- 
lity in  the  important  region  of  the  Vega,  he  ordered  a  fortress 
to  be  erected  in  the  midst  of  his  territories,  which  he  named 
Fort  Conception.  The  easy  cacique  agreed  without  hesitation 
to  a  measure  fraught  with  ruin  to  himself,  and  future  slavery 
to  his  subjects. 

The  most  formidable  enemy  remained  to  be  disposed  of  — 
Caouabo.  His  territories  lay  in  the  central  and  mountainous 
parts  of  the  island,  rendered  difficult  of  access  by  rugged  rocks, 
entangled  forests,  and  frequent  rivers.  To  make  war  upon 
this  subtle  and  ferocious  chieftain,  in  the  depths  of  his  wild 
woodland  territory,  and  among  the  fastnesses  of  his  mountains, 
where  at  every  step  there  would  be  danger  of  ambush,  would  be 
a  work  of  time,  peril,  and  uncertain  issue.  In  the  mean  while 
the  settlements  would  never  be  secure  from  his  secret  and  daring 
enterprises,  and  the  working  of  the  mines  would  be  subject  to 
frequent  interruption.  While  perplexed  on  this  subject,  Colum- 
bus was  relieved  by  an  offer  of  Alonzo  de  Ojeda,  to  take  the 
Carib  chieftain  by  stratagem,  and  deliver  him  alive  into  his 
hands.  The  project  was  wild,  hazardous,  and  romantic,  charac- 
teristic of  Ojeda,  who  was  fond  of  distinguishing  himself  by 
extravagant  exploits  and  feats  of  desperate  bravery. 

Choosing  ten  bold  and  hardy  followers,  well  armed  and  well 
mounted,  and  invoking  the  protection  of  his  patroness  the  Vir- 
gin, whose  image  as  usual  he  bore  with  him  as  a  safeguard, 
Ojeda  plunged  into  the  forest,  and  made  his  way  above  sixty 
leagues  into  the  wild  territories  of  Caonabo,  whom  he  found  in 
one  of  his  most  populous  towns,  the  same  now  called  Maguana, 
near  the  town  of  San  Juan.  Approaching  the  cacique  with 
great  deference  as  a  sovereign  prince,  he  professed  to  come  on  a 
friendly  embassy  from  the  admiral  who  was  Guamiquina,  or  chief 
of  the  Spaniards,  and  who  had  sent  him  an  invaluable  present. 

1  P.  Martyr,  decad.  1.  lib.  iv.  Oio.  Battiata  Spotorno,  in  bin  Memoir  of  Columbus,  has 
been  led  Into  an  error  by  the  name  of  this  Indian,  and  observes  that  Colurobiii  had  a 
brother  named  Diego,  of  whom  he  seemed  to  be  ashamed,  and  whom  he  married  to  the 
daughter  ot  an  Indian  chief. 


302  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER    COLUMBUS. 

Caonabo  had  tried  Ojeda  in  battle  ;  he  had  witnessed  his 
fiery  prowess,  and  had  conceived  a  warrior's  admiration  of  him. 
He  received  him  with  a  degree  of  chivalrous  courtesy,  if  such  a 
phiase  may  apply  to  the  savage  state  and  rude  hospitality  of 
a  wild  warrior  of  the  forest.  The  free,  fearless  deportment,  the 
great  personal  strength,  and  the  surprising  agility  and  adroit- 
ness of  Ojeda  in  all  manly  exercises,  and  in  the  use  of  all  kinds 
of  weapons,  were  calculated  to  delight  a  savage,  and  he  soon  be- 
came a  great  favorite  with  Caonabo. 

Ojeda  now  used  all  his  influence  to  prevail  upon  the  cacique 
to  repair  to  Isabella,  for  the  purpose  of  making  a  treaty  with 
Columbus,  and  becoming  the  ally  and  friend  of  the  Spaniards. 
It  is  said  that  he  offered  him,  as  a  lure,  the  bell  of  the  chapel  of 
Isabella.  This  bell  was  the  wonder  of  the  island.  When  the 
Indians  heard  it  ringing  for  mass,  and  beheld  the  Spaniards 
hastening  toward  the  chapel,  they  imagined  that  it  talked,  and 
that  the  white  men  obeyed  it.  Regarding  with  superstition  all 
things  connected  with  the  Spaniards,  they  looked  upon  this  bell 
as  something  supernatural,  and  in  their  usual  phrase  said  it  had 
come  from  "  Turey,"  or  the  skies.  Caonabo  had  heard  the  bell 
at  a  distance,  in  his  prowlings  about  the  settlement,  and  had 
longed  to  see  it ;  but  when  it  was  proffered  to  him  as  a  present 
of  peace,  he  found  it  impossible  to  resist  the  temptation.  He 
agreed,  therefore,  to  set  out  for  Isabella ;  but  when  the  time 
came  to  depart  Ojeda  beheld  with  surprise  a  powerful  force  of 
warriors  assembled  and  ready  to  march.  He  asked  the  mean- 
ing of  taking  such  an  army  on  a  mere  friendly  visit ;  the  cacique 
proudly  replied  that  it  did  not  befit  a  great  prince  like  himself 
to  go  forth  scantily  attended.  Ojeda  was  little  satisfied  with 
this  reply  ;  he  knew  the  warlike  character  of  Caonabo,  and  his 
deep  subtlety  ;  he  feared  some  sinister  design  —  a  surprise  of 
the  fortress  of  Isabella,  or  an  attempt  upon  the  person  of  the 
admiral.  He  knew  also  that  it  was  the  wish  of  Columbus  either 
to  make  peace  with  the  cacique,  or  to  get  possession  of  his  person 
without  the  alternative  of  open  warfare.  He  had  recourse  to  a 
stratagem,  therefore,  which  has  an  air  of  fable  and  romance, 
but  which  is  recorded  by  all  the  contemporary  historians  with 
trivial  variations,  and  which,  Las  Casas  assures  ns,  was  in  cur- 
rent circulation  in  the  island  when  he  arrived  there,  about  six 
years  after  the  event.  It  accords  too  with  the  adventurous  and 
extravagant  character  of  the  man,  and  with  the  wild  stratagems 
and  vaunting  exploits  incident  to  Indian  warfare. 

In  the  course  of  their  march,  having  halted  near  the  Little 
Yagui,  a  considerable  branch  of  the  Neyba,  Ojedu  one  day  pro- 


LIFE   OF  CUIHSTOPUER   COLUMBUS.  303 

ducecl  a  set  of  manacles  of  polished  steel,  so  highly  burnished 
that  they  looked  like  silver.  These  he  assured  (  a< mat >o  were 
royal  ornaments  which  had  come  from  heaven,  or  the  Turey  of 
Biscay  ; l  that  they  were  worn  by  the  monarchs  of  Castile  on 
solemn  dances  and  other  high  festivities,  and  were  intended  a.s 
presents  to  the  cacique.  He  proposed  that  Caonabo  should  go 
to  the  river  and  bathe,  after  which  he  should  be  decorated  with 
these  ornaments,  mounted  on  the  horse  of  Ojeda.  and  .should 
return  in  the  state  of  a  Spanish  monarch,  to  astonish  his  sub- 
jects. The  cacique  was  dazzled  with  the  glitter  of  the  manacles, 
and  flattered  with  the  idea  of  bestriding  one  of  those  tremendous 
animals  .so  dreaded  by  his  countrymen.  He  repaired  to  the 
river,  and  having  bathed,  was  assisted  to  mount  behind  Ojeda, 
and  the  shackles  were  adjusted.  Ojeda  made  several  circuits  to 
gain  space,  followed  by  his  little  band  of  horsrnirn.  the  Indians 
shrinking  back  from  the  prancing  steeds.  At  length  lie  made 
a  wide  sweep  into  the  forest,  until  the  trees  concealed  him  from 
the  sight  of  the  army.  His  followers  then  closed  round  him, 
and  drawing  their  swords,  threatened  Caonabo  with  instant 
death  if  he  made  the  least  noise  or  resistance.  Binding  him 
witli  cords  to  Ojeda  to  prevent  his  falling  or  effecting  an  escape, 
they  put  spurs  to  their  horses,  dashed  across  the  river,  and 
made  off  through  the  woods  with  their  prize. - 

They  had  now  fifty  or  sixty  leagues  of  wilderness  to  traverse 
on  their  way  homeward,  with  here  and  there  large  Indian  towns. 
They  had  borne  off  their  captive  far  beyond  the  pursuit  of  his 
subjects  ;  but  the  utmost  vigilance  was  requisite  to  prevent  his 
escape  during  this  long  and  toilsome  journey,  and  to  avoid  ex- 
citing the  hostilities  of  any  confederate  cacique.  They  had  to 
shun  the  populous  parts  of  the  country  therefore,  and  to  pass 
through  the  Indian  towns  at  full  gallop.  They  suffered  greatly 
from  fatigue,  hunger,  and  watchfulness ;  encountering  many 
perils,  fording  and  swimming  the  numerous  rivers  of  the  plains, 
toiling  through  the  deep  tangled  forests,  and  clambering  over 
the  high  and  rocky  mountains.  They  accomplished  all  in  safety, 
and  Ojeda  entered  Isabella  in  triumph  from  this  most  daring  and 
characteristic  enterprise,  with  his  wild  Indian  bound  behind. 

Columbus  could  not  refrain  from  expressing  his  great  satis- 
faction when  this  dangerous  foe  was  delivered  into  his  hands. 

1  The  principal  iron  manufactories  of  Spain  are  established  in  Biscay,  where  the  ore  la 
found  in  abundance. 

-  This  romantic  exploit  of  Ojeda  Is  recorded  at  largo  by  Las  Casas;  by  his  copyist 
Ilerrerii  'di-rad.  i.  lib.  ii.  cap.  16);  by  Fernando  I'izarro,  in  his  Varones  Illustres  del 
Nuevo  Muiulo  ;  and  by  Charlevoix  in  his  History  of  St.  Domingo.  Peter  Martyr  aud 
other*  have  given  it  more  concisely,  alluding  to,  but  not  inserting  its  roiuuiitic  details. 


304  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

The  haughty  Carib  met  him  with  a  lofty  and  unsubdued  air, 
disdaining  to  conciliate  him  by  submission,  or  to  deprecate  his 
vengeance  for  the  blood  of  white  men  which  he  had  shed.  He 
never  bowed  his  spirit  to  captivity ;  on  the  contrary,  though 
completely  at  the  mercy  of  the  Spaniards,  he  displayed  that 
boasting  defiance  which  is  a  part  of  Indian  heroism,  and  which 
the  savage  maintains  toward  his  tormentors,  even  amid  the 
agonies  of  the  fagot  and  the  stake.  He  vaunted  his  achieve- 
ment in  surprising  and  burning  the  fortress  of  Nativity,  and 
slaughtering  its  garrison,  and  declared  that  he  had  secretly 
reconnoitred  Isabella,  with  an  intention  of  wreaking  upon  it 
the  same  desolation. 

Columbus,  though  struck  with  the  heroism  of  the  chieftain, 
considered  him  a  dangerous  enemy,  whom,  for  the  peace  of  the 
Island,  it  was  advisable  to  send  to  Spain  ;  in  the  mean  time  he 
ordered  that  he  should  be  treated  with  kindness  and  respect, 
and  lodged  him  in  a  part  of  his  own  dwelling,  where,  however, 
be  kept  him  a  prisoner  in  chains.  This  precaution  must  have 
been  necessary,  from  the  insecurity  of  his  prison  ;  for  Las  Casas 
observes  that  the  admiral's  house  not  being  spacious,  nor  hav- 
ing many  chambers,  the  passers  by  in  the  street  could  see  the 
captive  chieftain  from  the  portal.1 

Caonabo  always  maintained  a  haught}*  deportment  toward 
Columbus,  while  he  never  evinced  the  least  animosity  against 
Oieda.  He  rather  admired  the  latter  as  a  consummate  warrior, 
for  having  pounced  upon  him  and  borne  him  off  in  this  hawk- 
like manner  from  the  very  inidst  of  his  fighting-men. 

\Vhen  Columbus  entered  the  apartment  where  Caonabo  was 
confined,  all  present  rose,  according  to  custom,  and  paid  him 
reverence  ;  the  cacique  alone  neither  moved  nor  took  any  notice 
ot  him.  On  the  contrary,  when  Ojeda  entered,  though  small  in 
person  and  without  external  state,  Caouabo  rose  and  saluted 
him  with  profound  respect.  On  being  asked  the  reason  of  this, 
Columbus  being  Guamiquiua,  or  great  chief  over  all,  and  Ojeda 
but  one  of  his  subjects,  the  proud  Carib  replied  that  the  admiral 
had  never  dared  to  come  personally  to  his  house,  and  seize 
him  ;  it  was  only  through  the  valor  of  Ojeda  he  was  his  prisoner  ; 
to  Oje'da,  therefore,  he  owed  reverence,  not  to  the  admiral.2 

The  captivity  of  Caouabo  was  deeply  felt  by  his  subjects,  for 
the  natives  of  this  island  seem  generally  to  have  been  extremely 
loyal,  and  strongly  attached  to  their  caciques.  One  of  the 
brc  :hers  of  Caouabo,  a  warrior  of  great  courage  and  address, 

»  Las  Casan,  Hiet.  lud.,  lib.  i.  cap.  102.  >  Ibid.,  cap.  102. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  305 

and  very  popular  among  the  Indians,  assembled  an  arm}'  of 
more  than  seven  thousand  men  and  led  them  secretly  to  the 
neighborhood  of  St.  Thomas,  where  Ojeda  was  again  in  com- 
mand. His  intention  was  to  surprise  a  number  of  .Spaniards, 
in  hopes  of  obtaining  his  brother  in  exchange  for  them.  Ojeda, 
as  usual,  had  notice  of  the  design,  but  was  not  to  be  again  shut 
up  in  his  fortress.  Having  been  re-enforced  by  a  detachment 
sent  by  the  Adelantado,  he  left  a  sufficient  force  in  garrison, 
and  with  the  remainder,  and  his  little  troop  of  horse,  set  off 
boldly  to  meet  the  savages.  The  brother  of  Caonabo,  when  he 
saw  the  Spaniards  approaching,  showed  some  military  skill, 
disposing  his  army  in  five  battalions.  The  impetuous  attack  of 
Ojeda,  however,  with  his  handful  of  horsemen,  threw  the  Indian 
warriors  into  sudden  panic.  At  the  furious  onset  of  these  steel- 
clad  beings,  wielding  their  flashing  weapons,  and  bestriding 
what  appeared  to  be  ferocious  beasts  of  prey,  the}7  threw  down 
their  weapons  and  took  to  flight ;  many  were  slain,  more  were 
taken  prisoners,  and  among  the  latter  was  the  brother  of 
Caouabo,  bravely  lighting  in  a  righteous  yet  desperate  cause.1 


CHAPTER  V. 

ARRIVAL   OF   ANTONIO   DE   TORRES   WITH    FOUR   SHIPS    FROM    SPAIN 
—  IIIS   RETURN    WITH   INDIAN   SLAVES. 

[1494.] 

THE  colony  was  still  suffering  greatly  from  want  of  provis- 
ions ;  the  European  stock  was  nearly  exhausted,  and  such  was 
the  idleness  and  improvidence  of  the  colonists,  or  the  confusiou 
into  which  they  had  been  thrown  by  the  hostilities  of  the  natives, 
or  such  was  their  exclusive  eagerness  after  the  precious  metals, 
that  they  seem  to  have  neglected  the  true  wealth  of  the  island, 
its  quick  and  productive  soil,  and  to  have  been  in  constant 
danger  of  famine,  though  in  the  midst  of  fertility. 

At  length  they  were  relieved  by  the  arrival  of  four  ships 
commanded  by  Antonio  Torres,  which  brought  an  ample  supply 
of  provisions.  There  were  also  a  physician  and  an  apothecary, 
whose  aid  was  greatly  needed  in  the  sickly  state  of  the  colony  ; 
but  above  all,  there  were  mechanics,  millers,  fishermen,  gar- 

1  Oviedo,  Crouica  de  los  Indian,  lib.  iii.  cap.  1.  Charlevoix,  Hist.  St.  Doiniugo,  lib.  il. 
p.  131. 


306  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

deners,  and  husbandmen  —  the  true  kind  of  population  for  a 
colony. 

Torres  brought  letters  from  the  sovereigns  (dated  August  10th, 
14U4)  of  the  most  gratifying  kind,  expressing  the  highest  satis- 
faction at  the  accounts  sent  home  by  the  admiral,  and  acknowl- 
edging that  every  thing  in  the  course  of  his  discoveries  had 
turned  out  as  he  had  predicted.  They  evinced  the  liveliest 
interest  in  the  affairs  of  the  colony,  and  a  desire  of  receiving 
frequent  intelligence  as  to  his  situation,  proposing  that  a  caravel 
should  sail  each  month  from  Isabella  and  Spain.  They  informed 
him  that  all  differences  with  Portugal  were  amicably  adjusted, 
and  acquainted  him  with  the  conventional  agreement  with  that 
power  relative  to  a  ideographical  line,  separating  their  newly- 
discovered  possessions  ;  requesting  him  to  respect  this  agree- 
ment iu  the  course  of  his  discoveries.  As  in  adjusting  the 
arrangement  with  Portugal,  and  in  drawing  the  proposed  line, 
it  was  important  to  have  the  best  advice,  the  sovereigns  re- 
quested Columbus  to  return  and  be  present  at  the  convention  ; 
or,  in  case  that  should  be  inconvenient,  to  send  his  brother 
Bartholomew,  or  any  other  person  whom  he  should  consider 
full)-  competent,  furnished  with  such  maps,  charts,  and  designs 
as  might-  be  of  service  in  the  negotiation.1 

There  was  another  letter,  addressed  generally  to  the  inhabit- 
ants of  the  colony,  and  to  all  who  should  proceed  on  voyages 
of  discovery,  commanding  them  to  obey  Columbus  as  implicitly 
as  they  would  the  sovereigns  themselves,  under  pain  of  their 
high  displeasure  and  a  fine  of  ten  thousand  maravedies  for  each 
offence. 

Such  was  the  well-merited  confidence  reposed  at  this  moment 
by  the  sovereigns  in  Columbus,  but  which  was  soon  to  be 
blighted  by  the  insidious  reports  of  worthless  men.  He  was  al- 
ready aware  of  the  complaints  and  misrepresentations  which 
had  been  sent  home  from  the  colony,  and  which  would  be  en- 
forced by  Margarite  and  Friar  Boyle.  He  was  aware  that  his 
standing  in  Spain  was  of  that  uncertain  kind  which  a  stranger 
always  possesses  in  the  service  of  a  foreign  country,  where  he 
has  no  friends  nor  connections  to  support  him,  and  where  even 
his  very  merits  increase  the  eagerness  of  envy  to  cast  him 
down.  His  efforts  to  promote  the  working  of  the  mines,  and  to 
explore  the  resources  of  the  island,  had  been  impeded  by  the 
misconduct  of  Margarite  and  the  disorderly  life  of  the  Span- 
iards in  general,  yet  he  apprehended  that  the  very  evils  which 

1  Ilerrera,  dccad.  i.  lib.  ii.  cap.  17. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  307 

they  had  produced  would  be  alleged  against  him,  and  the  want 
of  profitable  returns  be  cited  to  discredit  and  embarrass  his 
expeditions. 

To  counteract  any  misrepresentations  of  the  kind,  Columbus 
hastened  the  return  of  the  ships,  and  would  have  returned  with 
them,  not  merely  to  coin  pi  j*  with  the  wishes  of  the  sovereigns 
in  being  present  at  the  settlement  of  the  geographical  line,  but 
to  vindicate  himself  and  his  enterprises  from  the  aspersions  of 
his  enemies.  The  malady,  however,  which  confined  him  to  his 
bi-d  prevented  his  departure  ;  and  his  brother  Bartholomew  was 
required  to  aid,  with  his  practical  good  sense  and  his  resolute 
spirit,  in  regulating  the  disordered  affairs  of  the  island.  It  was 
determined,  therefore,  to  send  home  his  brother  Diego,  to  attend 
to  the  wishes  of  the  sovereigns,  and  to  take  care  of  his  interests 
at  court.  At  the  same  time  he  exerted  himself  to  the  utmost 
to  send  by  the  ships  satisfactory  proofs  of  the  value  of  his  dis- 
coveries. He  remitted  by  them  all  the  gold  that  he  could 
collect,  with  specimens  of  other  metals,  and  of  various  fruits 
and  valuable  plants,  which  he  had  collected  either  in  Hispaniola 
or  in  the  course  of  his  voyage.  In  his  eagerness  to  produce 
immediate  profit,  and  to  indemnify  the  sovereigns  for  those 
expenses  which  bore  hard  upon  the  royal  treasury,  he  sent, 
likewise,  above  five  hundred  Indian  prisoners,  who,  he  sug- 
gested, might  be  sold  as  slaves  at  Seville. 

It  is  painful  to  find  the  brilliant  renown  of  Columbus  sullied 
by  so  foul  a  stain.  The  customs  of  the  times,  however,  must 
be  pleaded  in  his  apology.  The  precedent  had  been  given  long 
before,  by  both  Spaniards  and  Portuguese,  in  their  African  dis- 
coveries, wherein  the  traffic  in  slaves  had  formed  one  of  the 
greatest  sources  of  profit.  In  fact,  the  practice  had  been  sanc- 
tioned by  the  church  itself,  and  the  most  learned  theologians 
had  pronounced  all  barbarous  and  infidel  nations,  who  shut 
their  ears  to  the  truths  of  Christianity,  fair  objects  of  war  and 
rapine,  of  captivity  and  slavery.  If  Columbus  needed  any 
practical  illustration  of  this  doctrine,  he  had  it  in  the  conduct 
of  Ferdinand  himself,  in  his  late  wars  with  the  Moors  of  Gra- 
nada, in  which  he  had  always  been  surrounded  by  a  crowd  of 
ghostly  advisers,  and  had  professed  to  do  every  thing  for  the 
glory  and  advancement  of  the  faith.  In  this  holy  war,  as  it 
was  termed,  it  was  a  common  practice  to  make  inroads  into  the 
Moorish  territories  and  carry  off  cavQlgados,  not  merely  of 
flocks  and  herds,  but  of  human  beings,  and  those  not  warriors 
taken  with  weapons  in  their  hands,  but  quiet  villagers,  laboring 
peasantry,  and  helpless  women  and  children.  These  were 


308  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

carried  to  the  mart  at  Seville,  or  to  other  populous  towns,  and 
sold  into  slavery.  The  capture  of  Malaga  was  a  memorable 
instauce,  where,  as  a  punishment  for  an  obstinate  and  brave 
defence,  which  should  have  excited  admiration  rather  than 
revenge,  eleven  thousand  people  of  both  sexes,  and  of  all  ranks 
and  ages,  many  of  them  highly  cultivated  and  delicately  reared, 
were  suddenly  torn  from  their  homes,  severed  from  each  other, 
and  swept  into  menial  slavery,  even  though  half  of  their  ran- 
soms had  been  paid.  These  circumstances  are  not  advanced  to 
vindicate,  but  to  palliate  the  conduct  of  Columbus.  He  acted 
but  in  conformity  to  the  customs  of  the  times,  and  was  sanc- 
tioned by  the  example  of  the  sovereign  under  whom  he  served. 
Las  Casas,  the  zealous  and  enthusiastic  advocate  of  the  Indians, 
who  suffers  no  opportunity  to  escape  him  of  exclaiming  in  ve- 
hement terms  against  their  slavery,  speaks  with  indulgence  of 
Columbus  on  this  head.  If  those  pious  and  learned  men,  he 
observes,  whom  the  sovereigns  took  for  guides  and  instructors, 
were  so  ignorant  of  the  injustice  of  this  practice,  it  is  no  won- 
der that  the  unlettered  admiral  should  not  be  conscious  of  its 
impropriety.1 


CHAPTER   VI. 

EXPEDITION   OF    COLUMBUS    AGAINST    THE    INDIANS    OF    THE    VEGA 

BATTLE. 

[1494.] 

NOTWITHSTANDING  the  defeat  of  the  Indians  by  Ojeda,  they 
still  retained  hostile  intentions  against  the  Spaniards.  The 
idea  of  their  cacique  being  a  prisoner  and  in  chains  enraged  the 
natives  of  Maguana  ;  and  the  general  sympathy  manifested  by 
other  tribes  of  the  island  shows  how  widely  that  intelligent 
savage  had  extended  his  influence,  and  how  greatly  he  was  ad- 
mired. He  had  still  active  and  powerful  relatives  remaining, 
to  attempt  his  rescue,  or  revenge  his  fall.  One  of  his  brothers, 
Mauicaotex  by  name,  a  Carib,  bold  and  warlike  as  himself, 
succeeded  to  the  sway  over  his  subjects.  His  favorite  wife 
also,  Anacaona,  so  famous  for  her  charms,  had  great  influence 
over  her  brother  Behechio,  cacique  of  the  populous  province  of 
Xaragua.  Through  these  means  a  violent  and  general  hostility 


Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.,  torn.  i.  cap.  122,  MS. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  309 

to  the  Spaniards  was  excited  throughout  the  island,  and  the 
formidable  league  of  the  caciques,  which  Caonabo  had  in  vain 
attempted  to  accomplish  when  at  large,  was  produced  by  his 
captivity.  Guacauagari,  the  cacique  of  Marien,  alone  remained 
friendly  to  the  Spaniards,  giving  them  timely  information  of 
the  gathering  storm  and  offering  to  take  the  field  with  them  as 
a  faithful  ally. 

The  protracted  illness  of  Columbus,  the  scantiness  of  his 
military  force,  and  the  wretched  state  of  the  colonists  in  gene- 
ral, reduced  by  sickness  and  scarcity  to  great  bodily  weakness, 
had  hitherto  induced  him  to  try  every  means  of  conciliation 
and  stratagem  to  avert  and  dissolve  the  confederacy.  He  had 
at  length  recovered  his  health,  and  his  followers  were  in  some 
degree  refreshed  and  invigorated  by  the  supplies  brought  by 
the  ships.  At  this  time  he  received  intelligence  that  the  allied 
caciques  were  actually  assembled  in  great  force  in  the  Vega, 
within  two  days'  march  of  Isabella,  with  an  intention  of  mak- 
ing a  general  assault  upon  the  settlement,  and  overwhelming 
it  1)}*  numbers.  Columbus  resolved  to  take  the  field  at  once, 
and  to  carry  the  war  into  the  territories  of  the  enemy,  rather 
than  suffer  it  to  be  brought  to  his  own  door. 

The  whole  sound  and  effective  force  that  he  could  muster,  in 
the  present  infirm  state  of  the  colony,  did  not  exceed  two  hun- 
dred infantry  and  twenty  horse.  They  were  armed  with  cross- 
bows, swords,  lances,  and  espingardas,  or  heavy  arquebuses, 
which  in  those  days  were  used  with  rests,  aud  sometimes 
mounted  on  wheels.  With  these  formidable  weapons,  a  hand- 
ful of  European  warriors,  cased  in  steel  and  covered  with 
bucklers,  were  able  to  cope  with  thousands  of  naked  savages. 
They  had  aid  of  another  kind,  however,  consisting  of  twenty 
blood-hounds,  animals  scr.rcely  less  terrible  to  the  Indians  than 
the  horses,  and  infinitely  more  fatal.  They  were  fearless  and 
ferocious ;  nothing  daunted  them,  nor  when  they  had  once 
seized  upon  their  prey  could  any  thing  compel  them  to  relin- 
quish their  hold.  The  naked  bodies  of  the  Indians  offered  no 
defence  against  their  attacks.  They  sprang  on  them.  Dragged 
them  to  the  earth,  and  tore  them  to  pieces. 

The  admiral  was  accompanied  in  the  expedition  by  his 
brother  Bartholomew,  whose  counsel  and  aid  he  sought  on  all 
occasions,  and  who  had  not  merely  great  personal  force  and 
undaunted  courage,  but  also  a  decidedly  military  turn  of  mind. 
Guacanagari  also  brought  his  people  into  the  field  ;  neither  he 
nor  his  subjects,  however,  were  of  a  warlike  character,  nor  cal- 
culated to  render  much  assistance.  The  chief  advantage  of 


310  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

his  co-operation  was.  that  it  completely  severed  him  from  the 
other  caciques,  and  insured  the  dependence  of  himself  and  his 
subjects  upon  the  Spaniards.  In  the  present  infant  state  of 
the  colony  its  chief  security  depended  upon  jealousies  and  dis- 
sensions sown  among  the  native  powers  of  the  island. 

On  the  27th  of  March,  1495,  Columbus  issued  forth  from  Isa- 
bella with  his  little  army,  and  advanced  by  marches  of  ten 
leagues  a  day,  in  quest  of  the  enemy.  He  ascended  again  to 
the  mountain-pass  of  the  Cavaliers,  whence  he  had  first  looked 
down  upon  the  Vega.  With  what  different  feelings  did  he  now 
contemplate  it.  The  vile  passions  of  the  white  men  had  already 
converted  this  smiling,  beautiful,  and  once  peaceful  and  hospi- 
table region,  into  a  land  of  wrath  and  hostility.  Wherever  the 
smoke  of  an  Indian  town  rose  from  among  the  trees,  it  marked 
a  horde  of  exasperated  enemies,  and  the  deep  rich  forests 
below  him  swarmed  with  lurking  warriors.  In  the  picture  which 
his  imagination  had  drawn  of  the  peaceful  and  inoffensive  na- 
ture of  this  people,  he  had  flattered  himself  with  the  idea  of 
ruling  over  them  as  a  patron  and  benefactor,  but  now  he  found 
himself  compelled  to  assume  the  odious  character  of  a  conqueror. 

The  Indians  had  notice  by  their  scouts  of  his  approach,  but 
though  they  had  already  had  some  slight  experience  of  the 
warfare  of  the  white  men,  they  were  confident  from  the  vast 
superiority  of  their  numbers,  which,  it  is  said,  amounted  to  one 
hundred  thousand  men.1  This  is  probably  an  exaggeration  ; 
as  Indians  never  draw  out  into  the  open  field  in  order  of  battle, 
but  lurk  among  the  forests,  it  is  difficult  to  ascertain  their 
force,  and  their  rapid  movements  and  sudden  sallies  and  re- 
treats from  various  parts,  together  with  the  wild  shouts  and 
yells  from  opposite  quarters  of  the  woodlands,  are  calculated 
to  give  an  exaggerated  idea  of  their  number.  The  army  must, 
however,  have  been  great,  as  it  consisted  of  the  combined 
forces  of  several  caciques  of  this  populous  island.  It  was  com- 
manded by  Mauicaotex,  the  brother  of  Caonabo.  The  Indians, 
who  were  little  skilled  in  numeration  and  incapable  of  reckon- 
ing beyond  ten,  had  a  simple  mode  of  ascertaining  and  describ- 
ing the  force  of  an  enemy,  by  counting  out  a  grain  of  maize  or 
Indian  corn  for  every  warrior.  When,  therefore,  the  spies, 
who  had  watched  from  rocks  and  thickets  the  march  of  Colum- 
bus, came  back  with  a  mere  handful  of  corn  as  the  amount  of 
his  army,  the  caciques  scoffed  at  the  idea  of  so  scanty  a  num- 
ber making  head  against  their  countless  multitude.'2 

i  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.,  lib.  i.  cap.  104,  MS.  !  Las  Casas,  ubi  sup. 


LIFE   OF  CURISTOFIIER   COLUMBUS.  311 

Columbus  drew  near  to  the  enemy  about  the  place  where  the 
town  of  St.  Jago  has  since  been  built.  The  Indian  army, 
under  Manicaotex,  was  posted  on  a  plain  interspersed  with 
clusters  of  forest  trees,  now  known  as  the  Savanna  of  Matanza. 
Having  ascertained  the  great  force  of  the  enemy,  Don  Barthol- 
omew advised  that  their  little  army  should  be  divided  into  de- 
tachments, and  should  attack  the  Indians  at  the  same  moment 
from  several  quarters  ;  this  plan  was  adopted.  The  infantry, 
separating  into  different  bodies,  advanced  suddenly  from  vari- 
ous directions  with  great  din  of  drums  and  trumpets,  and  a 
destructive  discharge  of  fire-arms  from  the  covert  of  the  trees. 
The  Indians  were  thrown  into  complete  confusion.  An  army 
seemed  pressing  upon  them  from  every  quarter,  their  fellow- 
warriors  to  be  laid  low  with  thunder  and  lightning  from  the 
forests.  While  driven  together  and  confounded  by  these  at- 
tacks, Alonzo  de  Ojeda  charged  their  main  body  impetuously 
with  his  troop  of  cavalry,  cutting  his  way  with  lance  and  sabre. 
The  horses  bore  down  the  terrified  Indians,  while  their  riders 
dealt  their  blows  on  all  sides  unopposed.  The  blood-hounds  at 
the  same  time  rushed  upon  the  naked  savages,  seizing  them  by 
the  throat,  dragging  them  to  the  earth,  and  tearing  out  their 
bowels.  The  Indians,  unaccustomed  to  large  and  fierce  quad- 
rupeds of  any  kind,  were  struck  with  horror  when  assailed  by 
these  ferocious  animals.  They  thought  the  horses  equally 
fierce  and  devouring.  The  contest,  if  such  it  might  be  called, 
was  of  short  duration. 

The  Indians  fled  in  every  direction  with  yells  and  howlings  ; 
some  clambered  to  the  tops  of  rocks  and  precipices,  whence 
they  made  piteous  supplications,  and  offers  of  complete  sub- 
mission ;  many  were  killed,  many  made  prisoners,  and  the  con- 
federacy was  for  the  time  completely  broken  up  and  dispersed. 

Guacanagari  had  accompanied  the  Spaniards  into  the  field 
according  to  his  promise,  but  he  was  little  more  than  spectator 
of  this  battle  or  rather  rout.  He  was  not  of  a  martial  spirit,  and 
both  he  and  his  subjects  must  have  shrunk  with  awe  at  this  un- 
usual and  terrific  burst  of  war,  even  though  on  the  part  of  their 
allies.  His  participation  in  the  hostilities  of  the  white  men 
was  never  forgiven  by  the  other  caciques,  and  he  returned 
to  his  dominions,  followed  by  the  hatred  and  execrations  of  all 
the  islanders. 


312  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

CHAPTER  VII. 

SUBJUGATION    OF    THE    NATIVES IMPOSITION     OF    TRIBUTE. 

[1494.] 

COLUMBUS  followed  up  his  victory  by  making  a  military  tour 
through  various  parts  of  the  island,  and  reducing  them  to  obe- 
dience. The  natives  made  occasional  attempts  at  opposition, 
but  were  easily  checked.  Ojeda's  troop  of  cavalry  was  of 
great  efficacy  from  the  rapidit}'  of  its  movements,  the  active 
intrepidity  of  its  commander,  and  the  terror  inspired  by  the 
horses.  There  was  .  no  service  too  wild  and  hazardous  for 
Ojeda.  If  any  appearance  of  war  arose  in  a  distant  part  of 
the  country,  he  would  penetrate  with  his  little  squadron  of  cav- 
alry through  the  depths  of  the  forests,  and  fall  like  a  thunder- 
bolt upon  the  enemy,  disconcerting  all  their  combinations  and 
enforcing  implicit  submission. 

The  Royal  Vega  was  soon  brought  into  subjection.  Being 
an  immense  plain,  perfectly  level,  it  was  easily  overrun  by  the 
horsemen,  whose  appearance  overawed  the  most  populous  vil- 
lages. Guarionex,  its  sovereign  cacique,  was  of  a  mild  and 
placable  character,  and  though  he  had  been  roused  to  war  by 
the  instigation  of  the  neighboring  chieftains,  he  readily  sub- 
mitted to  the  domination  of  the  Spaniards.  Mariicaotex,  the 
brother  of  Caonabo,  was  also  obliged  to  sue  for  peace ;  and 
being  the  prime  mover  of  the  confederacy,  the  other  caciques 
followed  his  example.  Behechio  alone,  the  cacique  of  Xaragua, 
and  brother-in-law  of  Caonabo,  made  no  overtures  of  submis- 
sion. His  territories  lay  remote  from  Isabella,  at  the  western 
extremity  of  the  island,  around  the  deep  bay  called  the  Bight 
of  Leogan,  and  the  long  peninsula  called  Cape  Tiburon.  They 
were  difficult  of  access,  and  had  not  as  yet  been  visited  by  the 
white  men.  He  retired  into  his  domains,  taking  with  him  his 
sister,  the  beautiful  Anacaona,  wife  of  Caonabo,  whom  he 
cherished  with  fraternal  affection  under  her  misfortunes,  who 
soon  acquired  almost  equal  sway  over  his  subjects  with  him- 
self, and  was  destined  subsequently  to  make  some  figure  in  the 
events  of  the  island. 

Having  been  forced  to  take  the  field  by  the  confederacy  of 
the  caciques,  Columbus  now  asserted  the  right  of  a  conqueror, 
and  considered  how  he  might  turn  his  conquest  to  most  profit. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  313 

His  constant  anxiety  was  to  make  wealth}7  returns  to  Spain, 
for  the  purpose  of  indemnifying  the  sovereigns  for  their  great 
expenses ;  of  meeting  the  public  expectations,  so  extravagantly 
excited  ;  and  above  all  of  silencing  the  calumnies  of  those  who 
had  gone  home  determined  to  make  the  most  discouraging  rep- 
resentations of  his  discoveries.  He  endeavored,  therefore,  to 
raise  a  large  and  immediate  revenue  by  imposing  heav}'  tributes 
on  the  subjected  provinces.  In  those  of  the  Vega,  Cibao,  and 
all  the  region  of  the  mines,  each  individual  above  the  age  of 
fourteen  years  was  required  to  pay,  every  three  months,  the 
measure  of  a  Flemish  hawk's-bell  of  gold  dust.1  The  caciques 
had  to  pay  a  much  larger  amount  for  their  personal  tribute. 
Manicaotex,  the  brother  of  Caouabo,  was  obliged  individually 
to  render  in,  every  three  months,  half  a  calabash  of  gold, 
amounting  to  one  hundred  and  fifty  pesos.  In  those  districts 
which  were  distant  from  the  mines,  and  produced  no  gold, 
each  individual  was  required  to  furnish  an  arroba  (twenty-five 
pounds)  of  cotton  every  three  months.  Each  Indian,  on  ren- 
dering this  tribute,  received  a  copper  medal  as  a  certificate  of 
payment,  which  he  was  to  wear  suspended  round  his  neck ; 
those  who  were  found  without  such  documents  were  liable  to 
arrest  and  punishment. 

The  taxes  and  tributes  thus  imposed  bore  hard  upon  the  spirit 
of  the  natives,  accustomed  to  be  but  lightly  tasked  by  their 
caciques ;  and  the  caciques  themselves  found  the  exactions 
intolerably  grievous.  Guariouex,  the  sovereign  of  the  Royal 
Vega,  represented  to  Columbus  the  difficulty  he  had  in  comply- 
ing with  the  terms  of  his  tribute.  His  richly  fertile  plain 
yielded  no  gold ;  and  though  the  mountains  on  his  borders 
contained  mines,  and  their  brooks  and  torrents  washed  down 
gold  dust  into  the  sands  of  the  rivers,  yet  his  subjects  were  not 
skilled  in  the  art  of  collecting  it.  He  proffered,  therefore, 
instead  of  the  tribute  required,  to  cultivate  with  grain  a  band 
of  country  stretching  across  the  island  from  sea  to  sea,  enough, 
says  Las  Casas,  to  have  furnished  all  Castile  with  bread  for  ten 
years.2 

His  offer  was  rejected.  Columbus  knew  that  gold  alone 
would  satisfy  the  avaricious  dreams  excited  in  Spain,  and 
insure  the  popularity  and  success  of  his  enterprises.  Seeing, 

1  A  hawk's-bell,  according  to  Las  Casas  (Hist.  Ind.,  lib.  i.  cap.  105),  contains  abont 
three  castellanos'  worth  of  gold  dust,  equal  to  five  dollar*,  and  in  estimating  the  auperior 
value  of  gold  in  those  days,  equivalent  to  fifteen  dollars  of  our  time.    A  quantity  of  gold 
worth  one  hundred  and  fifty  castellanos  was  equivalent  to  seven  buudred  aud  niuety- 
eight  dollars  of  the  present  day. 

2  Lad  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.,  lib.  i.  cap.  105. 


314  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

however,  the  difficulty  that  many  of  the  Indians  had  in  furnish- 
ing the  amount  of  gold  dust  required,  he  lowered  the  demand 
to  the  measure  of  one  half  of  a  hawk's-bell. 

To  enforce  the  payment  of  these  tributes,  and  to  maintain 
the  subjection  of  the  island,  Columbus  put  the  fortress  already 
built  in  a  strong  state  of  defence,  and  erected  others.  Besides 
those  of  Isabella,  and  of  St.  Thomas,  in  the  mountains  of 
Cibao,  there  were  now  the  fortress  of  Magdalena,  in  the  Royal 
Vega,  near  the  site  of  the  old  town  of  Santiago,  on  the  river 
Jalaqtia,  two  leagues  from  the  place  where  the  new  town  was 
afterward  built ;  another  called  Santa  Catalina,  the  site  of 
which  is  near  the  Esteucia  Yaqui ;  another  called  Esperanza, 
on  the  banks  of  the  river  Yaqui,  facing  the  outlet  of  the 
mountain-pass  La  Puerta  de  los  Hidalgos,  now  the  pass  of 
Marney  ;  but  the  most  important  of  those  recently  erected  was 
Fort  Conception,  in  one  of  the  most  fruitful  and  beautiful  parts 
of  the  Vega,  about  fifteen  leagues  to  the  east  of  Esperanza, 
controlling  the  extensive  and  populous  domains  of  Guarionex.1 

In  this  way  was  the  }Toke  of  servitude  fixed  upon  the  island, 
and  its  thraldom  effectually  insured.  Deep  despair  now  fell 
upon  the  natives  when  they  found  a  perpetual  task  inflicted 
upon  them,  enforced  at  stated  and  frequently  recurring  periods. 
Weak  and  indolent  by  nature,  unused  to  labor  of  any  kind,  and 
brought  up  in  the  untasked  idleness  of  their  soft  climate 
and  their  fruitful  groves,  death  itself  seemed  preferable  to  a  life 
of  toil  and  anxiety.  They  saw  no  end  to  this  harassing  evil, 
which  had  so  suddenly  fallen  upon  them  ;  no  escape  from  its 
all-pervading  influence ;  no  prospect  of  return  to  that  roving 
independence  and  ample  leisure,  so  dear  to  the  wild  inhabitants 
of  the  forest.  The  pleasant  life  of  the  island  was  at  an  end  : 
the  dream  in  the  shade  In"  day ;  the  slumber  during  the  sultry 
noontide  heat  by  the  fountain  or  the  stream,  or  under  the 
spreading  palm-tree  ;  and  the  song,  the  dance,  and  the  game  in 
the  mellow  evening,  when  summoned  to  their  simple  amusements 
by  the  rude  Indian  drum.  They  were  now  obliged  to  grope 
day  by  day,  with  bending  body  and  anxious  eye,  along  the 
borders  of  their  rivers,  sifting  the  sands  for  the  grains  of  gold 
which  every  day  grew  more  scant}- ;  or  to  labor  in  their  fields 
beneath  the  fervor  of  a  tropical  sun,  to  raise  food  for  their 
task-masters,  or  to  produce  the  vegetable  tribute  imposed  upon 
them.  They  sank  to  sleep  weary  and  exhausted  at  night,  with 
the  certainty  that  the  next  day  was  but  to  be  a  repetition  of  the 

»  Las  Casas,  Hist.  lud.,  lib.  i.  cap.  110. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  315 

same  toil  and  suffering.  Or  if  the}'  occasionally  indulged  in 
their  national  dances,  the  ballads  to  which  they  kept  time  were 
of  a  melancholy  and  plaintive  character.  They  spoke  of  the 
times  that  were  past  before  the  white  men  had  introduced 
sorrow,  and  slavery,  and  weary  labor  among  them  :  and  they 
rehearsed  pretended  prophesies,  handed  down  from  their  ances- 
tors, foretelling  the  invasion  of  the  Spaniards  :  that  strangers 
should  corne  into  their  island,  clothed  in  apparel,  with  swords 
capable  of  cleaving  a  man  asunder  at  a  blow,  under  whose  yoke 
their  posterity  should  be  subdued.  These  ballads,  or  areytos, 
they  sansr  with  mournful  tunes  and  doleful  voices,  bewailing 
the  loss  of  their  liberty,  and  their  painful  servitude.1 

They  had  Haltered  themselves,  for  a  time,  that  the  visit  of 
the  strangers  would  be  but  temporary,  and  that,  spreading  their 
ample  sails,  their  ships  would  once  more  bear  them  back  to 
their  home  in  the  sky.  In  their  simplicity,  they  had  repeatedly 
inquired  when  the}'  intended  to  return  to  Turey,  or  the  heavens. 
They  now  beheld  them  taking  root,  as  it  were,  in  the  island. 
They  beheld  their  vessels  lying  idle  "and  rotting  in  the  harbor, 
while  the  crews,  scattered  about  the  country,  were  building 
habitations  and  fortresses,  the  solid  construction  of  which, 
unlike  their  own  slight  cabins,  gave  evidence  of  permanent 
Rhode.1 

Finding  how  vain  was  all  attempt  to  deliver  themselves  by 
warlike  means  from  these  invincible  intruders,  the}7  now  con- 
ceited a  forlorn  and  desperate  mode  of  annoyance.  They  per- 
ceived tlrat  the  settlement  suffered  greatly  from  shortness  of 
provisions,  and  depended,  in  a  considerable  degree,  upon  the 
supplies  furnished  b}-  the  natives.  The  fortresses  in  the  inte- 
rior, also,  and  the  Spaniards  quartered  in  the  villages,  looked 
almost  entirely  to  them  for  subsistence.  They  agreed  among 
themselves,  therefore,  not  to  cultivate  the  fruits,  the  roots,  and 
nuiize,  their  chief  articles  of  food,  and  to  destroy  those  already 
growing;  hoping,  by  producing  a  famine,  to  starve  the  stran- 
gers from  the  island.  They  little  knew,  observes  Las  Casas, 
one  of  the  characteristics  of  the  Spaniards,  who  the  more 
hungry  they  are,  the  more  inflexible  they  become,  and  the 
more  hardened  to  endure  suffering.3  They  carried  their  plan 
generally  into  effect,  abandoning  their  habitations,  laying  waste 
their  fields  and  groves,  and  retiring  to  the  mountains,  where 

1  Peter  Martyr,  decad.  iii.  lib.  ix.  *  La*  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.,  Hb.  i.  cap.  106. 

3  No  conociendo  la  propriedud  de  los  Espanoles,  los  cuales  cuanto  ma*  hamhrientos, 
tantii  mayor  tesou  ticuuti  y  mas  duros  sou  dc  sufrir  y  para  sufrir.  Las  Cabas,  Hist.  lud., 
lib.  i.  cap.  1  '.Hi. 


316  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

there  were  roots  and  herbs  and  abundance  of  utias  for  their 
subsistence. 

This  measure  did  indeed  produce  much  distress  among  the 
Spaniards,  but  the}"  had  foreign  resources,  and  were  enabled  to 
endure  it  b}'  husbanding  the  partial  supplies  brought  by  their 
ships  ;  the  most  disastrous  effects  fell  upon  the  natives  them- 
selves. The  Spaniards  stationed  in  the  various  fortresses, 
finding  that  there  was  not  only  no  hope  of  tribute,  but  a  danger 
of  famine  from  this  wanton  waste  and  sudden  desertion,  pur- 
sued the  natives  to  their  retreats,  to  compel  them  to  return  to 
labor.  The  Indians  took  refuge  in  the  most  sterile  and  dreary 
heights ;  flying  from  one  wild  retreat  to  another,  the  women 
with  their  children  in  their  arms  or  at  their  backs,  and  all  worn 
out  with  fatigue  and  hunger,  and  harassed  by  perpetual  alarms. 
In  every  noise  of  the  forest  or  the  mountain  they  fancied  they 
heard  the  sound  of  their  pursuers  ;  they  hid  themselves  in  damp 
and  dismal  caverns,  or  in  the  rocky  banks  and  margins  of  the 
torrents,  and  not  daring  to  hunt,  or  fish,  or  even  to  venture 
forth  in  quest  of  nourishing  roots  and  vegetables,  they  had  to 
satisfy  their  raging  hunger  with  unwholesome  food.  In  this 
wa}"  many  thousands  of  them  perished  miserably,  through 
famine,  fatigue,  terror,  and  various  contagious  maladies  engen- 
dered by  their  sufferings.  All  spirit  of  opposition  was  at  length 
completely  quelled.  The  surviving  Indians  returned  in  despair 
to  their  habitations,  and  submitted  humbly  to  the  yoke.  So 
deep  an  awe  did  they  conceive  of  their  conquerors,  that  it  is 
said  a  Spaniard  might  go  singl}"  apd  securely  all  over  the  island, 
and  the  natives  would  even  transport  hirn  from  place  to  place 
on  their  shoulders.1 

Before  passing  on  to  other  events,  it  may  be  proper  here  to 
notice  the  fate  of  Guacanagari,  as  he  makes  no  further  appear- 
ance in  the  course  of  this  history.  His  friendship  for  the  Span- 
iards had  severed  him  from  his  countrymen,  but  did  not  exon- 
erate him  from  the  general  woes  of  the  island.  His  territories, 
like  those  of  the  other  caciques,  were  subjected  to  a  tribute, 
which  his  people,  with  the  common  repugnance  to  labor,  found 
it  difficult  to  pay.  Columbus,  who  knew  his  worth,  and  could 
have  protected  him,  was  long  absent  either  in  the  interior  of 
the  island,  or  detained  in  Europe  by  his  own  wrongs.  In  the 
interval,  the  Spaniards  forgot  the  hospitality  and  services  of 
Guacanagari,  and  his  tribute  was  harshly  exacted.  He  found 
himself  overwhelmed  with  opprobrium  from  his  countrymen 

1  Las  Casaa,  Hist.  lud.,  lib.  1.  c.  106.    Hist,  del  Alruirante,  cap.  60. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  817 

at  large,  and  assailed  by  the  clamors  and  lamentations  of  his 
suffering  subjects.  The  strangers  whom  he  had  succored  in  dis- 
tress, and  taken  as  it  were  to  the  bosom  of  his  native  island, 
had  become  its  tyrants  and  oppressors.  Care,  and  toil,  and 
poverty,  and  strong  handed  violence,  had  spread  their  curses 
over  the  land,  and  he  felt  as  if  he  had  invoked  them  on  his 
race.  Unable  to  bear  the  hostilities  of  his  fellow  caciques,  the 
\vo(js  of  his  subjects,  and  the  extortions  of  his  ungrateful 
allies,  he  took  refuge  at  last  iu  the  mountains,  where  he  died 
obscurely  and  in  misery.1 

An  attempt  has  been  made  by  Oviedo  to  defame  the  char- 
acter of  this  Indian  prince  :  it  is  not  for  .Spaniards,  however,  to 
excuse  their  own  ingratitude  by  casting  a  stigma  on  his  name. 
He  appears  to  have  always  manifested  toward  them  that  true 
friendship  which  shines  brightest  in  the  dark  days  of  adversity. 
He  might  have  played  a  nobler  part,  in  making  a  stand,  with 
his  brother  caciques,  to  drive  these  intruders  from  his  native 
soil ;  but  he  appears  to  have  been  fascinated  by  his  admiration 
of  the  strangers,  and  his  personal  attachment  to  Columbus. 
He  was  bountiful,  hospitable,  affectionate,  and  kind-hearted  ; 
competent  to  rule  a  gentle  and  unwarlike  people  in  the  happier 
days  of  the  island,  but  unfitted,  through  the  softness  of  his 
nature,  for  the  stern  turmoil  which  followed  the  arrival  of  the 
white  men. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

INTRIGUES    AGAINST   COLUMBUS     IN     THE   COURT   OF     SPAIN  —  AGU- 
ADO    SENT  TO   INVESTIGATE   THE   AFFAIRS    OF    UISPANIOLA. 

[1495.] 

WHILE  Columbus  was  endeavoring  to  remed}*  the  evils  pro- 
duced by  the  misconduct  of  Margarite,  that  recreant  com- 
mander and  his  political  coadjutor,  Friar  Boyle,  were  busily 
undermining  his  reputation  in  the  court  of  Castile.  They 
accused  him  of  deceiving  the  sovereigns  and  the  public  by 
extravagant  descriptions  of  the  countries  he  had  discovered  ; 
they  pronounced  the  island  of  Hispaniola  a  source  of  expense 
rather  than  profit,  and  they  drew  a  dismal  picture  of  the  suffer- 
ings of  the  colony,  occasioned,  as  they  said,  by  the  oppressions 

i  Charlevoix,  Hist,  de  St.  Domingo,  lib.  11. 


318  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

of  Columbus  and  his  brothers.  They  charged  them  with  task- 
ing the  community  with  excessive  labor  during  a  time  of  gen- 
eral sickness  and  debility  ;  with  stopping  the  rations  of  indi- 
viduals on  the  most  trifling  pretext,  to  the  great  detriment  of 
their  health ;  with  wantonly  inflicting  severe  corporal  punish- 
ments oil  the  common  people,  and  with  heaping  indignities  on 
Spanish  gentlemen  of  rank.  They  said  nothing,  however,  of 
the  exigencies  which  had  called  for  unusual  labor;  nor  of  the 
idleness  and  profligacy  which  required  coercion  and  chastise- 
ment ;  nor  of  the  seditious  cabals  of  the  Spanish  cavaliers,  who 
had  been  treated  with  indulgence  rather  than  severity.  In 
addition  to  these  complaints,  they  represented  the  slate  of 
confusion  of  the  island,  in  consequence  of  the  absence  of  the 
admiral,  and  the  uncertainty  which  prevailed  concerning  his 
fate,  intimating  the  probability  of  his  having  perished  in  his 
foolhardy  attempts  to  explore  unknown  seas  and  discover  un- 
profitable lauds. 

These  prejudiced  and  exaggerated  representations  derived 
much  weight  from  the  official  situations  of  Margarite  and 
Friar  Boyle.  They  were  supported  by  the  testimony  of  many 
discontented  and  factious  idlers,  who  had  returned  with  them 
to  Spain.  Some  of  these  persons  had  connections  of  rank,  who 
were  ready  to  resent,  with  Spanish  haughtiness,  what  they 
considered  the  arrogant  assumptions  of  an  ignoble  foreigner. 
Thus  the  popularity  of  Columbus  received  a  vital  blow,  and 
immediately  began  to  decline.  The  confidence  of  the  sover- 
eigns also  was  impaired,  and  precautions  were  adopted  which 
savor  strongly  of  the  cautious  and  suspicious  policy  of  Ferdi- 
nand. 

It  was  determined  to  send  some  person  of  trust  and  confi- 
dence, who  should  take  upon  himself  the  government  of  the 
island  in  case  of  the  continued  absence  of  the  admiral,  and  who, 
even  in  the  event  of  his  return,  should  inquire  into  the  alleged 
evils  and  abuses,  and  remedy  such  as  should  appear  really  in 
existence.  The  person  proposed  for  this  difficult  office  was 
Diego  Carillo,  a  commander  of  a  militaiy  order ;  but  as  he  was 
not  immediately  prepared  to  sail  with  a  fleet  of  caravels 
about  to  depart  with  supplies,  the  sovereigns  wrote  to  Fonseca, 
the  superintendent  of  Indian  affairs,  to  send  some  trusty  person 
with  the  vessels,  to  take  charge  of  the  provisions  with  which 
they  were  freighted.  These  he  was  to  distribute  among  the 
colonists,  under  the  supervision  of  the  admiral,  or.  in  case  of 
his  absence,  in  presence  of  those  in  authority.  He  was  also  to 
collect  information  concerning  the  manner  in  which  the  island 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  319 

had  been  governed,  the  conduct  of  persons  in  office,  the  causes 
and  authors  of  existing  grievances,  and  the  measures  by  which 
they  were  to  be  remedied.  Having  collected  such  information, 
he  was  to  return  and  make  report  to  the  sovereigns  ;  but  iu 
case  he  should  find  the  admiral  at  the  island,  every  thing  was 
to  remain  subject  to  his  control. 

There  was  another  measure  adopted  by  the  sovereigns  about 
this  time,  which  likewise  shows  the  declining  favor  of  Colum- 
bus. On  the  10th  of  April,  149o,  a  proclamation  was  issued, 
giving  general  permission  to  native-born  subjects  to  settle  in  the 
island  of  Hispaniola,  and  to  go  on  private  vo3-ages  of  discovery 
and  traffic  to  the  New  World.  This  was  granted,  subject  to 
certain  conditions. 

All  vessels  were  to  sail  exclusively  from  the  port  of  Cadiz, 
and  under  the  inspection  of  officers  appointed  by  the  crown. 
Those  who  embarked  for  Hispaniola  without  pay  and  at  their 
own  expense,  were  to  have  lands  assigned  to  them,  and  to  be 
provisioned  for  one  year,  with  a  right  to  retain  such  lands,  and 
all  houses  they  might  erect  upon  them.  Of  all  gold  which  they 
might  collect,  they  were  to  retain  one  third  for  themselves,  and 
pay  two-thirds  to  the  crown.  Of  all  other  articles  of  merchan- 
dise, the  produce  of  the  island,  they  were  to  pay  merely  one- 
tenth  to  tlie  crown.  Their  purchases  were  to  be  made  in  the 
presence  of  officers  appointed  by  the  sovereigns,  and  the  royal 
duties  paid  into  the  hands  of  the  king's  receiver. 

Each  ship  sailing  on  private  enterprise  was  to  take  one  or  two 
persons  named  by  the  royal  officers  at  Cadiz.  One-tenth  of  the 
tonnage  of  the  ship  was  to  be  at  the  service  of  the  crown,  free 
of  charge.  One-tenth  of  whatever  such  ships  should  procure 
in  the  newly-discovered  countries  was  to  be  paid  to  the  crown 
on  their  return.  These  regulations  included  private  ships 
trading  to  Hispaniola  with  provisions. 

For  every  vessel  thus  fitted  out  on  private  adventure,  Co- 
lumbus, in  consideration  of  his  privilege  of  an  eighth  of  ton- 
nage, was  to  have  the  right  to  freight  one  on  his  own  account. 

This  general  license  for  voyages  of  discovery  was  made  in 
consequence  of  the  earnest  application  of  Vincent  Yanes  Pin- 
zon,  and  other  able  and  intrepid  navigators,  most  of  whom  had 
sailed  with  Columbus.  They  offered  to  make  voyages  at  their 
own  cost  and  hazard.  The  offer  was  tempting  and  well-timed. 
The  government  was  poor,  the  expeditions  of  Columbus  were 
expensive,  yet  their  object  was  too  important  to  be  neglected. 
Here  was  an  opportunity  of  attaining  all  the  ends  proposed, 
not  merely  without  expense,  but  with  a  certainty  of  gain.  The 


320  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

permission,  therefore,  was  granted,  without  consulting  the 
opinion  or  the  wishes  of  the  admiral.  It  was  loudly  com- 
plained of  by  him,  as  an  infringement  of  his  privileges,  and  as 
disturbing  the  career  of  regular  and  well-organized  discovery, 
by  the  licentious  aud  sometimes  predatory  enterprises  of  reck- 
less adventurers.  Doubtless,  much  of  the  odium  that  has  at- 
tached itself  to  the  Spanish  discoveries  in  the  New  World  has 
arisen  from  the  grasping  avidity  of  private  individuals. 

Just  at  this  juncture,  in  the  early  part  of  April,  while  the 
interests  of  Columbus  were  in  such  a  critical  situation,  the 
ships  commanded  by  Torres  arrived  in  Spain.  They  brought 
intelligence  of  the  safe  return  of  the  admiral  to  Hispaniola, 
from  his  voyage  along  the  southern  coast  of  Cuba,  with  the 
evidence  which  he  had  collected  to  prove  that  it  was  the  ex- 
tremity of  the  Asiatic  continent,  and  that  he  had  penetrated  to 
the  borders  of  the  wealthiest  countries  of  the  East.  Specimens 
were  likewise  brought  of  the  gold,  and  the  various  animal 
and  vegetable  curiosities,  which  he  had  procured  in  the  course 
of  his  voyage.  No  arrival  could  have  been  more  timely.  It  at 
once  removed  all  doubts  respecting  his  safety,  and  obviated 
the  necessity  of  part  of  the  precautionary  measures  then  on  the 
point  of  being  taken.  The  supposed  discovery  of  the  rich  coast 
of  Asia  also  threw  a  temporary  splendor  about  his  expedition, 
and  again  awakened  the  gratitude  of  the  sovereigns.  The 
effect  was  immediately  apparent  in  their  measures.  Instead 
of  leaving  it  to  the  discretion  of  Juan  Rodriguez  de  Fonseca  to 
appoint  whom  he  pleased  to  the  commission  of  inquiry  about 
to  be  sent  out,  they  retracted  that  power,  and  nominated  Juan 
Aguado. 

He  was  chosen,  because,  on  returning  from  Hispaniola,  he 
had  been  strongly  recommended  to  royal  favor  by  Columbus. 
It  was  intended,  therefore,  as  a  mark  of  consideration  to  the 
latter,  to  appoint  as  commissioner  a  person  of  whom  he  had 
expressed  so  high  an  opinion,  and  who,  it  was  to  be  presumed, 
entertained  for  him  a  grateful  regard. 

Fonseca,  in  virtue  of  his  official  station  as  superintendent  of 
the  affairs  of  the  Indies,  and  probably  to  gratify  his  growing 
animosity  for  Columbus,  had  detained  a  quantity  of  gold 
which  Don  Diego,  brother  to  the  admiral,  had  brought  on  his 
own  private  account.  The  sovereigns  wrote  to  him  repeat- 
edly, ordering  him  not  to  demand  the  gold,  or  if  he  had  seized 
it,  to  return  it  immediately,  with  satisfactory  explanations, 
and  to  write  to  Columbus  in  terms  calculated  to  soothe  any 
angry  feelings  which  he  might  have  excited.  He  was  ordered, 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  321 

also,  to  consult  the  persons  recently  arrived  from  Hispaniola, 
in  what  manner  he  could  yield  satisfaction  to  the  admiral,  and 
to  act  accordingly.  Fouseca  thus  suffered  one  of  the  severest 
humiliations  of  an  arrogant  spirit,  that  of  being  obliged  to 
make  atonement  for  his  arrogance.  It  quickened,  however, 
the  malice  which  he  had  conceived  against  the  admiral  and  his 
family.  Unfortunately  his  official  situation,  and  the  royal 
confidence  which  he  enjoyed,  gave  him  opportunities  of  grati- 
fying it  subsequently  in  a  thousand  insidious  ways. 

While  the  sovereigns  thus  endeavored  to  avoid  any  act 
which  might  give  umbrage  to  Columbus,  they  took  certain 
measures  to  provide  for  the  tranquillity  of  the  colony.  In  a 
letter  to  the  admiral  they  directed  that  the  number  of  persons 
in  the  settlement  should  be  limited  to  five  hundred,  a  greater 
number  being  considered  unnecessary  for  the  service  of  the 
island,  and  a  burdensome  expense  to  the  crown.  To  prevent 
further  discontents  about  provisions,  they  ordered  that  the 
rations  of  individuals  should  be  dealt  out  in  portions  every  fif- 
teen days,  and  that  all  punishment  by  short  allowance,  or  the 
stoppage  of  rations,  should  be  discontinued,  as  tending  to  in- 
jure the  health  of  the  colonists,  who  required  every  assistance 
of  nourishing  diet  to  fortify  them  against  the  maladies  incident 
to  a  strange  climate. 

An  able  and  experienced  metallurgist,  named  Pablo  Belvis, 
was  sent  out  in  place  of  the  wrong-headed  Firmin  Cedo.  He 
was  furnished  with  all  the  necessary  engines  and  implements 
for  mining,  assaying,  and  purifying  the  precious  metals,  and 
with  liberal  pay  and  privileges.  Ecclesiastics  were  also  sent 
to  supply  the  pface  of  Friar  Boyle,  and  of  certain  of  his  breth- 
ren who  desired  to  leave  the  island.  The  instruction  and  con- 
venston  of  the  natives  awakened  more  and  more  the  solicitude 
of  the  queen.  Ju  the  ships  of  Torres  a  large  number  of  Indians 
arrived,  who  had  been  captured  in  the  recent  wars  with  the 
caciques.  Royal  orders  had  l>een  issued,  that  they  should  be 
sold  as  slaves  in  the  markets  of  Andalusia,  as  had  been  the 
custom  with  respect  to  negroes  taken  on  the  coast  of  Africa, 
and  to  Moorish  prisoners  captured  in  the  war  with  Granada. 
Isabella,  however,  had  been  deeply  interested  by  the  accounts 
given  of  the  gentle  and  hospitable  character  of  these  islanders, 
and  of  their  great  docility.  The  discovery  had  been  made  un- 
der her  immediate  auspices ;  she  looked  upon  these  people  as 
under  her  peculiar  care,  and  she  anticipated  with  pious  enthu- 
siasm the  glory  of  leading  them  from  darkness  into  the  paths 
of  light.  Her  compassionate  spirit  revolted  at  the  idea  of 


322  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

treating  them  as  slaves,  even  though  sanctioned  by  the  cus- 
toms of  the  time.  Within  five  days  after  the  royal  order  for 
the  sale,  a  letter  was  written  by  the  sovereigns  to  Bishop 
Fonseca,  suspending  that  order,  until  they  could  inquire  into 
the  cause  for  which  the  Indians  had  been  made  prisoners,  and 
consult  learned  and  pious  theologians,  whether  their  sale 
would  be  justifiable  in  the  eyes  of  God.1  Much  difference  of 
opinion  took  place  among  divines  on  this  important  question  ; 
the  queen  eventually  decided  it  according  to  the  dictates  of 
her  own  pure  conscience  and  charitable  heart.  She  ordered 
that  the  Indians  should  be  sent  back  to  their  native  country, 
and  enjoined  that  the  islanders  should  be  conciliated  by  the 
gentlest  means,  instead  of  being  treated  with  severity.  Un- 
fortunately her  orders  came  too  late  to  Hispaniola  to  have  the 
desired  effect.  The  scenes  of  warfare  and  violence,  produced 
by  the  bad  passions  of  the  colonists  and  the  vengeance  of  the 
natives,  were  not  to  be  forgotten,  and  mutual  distrust  and 
rankling  animosity  had  grown  up  between  them,  which  no 
after  exertions  could  eradicate. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

ARRIVAL    OF   AGUADO    AT    ISABELLA  —  HIS    ARROGANT    CONDUCT  — 
TEMPEST    IN   THE    HARBOR. 

[1495.] 

JUAN  AGUADO  set  sail  from  Spain  toward  the  end  of  August, 
with  four  caravels,  well  freighted  with  supplies  of  all  kinds. 
Don  Diego  Columbus  returned  in  this  squadron  to  Hispaniola, 
and  arrived  at  Isabella  in  the  month  of  October,  while  the  ad- 
miral was  absent,  occupied  in  re-establishing  the  tranquillity  of 
the  interior.  Aguado,  as  has  already  been  shown,  was  under 
obligations  to  Columbus,  who  had  distinguished  him  from 
among  his  companions,  and  had  recommended  him  to  the  favor 
of  the  sovereigns.  He  was,  however,  one  of  tlrseweak  men 
whose  heads  are  turned  by  the  least  elevation.  Puffed  up  by  a 
little  temporal  y  power,  he  lost  sight,  not  merely  of  the  respect 
and  gratitude  due  to  Columbus,  but  of  the  nature  and  extent  of 
his  own  commission.  Instead  of  acting  as  an  agent  employed 

1  Letter  of  the  tiovereigus  to  Fouseca.  Xavarrete,  Colleccion  de  los  Viages,  i.  11, 
Doc.  92. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  323 

to  collect  information,  he  assumed  a  tone  of  authority,  as  though 
the  reins  of  government  had  been  transferred  into  his  hands. 
He  interfered  in  public  affairs ;  ordered  various  persons  to  be 
arrested ;  called  to  account  the  officers  employed  by  the  admi- 
ral ;  and  paid  no  respect  to  Don  Bartholomew  Columbus,  who 
remained  in  command  during  the  absence  of  his  brother.  The 
Adelantado,  astonished  at  this  presumption,  demanded  a  sight 
of  the  commission  under  which  he  acted ;  but  Aguado  treated 
him  with  great  haughtiness,  replying  that  he  would  show  it 
only  to  the  admiral.  On  second  thought,  however,  lest  there 
should  be  doubts  in  the  public  mind  of  his  right  to  interfere  in 
the  affairs  of  the  colony,  he  ordered  his  letter  of  credence  from 
the  sovereigns  to  be  pompously  proclaimed  by  sound  of  trum- 
pet. It  was  brief  but  comprehensive,  to  the  "following  purport : 
"  Cavaliers,  esquires,  and  other  persons,  who  by  our  orders  are 
in  the  Indies,  we  send  to  you  Juan  Aguado,  our  groom  of  the 
chambers,  who  will  speak  to  you  on  our  part.  We  command 
you  to  give  him  faith  and  credit." 

The  report  now  circulated  that  the  downfall  of  Columbus  and 
his  family  was  at  hand,  and  that  an  auditor  had  arrived,  em- 
powered to  hear  and  to  redress  the  grievances  of  the  public. 
This  rumor  originated  with  Aguado  himself,  who  threw  out 
menaces  of  rigid  investigations  and  signs!  punishments.  It  was 
a  time  of  jubilee  for  offenders.  Every  culprit  started  up  into  an 
accuser ;  every  one  who  by  negligence  or  crime  had  incurred  the 
wholesome  penalties  of  the  laws,  was  loud  in  his  clamors  against 
the  oppression  of  Columbus.  There  were  ills  enough  in  the  col- 
ony, s^me  incident  to  its  situation,  others  produced  by  the  mis- 
deeds of  the  colonists,  but  all  were  ascribed  to  the  maladminis- 
tration of  the  admiral.  He  was  made  responsible  alike  for  the 
evils  produced  by  others  and  for  his  own  stern  remedies.  All 
the  old  complaints  were  reiterated  against  him  and  his  brothers, 
and  the  usual  and  illiberal  cause  given  for  their  oppressions, 
that  they  were  foreigners,  who  sought  merely  their  own  inter- 
ests and  aggrandizement,  at  the  expense  of  the  sufferings  and 
the  indignities  of  Spaniards. 

Destitute  of  discrimination  to  perceive  what  was  true  and 
what  false  in  these  complaints,  and  anxious  only  to  condemn, 
Aguado  saw  in  every  thing  conclusive  testimony  of  the  culpa- 
bility of  Columbus.  He  intimated,  and  perhaps  thought,  that 
the  admiral  was  keeping  at  a  distance  from  Isabella,  through 
fear  of  encountering  his  investigations.  In  the  fulness  of  his 
presumption,  he  even  set  out  with  a  body  of  horse  to  go  in 
quest  of  him.  A  vain  and  weak  man  in  power  is  prone  to  em- 


324  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

ploy  satellites  of  his  own  description.  The  arrogant  and  boast- 
ing followers  of  Aguado,  wherever  they  went,  spread  rumors 
among  the  natives  of  the  might  and  importance  of  their  chief, 
and  of  the  punishment  he  intended  to  inflict  upon  Columbus. 
In  a  little  while  the  report  circulated  through  the  island  that  a 
new  admiral  had  arrived  to  administer  the  government,  and 
that  the  former  one  was  to  be  put  to  death. 

The  news  of  the  arrival  and  of  the  insolent  conduct  of  Aguado 
reached  Columbus  in  the  interior  of  the  island  ;  he  immediately 
hastened  to  Isabella  to  give  him  a  meeting.  Aguado,  hearing 
of  his  approach,  also  returned  there.  As  every  one  knew  the 
lofty  spirit  of  Columbus,  his  high  sense  of  his  services,  and  his 
jealous  maintenance  of  his  official  dignity,  a  violent  explosion 
was  anticipated  at  the  impending  interview.  Aguado  also  ex- 
pected something  of  the  kind,  but,  secure  in  his  royal  letter  of 
credence,  he  looked  forward  with  the  ignorant  audacity  of  a 
little  mind  to  the  result.  The  sequel  showed  how  difficult  it  is 
for  petty  spirits  to  anticipate  the  conduct  of  a  man  like  Colum- 
bus in  an  extraordinary  situation.  His  natural  heat  and  im- 
petuosity had  been  subdued  by  a  life  of  trials  ;  he  had  learned 
to  bring  his  passions  into  subjection  to  his  judgment ;  he  had 
too  true  an  estimate  of  his  own  dignity  to  enter  into  a  contest 
with  a  shallow  boaster  like  Aguado ;  above  all,  he  had  a  pro- 
found respect  for  the  authority  of  his  sovereigns  ;  for  in  his  en- 
thusiastic spirit,  prone  to  deep  feelings  of  reverence,  his  loyalty 
was  inferior  only  to  his  religion.  He  received  Aguado,  there- 
fore, with  grave  and  punctilious  courtesy ;  and  retorted  upon 
him  his  own  ostentatious  ceremonial,  ordering  that  the  letter 
of  credence  should  be  again  proclaimed  by  sound  of  trumpet  in 
presence  of  the  populace.  He  listened  to  it  with  solemn  defer- 
ence, and  assured  Aguado  of  his  readiness  to  acquiesce  in  what- 
ever might  be  the  pleasure  of  his  sovereigns. 

This  unexpected  moderation,  while  it  astonished  the  beholders, 
foiled  and  disappointed  Aguado.  He  had  come  prepared  for  a 
scene  of  altercation,  and  had  hoped  that  Columbus,  in  the  heat 
and  impatience  of  the  moment,  would  have  said  or  done  some- 
thing that  might  be  construed  into  disrespect  for  the  authority 
of  the  sovereigns.  He  endeavored,  in  fact,  some  months  after- 
ward, to  procure  from  the  public  notaries  present,  a  prejudicial 
statement  of  the  interview  ;  but  the  deference  of  the  admiral 
for  the  royal  letter  of  credence  had  been  too  marked  to  be  dis- 
puted ;  and  all  the  testimonials  were  highly  in  his  favor.1 

i  Herrera,  Hist.  Ind.,  decad.  i.  lib.  ii.  cap.  18. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  325 

Aguado  continued  to  intermeddle  in  public  affairs,  and  the 
respect  and  forbearance  with  which  he  was  uniformly  treated 
by  Columbus,  and  the  mildness  of  the  latter  in  all  his  measures 
to  appease  the  discontents  of  the  colony,  were  regarded  as 
proofs  of  his  loss  of  moral  courage.  He  was  looked  upon  as  a 
declining  man,  and  Aguado  hailed  as  the  lord  of  the  ascendant. 
Every  dastard  spirit  who  had  any  lurking  ill-will,  any  real  or 
imaginary  cause  of  complaint,  now  hastened  to  give  it  utter- 
ance ;  perceiving  that,  in  gratifying  his  malice,  he  was  promot- 
ing his  interest,  and  that  in  vilifying  the  admiral  he  was  gain- 
ing the  friendship  of  Aguado. 

The  poor  Indians,  too,  harassed  by  the  domination  of  the 
white  men,  rejoiced  in  the  prospect  of  a  change  of  rulers,  vainly 
hoping  that  i^  might  produce  a  mitigation  of  their  sufferings. 
Many  of  the  caciques  who  had  promised  allegiance  to  the  admi- 
ral after  their  defeat  in  the  Vega,  now  assembled  at  the  house 
of  Manicaotex,  the  brother  of  Caonabo,  near  the  river  Yagui, 
where  they  joined  in  a  formal  complaint  against  Columbus, 
whom  they  considered  the  cause  of  all  the  evils  which  had 
sprung  from  the  disobedience  and  the  vices  of  his  followers. 

Aguado  now  considered  the  great  object  of  his  mission  ful- 
filled. He  had  collected  information  sufficient,  as  he  thought, 
to  insure  the  ruin  of  the  admiral  and  his  brothers,  and  he  pre- 
pared to  return  to  Spain.  Columbus  resolved  to  do  the  same. 
He  felt  that  it  was  time  to  appear  at  court,  and  dispel  the  cloud 
of  calumny  gathering  against  him.  He  had  active  enemies,  of 
standing  and  influence,  who  were  seeking  every  occasion  to 
throw  discredit  upon  himself  and  his  enterprises  ;  and,  stranger 
and  foreigner  as  he  was,  he  had  no  active  friends  at  court  to 
oppose  their  machinations.  He  feared  that  they  might  eventu- 
ally produce  an  effect  upon  the  royal  mind  fatal  to  the  progress 
of  discovery  ;  he  was  anxious  to  return,  therefore,  and  explain 
the  real  causes  of  the  repeated  disappointments  with  respect  to 
profits  anticipated  from  his  enterprises.  It  is  not  one  of  the 
least  singular  traits  in  this  history  that,  after  having  been  so 
many  years  in  persuading  mankind  that  there  was  a  new 
world  to  be  discovered,  he  had  almost  equal  trouble  in  proving 
to  them  the  advantage  of  its  discovery. 

When  the  ships  were  ready  to  depart,  a  terrible  storm  swept 
the  island.  It  was  one  of  those  awful  whirlwinds  which  occa- 
sionally rage  within  the  tropics,  and  were  called  by  the  Indians 
"  furricanes,"  or  "  uricans,"  a  name  they  still  retain  with 
trifling  variation.  About  mid-day  a  furious  wind  sprang  up 
from  the  east,  driving  before  it  dense  volumes  of  cloud  and 


326  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

vapor.  Encountering  another  tempest  of  wind  from  the  west, 
it  appeared  as  if  a  violent  conflict  ensued.  The  clouds  were 
rent  by  incessant  flashes,  or  rather  streams  of  lightning.  At 
one  time  they  were  piled  up  high  in  the  sky,  at  another  they 
swept  to  the  earth,  filling  the  air  with  a  baleful  darkness  more 
dismal  than  the  obscurity  of  midnight.  Wherever  the  whirl- 
wind passed,  whole  tracts  of  forests  were  shivered  and  stripped 
of  their  leaves  and  branches  ;  those  of  gigantic  size,  which  re- 
sisted the  blast,  were  torn  up  by  the  roots,  and  hurled  to  a 
great  distance.  Groves  were  rent  from  the  mountain  preci- 
pices, with  vast  masses  of  earth  and  rock,  tumbling  into  the 
valleys  with  terrific  noise,  and  choking  the  course  of  rivers. 
The  fearful  sounds  in  the  air  and  on  the  earth,  the  pealing 
thunder,  the  vivid  lightning,  the  howling  of  the  wind,  the  crash 
of  falling  trees  and  rocks,  filled  every  one  with  affright ;  and 
many  thought  that  the  end  of  the  world  was  at  hand.  Some 
fled  to  caverns  for  safety,  for  their  frail  houses  were  blown 
down,  and  the  air  was  filled  with  the  trunks  and  branches  of 
trees,  and  even  with  fragments  of  rocks,  carried  along  by  the 
fury  of  the  tempest.  When  the  hurricane  reached  the  harbor, 
it  whirled  the  ships  round  as  they  lay  at  anchor,  snapped  their 
cables,  and  sank  three  of  them,  with  all  who  were  on  board. 
Others  were  driven  about,  dashed  against  each  other,  and 
tossed  mere  wrecks  upon  the  shore  by  the  swelling  surges  of 
the  sea,  which  in  some  places  rolled  for  three  or  four  miles 
upon  the  land.  The  tempest  lasted  for  three  hours.  When  it 
had  passed  away,  and  the  sun  again  appeared,  the  Indians 
regarded  each  other  in  mute  astonishment  and  dismay. 
Never  in  their  memory,  nor  in  the  traditions  of  their  ancestors, 
had  their  island  been  visited  by  such  a  storm.  They  believed 
that  the  Deity  had  sent  this  fearful  ruin  to  punish  the  cruelties 
and  crimes  of  the  white  men,  and  declared  that  this  people 
had  moved  the  very  air,  the  water,  and  the  earth,  to  disturb 
their  tranquil  life,  and  to  desolate  their  island.1 

*  Ramusio,  torn.  iii.  p.  7.  Peter  Martyr,  decad.  i.  lib.  iv. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPIIER   COLUMBUS.  327 

CHAPTER  X. 

DISCOVERY   OF   THE   MINES    OF   HAYNA. 
[1496.] 

IN  the  recent  hurricane  the  four  caravels  of  Aguado  had  been 
destroyed,  together  with  two  others  which  were  in  the  harbor. 
The  only  vessel  which  survived  was  the  Nina,  and  that  in  a  very 
shattered  condition.  Columbus  gave  orders  to  have  her  im- 
mediately repaired,  and  another  caravel  constructed  out  of  the 
wreck  of  tl)9se  which  had  been  destroyed.  While  waiting 
until  they  should  be  ready  for  sea,  he  was  cheered  by  tidings  of 
rich  mines  in  the  interior  of  the  island,  the  discovery  of  which 
is  attributed  to  an  incident  of  a  somewhat  romantic  nature.1 
A  young  Arragonian,  named  Miguel  Diaz,  in  the  service  of  the 
Adelantado.  having  a  quarrel  with  another  Spaniard,  fought 
with  him  and  wounded  him  dangerously.  Fearful  of  the  con- 
sequences, he  fled  from  the  settlement,  accompanied  by  five  or 
six  comrades  who  had  either  been  engaged  in  the  affray,  or 
were  personalty  attached  to  him.  Wandering  atxnit  the  island, 
they  came  to  an  Indian  village  on  the  southern  coast,  near  the 
mouth  of  the  river  Ozema,  where  the  city  of  San  Domingo  is 
at  present  situated.  They  were  received  with  kindness  by  the 
natives,  and  resided  for  some  time  among  them.  The  village 
was  governed  by  a  female  cacique,  who  soon  conceived  a  strong 
attachment  for  the  young  Arragonian.  Diaz  was  not  insensible 
to  her  tenderness  ;  a  connection  was  formed  between  them,  and 
they  lived  for  some  time  very  happily  together. 

The  recollection  of  his  country  and  his  f  riends  began  at  length 
to  steal  upon  the  thoughts  of  the  young  Spaniard.  It  was  a 
melancholy  lot  to  be  exiled  from  civilized  life,  and  an  outcast 
from  among  his  countrymen.  He  longed  to  return  to  the 
settlement,  but  dreaded  the  punishment  that  awaited  him, 
from  the  austere  justice  of  the  Adelantado.  His  Indian  bride, 
observing  him  frequently  melancholy  and  lost  in  thought,  pene- 
trated the  cause,  with  the  quick  intelligence  of  female  affection. 
Fearful  that  he  would  abandon  her,  and  return  to  his  country- 
men, she  endeavored  to  devise  some  means  of  drawing  the 
Spaniards  to  that  part  of  the  island.  Knowing  that  gold  was 

1  Oviedo,  Crouica  de  los  India:-,  lib.  ii.  cap.  13. 


328  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

their  sovereign  attraction,  she  informed  Diaz  of  certain  rich 
mines  in  the  neighborhood,  and  urged  him  to  persuade  his 
countrymen  to  abandon  the  comparatively  sterile  and  un- 
healthy vicinit}-  of  Isabella,  and  settle  upon  the  fertile  banks 
of  the  Ozema,  promising  they  should  be  received  with  the 
utmost  kindness  and  hospitality  by  her  nation. 

Struck  with  the  suggestion,  Diaz  made  particular  inquiries 
about  the  mines,  and  was  convinced  that  they  abounded  in  gold. 
He  noticed  the  superior  fruitfuluess  and  beauty  of  the  country, 
the  excellence  of  the  river,  and  the  security  of  the  harbor  at  its 
entrance.  He  flattered  himself  that  the  communication  of  such 
valuable  intelligence  would  make  his  peace  at  Isabella,  and 
obtain  his  pardon  from  the  Adelantado.  Full  of  these  hopes, 
he  procured  guides  from  among  the  natives,  and  taking  a  tem- 
porary leave  of  his  Indian  bride,  set  out  with  his  comrades 
through  the  wilderness  for  the  settlement,  which  was  about 
fifty  leagues  distant.  Arriving  there  secretly,  he  learnt  to  his 
great  joy  that  the  man  whom  he  had  wounded  had  recovered. 
He  now  presented  himself  boldly  before  the  Adelautado,  relying 
that  his  tidings  would  earn  his  forgiveness.  He  was  not  mis- 
taken. No  news  could  have  come  more  opportunely.  The 
admiral  had  been  anxious  to  remove  the  settlement  to  a  more 
healthy  and  advantageous  situation.  He  was  desirous  also  of 
carrying  home  some  conclusive  proof  of  the  riches  of  the  island, 
as  the  most  effectual  means  of  silencing  the  cavils  of  his  enemies. 
If  the  representations  of  Miguel  Diaz  were  correct,  here  was  a 
means  of  effecting  both  these  purposes.  Measures  were  imme- 
diately taken  to  ascertain  the  truth.  The  Adelantado  set  forth 
in  person  to  visit  the  river  Ozeraa,  accompanied  by  Miguel  Diaz, 
Francisco  de  Garay,  and  the  Indian  guides,  and  attended  by  a 
number  of  men  well  armed.  They  proceeded  from  Isabella  to 
Magdalena,  and  thence  across  the  Royal  Vega  to  the  fortress  of 
Conception.  Continuing  on  to  the  south,  they  came  to  a  range 
of  mountains,  which  they  traversed  by  a  defile  two  leagues  in 
length,  and  descended  into  another  beautiful  plain,  which  was 
called  Bonao.  Proceeding  hence  for  some  distance,  they  came 
to  a  great  river  called  Hayna,  running  through  a  fertile  country, 
all  the  streams  of  which  abounded  in  gold.  On  the  western 
bank  of  this  river,  and  about  eight  leagues  from  its  mouth,  they 
found  gold  in  greater  quantities  and  in  larger  particles  than  had 
yet  been  met  with  in  any  part  of  the  island,  not  even  excepting 
the  province  of  Cibao.  They  made  experiments  in  various  places 
within  the  compass  of  six  miles,  and  always  with  success  The 
soil  seemed  to  be  generally  impregnated  with  that  metal,  so 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  329 

that  a  common  laborer,  with  little  trouble,  might  find  the 
amount  of  three  drachms  in  the  course  of  a  day.1  In  several 
places  they  observed  deep  excavations  in  the  form  of  pits, 
which  looked  as  if  the  mines  had  been  worked  in  ancient  times, 
a  circumstance  which  caused  much  speculation  among  the 
Spaniards,  the  natives  having  no  idea  of  mining,  but  contenting 
themselves  with  the  particles  found  on  the  surface  of  the  soil, 
or  in  the  beds  of  the  rivers. 

The  Indians  of  the  neighborhood  received  the  white  men 
with  their  promised  friendship,  and  in  every  respect  the  repre- 
sentations of  Miguel  Diaz  were  fully  justitied.  He  was  not 
only  pardoned,  but  received  into  great  favor,  and  was  subse- 
quentty  employed  in  various  capacities  in  the  island,  in  all 
which  he  acquitted  himself  with  great  fidelity.  He  kept  his 
faith  with  his  Indian  bride,  by  whom,  according  to  Oviedo,  he 
had  two  children.  Chaiievoix  supposes  that  they  were  regu- 
larly married,  as  the  female  cacique  appears  to  have  been 
baptized,  being  always  mentioned  by  the  Christian  name  of 
Catnlina.2 

When  the  Adelantado  returned  with  this  favorable  report, 
ami  with  specimens  of  ore,  the  anxious  heart  of  the  admiral 
was  greatly  elated.  He  gave  orders  that  a  fortress  should  be 
immediately  erected  on  the  banks  of  the  Hayna,  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  mines,  and  that  they  should  be  diligently  worked.  The 
fancied  traces  of  ancient  excavations  gave  rise  to  one  of  his 
usual  veins  of  golden  conjectures.  He  had  already  surmised 
that  Ilispaniola  might  be  the  ancient  Ophir.  He  now  flattered 
himself  that  he  had  discovered  the  identical  mines  whence 
King  Solomon  had  procured  his  gold  for  the  building  of  the 
Temple  of  Jerusalem.  He  supposed  that  his  ships  must  have 
sailed  by  the  Gulf  of  Persia,  and  around  Trapoban  to  this 
island,8  which,  according  to  his  idea,  lay  opposite  to  the  ex- 
treme end  of  Asia,  for  such  he  firmly  believed  the  island  of 
Cuba. 

It  is  probable  that  Columbus  gave  free  license  to  his  imagina- 
tion in  these  conjectures,  which  tended  to  throw  a  splendor 
about  his  enterprises,  and  to  revive  the  languishing  interest  of 
the  public.  Granting,  however,  the  correctness  of  his  opinion, 
that  he  was  in  the  vicinity  of  Asia,  an  error  by  no  means  sur- 
prising in  the  imperfect  state  of  geographical  knowledge,  all  his 

1  Hen-era,  Hist.  Ind.,  decad.  i.  lib.  ii.  cap  18.     Peter  Martyr,  decad^.  i.  lib.  iv. 

2  Oviedo,  Crunicu  de  log  Indies,  lib.  ii.  cup.  13.    Churlevoix,  llisi.  St.  Dumiiigo,  lib. 
li.  p.  146. 

3  Peter  Martyr,  decad.  i.  lib.  iv. 


330  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

consequent  suppositions  were  far  from  extravagant.  The 
ancient  Oplrir  was  believed  to  lie  somewhere  in  the  East,  but 
its  situation  was  a  matter  of  controversy  among  the  learned, 
and  remains  one  of  those  conjectural  questions  about  which  too 
much  has  been  written  for  it  ever  to  be  satisfactorily  decided. 


BOOK    IX. 

CHAPTER  I. 

RETURN   OF   COLUMBUS   TO    SPAIN    WITH   AGUADO. 

[1496.] 

Tire  new  caravel,  the  Santa  Cruz,  being  finished,  and  the 
Nina  repaired,  Columbus  made  every  arrangement  for  imme- 
diate departure,  anxious  to  be  freed  from  the  growing  arrogance 
of  Aguado,  and  to  relieve  the  colony  from  a  crew  of  factious 
and  discontented  men.  He  appointed  his  brother,  Don  Bar- 
tholomew, to  the  command  of  the  island,  with  the  title,  which 
he  had  already  given  him,  of  Adelantado  ;  in  case  of  his  death, 
he  was  to  be  succeeded  by  his  brother  Don  Diego. 

On  the  10th  of  March  the  two  caravels  set  sail  for  Spain,  in 
one  of  which  Columbus  embarked,  and  in  the  other  Aguado. 
In  consequence  of  the  orders  of  the  sovereigns,  all  those  who 
could  be  spared  from  the  island,  and  some  who  had  wives  and 
relatives  in  Spain  whom  they  wished  to  visit,  returned  in  these 
caravels,  which  were  crowded  with  two  hundred  and  twenty-five 
passengers,  the  sick,  the  idle,  the  profligate,  and  the  factious. 
Never  did  a  more  miserable  and  disappointed  crew  return  from 
a  land  of  promise. 

There  were  thirty  Indians  also  on  board  of  the  caravels, 
among  whom  were  the  once  redoubtable  cacique  Caonabo,  one 
of  his  brothers,  and  a  nephew.  The  curate  of  Los  Palacios  ob- 
serves that  Columbus  had  promised  the  cacique  and  his  brother 
to  restore  them  to  their  country  and  their  power,  after  he  had 
taken  them  to  visit  the  King  and  Queen  of  Castile.1  It  is  prob- 
able that  by  kind  treatment  and  by  a  display  of  the  wonders 
of  Spain  and  the  grandeur  and  might  of  its  sovereigns,  he 
hoped  to  conquer  their  enmity  to  the  Spaniards,  and  convert 

1  Cur*  de  los  Palacios,  cap.  131. 

331 


332  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

them  into  important  instruments  towards  obtaining  a  secure 
and  peaceable  dominion  over  the  island.  Caonabo,  however, 
was  of  that  proud  nature,  of  wild  but  vigorous  growth,  which 
can  never  be  tamed.  He  remained  a  moody  and  dejected  cap- 
tive. He  had  too  much  intelligence  not  to  perceive  that  his 
power  was  for  ever  blasted,  but  he  retained  his  haughtiness, 
even  in  the  midst  of  his  despair. 

Being  as  yet  but  little  experienced  in  the  navigation  of  these 
seas,  Columbus,  instead  of  working  up  to  the  northward,  so  as 
to  fall  in  with  the  track  of  westerly  winds,  took  an  easterly 
course  on  leaving  the  island.  The  consequence  was  that  almost 
the  whole  of  his  voyage  was  a  toilsome  and  tedious  struggle 
against  the  trade-winds  and  calms  which  prevail  between  the 
tropics.  On  the  6th  of  April  he  found  himself  still  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  Caribbee  Islands,  with  his  crews  fatigued  and 
sickly,  and  his  provisions  rapidly  diminishing.  He  bore  away 
to  the  southward,  therefore,  to  touch  at  the  most  important  of 
those  islands,  in  search  of  supplies. 

On  Saturday,  the  9th,  he  anchored  at  Marigalante,  whence, 
on  the  following  day,  he  made  sail  for  Guadeloupe.  It  was  con- 
trary to  the  custom  of  Columbus  to  weigh  anchor  on  Sunday, 
when  in  port,  but  the  people  murmured,  and  observed  that  when 
in  quest  of  food  it  was  no  time  to  stand  on  scruples  as  to  holy 
days.1 

Anchoring  off  the  island  of  Guadaloupe,  the  boat  was  sent 
on  shore  well  armed.  Before  it  could  reach  the  land,  a  large 
number  of  females  issued  from  the  woods,  armed  with  bows  and 
arrows,  and  decorated  with  tufts  of  feathers,  preparing  to  oppose 
any  descent  upon  their  shores.  As  the  sea  was  somewhat  rough, 
and  a  surf  broke  upon  the  beach,  the  boats  remained  at  a  dis- 
tance, and  two  of  the  Indians  from  Hispaniola  swam  to  shore. 
Having  explained  to  these  Amazons  that  the  Spaniards  only 
sought  provisions,  in  exchange  for  which  they  would  give  arti- 
cles of  great  value,  the  women  referred  them  to  their  husbands, 
who  were  at  the  northern  end  of  the  island.  As  the  boats  pro- 
ceeded thither,  numbers  of  the  natives  were  seen  on  the  beach, 
who  manifested  great  ferocity,  shouting,  and  yelling,  and  dis- 
charging flights  of  arrows,  which,  however,  fell  far  short  in  the 
water.  Seeing  the  boats  approach  the  land,  they  hid  themselves 
in  the  adjacent  forest,  and  rushed  forth  with  hideous  cries  as  the 
Spaniards  were  landing.  A  discharge  of  fire-arms  drove  them 
to  the  woods  and  mountains,  and  the  boats  met  with  no  further 

1  Hist,  del  Almirante,  cap.  62. 


LIFE  OF  CniiTSTOPIIER   COLUMBUS.  333 

opposition.  Entering  the  deserted  habitations,  the  Spaniards 
began  to  plunder  and  destroy,  contrary  to  the  invariable  injunc- 
tions of  the  admiral.  Among  other  articles  found  in  these 
houses  were  honey  and  wax,  which  Herrera  supposes  had  been 
brought  from  Terra  Firma,  as  these  roving  people  collected  the 
productions  of  distant  regions  in  the  course  of  their  expeditions. 
Fernando  Columbus  mentions  likewise  that  there  were  hatchets 
of  iron  in  their  houses  ;  these,  however,  must  have  been  made 
of  a  species  of  hard  and  heavy  stone,  already  mentioned,  which 
resembled  iron  ;  or  they  must  have  been  procured  from  places 
which  the  Spaniards  had  previously  visited,  as  it  is  fully  ad- 
mitted that  no  iron  was  in  use  among  the  natives  prior  to  the 
discovery.  The  sailors  also  reported  that  in  one  of  the  houses 
they  found  the  arm  of  a  man  roasting  on  a  spit  before  a  h're ; 
but  these  facts,  so  repugnant  to  humanity,  require  more  solid 
authority  to  be  credited  ;  the  sailors  had  committed  wanton 
devastations  in  these  dwellings,  and  may  have  sought  a  pretext 
with  which  to  justify  their  maraudings  to  the  admiral. 

While  some  of  the  people  were  getting  wood  and  water,  and 
making  cassava  bread,  Columbus  despatched  forty  men,  well 
armed .  to  explore  the  interior  of  the  island.  They  returned  on 
the  following  day  with  ten  women  and  three  boys.  The  women 
were  of  large  and  powerful  form,  yet  of  great  agility.  They 
were  naked,  and  wore  their  long  hair  flowing  loose  upon  their 
shoulders ;  some  decorated  their  heads  with  plumes  of  various 
colors.  Among  them  was  the  wife  of  a  cacique,  a  woman  of 
great  strength  and  proud  spirit.  On  the  approach  of  the  Span- 
iards, she  had  fled  with  an  agility  which  soon  left  all  her  pur- 
suers far  behind,  excepting  a  native  of  the  Canary  Islands, 
remarkable  for  swiftness  of  foot.  She  would  have  escaped  even 
from  him,  but  perceiving  that  he  was  alone,  and  far  from  his 
companions,  she  turned  suddenly  upon  him.  seized  him  with 
astonishing  force,  and  would  have  strangled  him,  had  not  the 
Spaniards  arrived  and  taken  her  entangled  like  a  hawk  with  her 
prey.  The  warlike  spirit  of  these  Carib  women,  and  the  cir- 
cumstance of  finding  them  in  armed  bands  defending  their 
shores,  during  the  absence  of  their  husbands,  led  Columbus 
repeatedly  into  the  erroneous  idea,  that  certain  of  these  islands 
were  inhabited  entirely  by  women  ;  for  which  error,  as  has 
already  been  observed,  he  was  prepared  by  the  stories  of 
Marco  Polo  concerning  an  island  of  Amazons  near  the  coast 
of  Asia. 

Having  remained  several  days  at  the  island,  and  prepared 
three  weeks'  supply  of  bread,  Columbus  prepared  to  make  sail. 


334  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

As  Guadaloupe  was  the  most  important  of  the  Caribbee  Islands, 
and  in  a  manner  the  portal  or  entrance  to  all  the  rest,  he 
wished  to  secure  the  friendship  of  the  inhabitants.  He  dis- 
missed, therefore,  all  the  prisoners,  with  many  presents,  to 
compensate  for  the  spoil  and  injury  which  had  been  done.  The 
female  cacique,  however,  declined  going  on  shore,  preferring  to 
remain  and  accompany  the  natives  of  Hispaniola  who  were  on 
board,  keeping  with  her  also  a  young  daughter.  She  had  con- 
ceived a  passion  for  Caonabo,  having  found  out  that  he  was  a 
native  of  the  Caribbee  Islands.  His  character  and  story, 
gathered  from  the  other  Indians,  had  won  the  sympathy  and  ad- 
miration of  this  intrepid  woman.1 

Leaving  Guadaloupe  on  the  20th  of  April,  and  keeping  in 
about  the  twenty-second  degree  of  latitude,  the  caravels  again 
worked  their  way  against  the  whole  current  of  the  trade-winds, 
insomuch  that,  on  the  20th  of  May,  after  a  month  of  great 
fatigue  and  toil,  they  had  yet  a  great  part  of  their  voyage  to 
make.  The  provisions  were  already  so  reduced  that  Columbus 
had  to  put  every  one  on  a  daily  allowance  of  six  ounces  of  bread 
and  a  pint  and  a  half  of  water ;  as  they  advanced,  the  scarcity 
grew  more  and  more  severe,  and  was  rendered  more  appalling 
from  the  uncertainty  which  prevailed  on  board  the  vessels  as  to 
their  situation.  There  were  several  pilots  in  the  caravels  ;  but 
being  chiefly  accustomed  to  the  navigation  of  the  Mediterranean, 
or  the  Atlantic  coasts,  they  were  utterly  confounded,  and  lost 
all  reckoning  when  traversing  the  broad  ocean.  Every  one  had 
a  separate  opinion,  and  none  heeded  that  of  the  admiral.  By 
the  beginning  of  June  there  was  an  absolute  famine  on  board  of 
the  ships.  In  the  extremity  of  their  sufferings,  while  death 
stared  them  in  the  face,  it  was  proposed  by  some  of  the  Span- 
iards, as  a  desperate  alternative,  that  the}"  should  kill  and  eat 
their  Indian  prisoners  ;  others  suggested  that  they  should  throw 
them  into  the  sea,  as  so  many  expensive  and  useless  mouths. 
Nothing  but  the  absolute  authority  of  Columbus  prevented  this 
last  counsel  from  being  adopted.  He  represented  that  the  In- 
dians were  their  fellow-beings,  some  of  them  Christians  like 
themselves,  and  all  entitled  to  similar  treatment.  He  exhorted 
them  to  a  little  patience,  assuring  them  that  they  would  soon 
make  land,  for  that,  according  to  his  reckoning,  they  were  not 
far  from  Cape  St.  Vincent.  At  this  all  scoffed,  for  they  be- 
lieved themselves  yet  far  from  their  desired  haven  ;  some 
affirming  that  they  were  in  the  English  Channel,  others  that  they 

»  Hist,  del  Almirunte,-  cap.  63. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  335 

were  approaching  Gallicia ;  when  Columbus,  therefore,  confi- 
dent in  his  opinion,  ordered  that  sail  should  be  taken  in  at  night, 
lest  they  should  come  upon  the  land  in  the  dark,  there  was  a 
general  murmur ;  the  men  exclaiming  that  it  was  better  to  be 
cast  on  shore  than  to  starve  at  sea.  The  next  morning,  how- 
ever, to  their  great  joy,  they  came  in  sight  of  the  very  laud 
which  Columbus  had  predicted.  From  this  time  he  was  re- 
garded by  the  seamen  as  deeply  versed  in  the  mysteries  of  the 
ocean,  and  almost  oracular  in  matters  of  navigation.1 

On  the  llth  of  June  the  vessels  anchored  in  the  Bay  of  Cadiz, 
after  a  weary  voyage  of  about  three  months.  In  the  course  of 
this  voyage  the  unfortunate  Caonabo  expired.  It  is  by  the 
mere  casual  mention  of  contemporary  writers  that  we  have  any 
notice  of  this  circumstance,  which  appears  to  have  been  passed 
over  as  a  matter  of  but  little  moment.  He  maintained  his 
haughty  nature  to  the  last,  for  his  death  is  principally  ascribed 
to  the  morbid  melancholy  of  a  proud  but  broken  spirit.-  He 
was  an  extraordinary  character  in  savage  life.  From  being  a 
simple  Carib  warrior  he  had  risen,  by  his  enterprise  and  cour- 
age, to  be  the  most  powerful  cacique,  and  the  dominant  spirit 
of  the  populous  island  of  Hayti.  He  was  the  only  chieftain 
that  appeared  to  have  had  sagacity  sufficient  to  foresee  the  fatal 
effects  of  Spanish  ascendency,  or  military  talent  to  combine  any 
resistance  to  its  inroads.  Had  his  warriors  been  of  his  own 
intrepid  nature,  the  war  which  he  raised  would  have  been  for- 
midable in  the  extreme.  His  fate  furnishes,  on  a  narrow  scale, 
a  lesson  to  human  greatness.  When  the  Spaniards  first  arrived 
on  the  coast  of  Hayti,  their  imaginations  were  inflamed  with 
rumors  of  a  magnificent  prince  in  the  interior,  the  lord  of  the 
Golden  House,  the  sovereign  of  the  mines  of  Cibao,  who  reigned 
in  splendid  state  among  the  mountains  ;  but  a  short  time  had 
elapsed,  and  this  fancied  potentate  of  the  East,  stripped  of  every 
illusion,  was  a  naked  and  dejected  prisoner  on  the  deck  of  one 
of  their  caravels,  with  none  but  one  of  his  own  wild  native 
heroines  to  sympathize  in  his  misfortunes.  All  his  importance 
vanished  with  his  freedom ;  scarce  any  mention  is  made  of  him 
during  his  captivity,  and  with  innate  qualities  of  a  high  and 
heroic  nature,  he  perished  with  the  obscurity  of  one  of  the 
vulgar. 


336  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS 


CHAPTER  II. 

PECLIXE     OF      THE      POPULARITY     OF      COLUMBUS     IX      SPAIX HIS 

RECEPTIOX    BY  THE    SOVEREIGNS    AT    BURGOS  —  HE    PROPOSES    A 
THIRD    VOYAGE. 

EXVY  and  malice  had  been  but  too  successful  in  undermining 
the  popularity  of  Columbus.  It  is  impossible  to  keep  up  a  state 
of  excitement  for  any  length  of  time,  even  by  miracles.  The 
world,  at  first,  is  prompt  and  lavish  in  its  admiration,  but  soon 
grows  cool,  distrusts  its  late  enthusiasm,  and  fancies  it  has  been 
defrauded  of  what  it  bestowed  with  such  prodigality.  It  is 
then  that  the  cavalier  who  had  been  silenced  by  the  general  ap- 
plause, puts  in  his  insidious  suggestion,  detracts  from  the  merit 
of  the  declining  favorite,  and  succeeds  in  rendering  him  an  ob- 
ject of  doubt  and  censure,  if  not  of  absolute  aversion.  In  three 
short  years  the  public  had  become  familiar  with  the  stupen- 
dous wonder  of  a  newly-discovered  world,  and  was  now  open  to 
every  insinuation  derogatory  to  the  fame  of  the  discoverer  and 
the  importance  of  his  enterprises. 

The  circumstances  which  attended  the  present  arrival  of 
Columbus  were  little  calculated  to  diminish  the  growing  preju- 
dices of  the  populace.  When  the  motley  crowd  of  mariners 
and  adventurers  who  had  embarked  with  such  sanguine  ex- 
pectations lauded  from  the  vessels  in  the  port  of  Cadiz,  instead 
of  a  joyous  crew,  bounding  on  shore,  flushed  with  success,  and 
laden  with  the  spoils  of  the  golden  Indies,  a  feeble  train  of 
wretched  men  crawled  forth,  emaciated  by  the  diseases  of  the 
colony  and  the  hardships  of  the  voyage,  who  carried  in  their 
yellow  countenances,  says  an  old  writer,  a  mockery  of  that  gold 
which  had  been  the  object  of  their  search,  and  who  had  nothing 
to  relate  of  the  New  World  but  tales  of  sickness,  poverty,  and 
disappointment. 

Columbus  endeavored,  as  much  as  possible,  to  counteract 
these  unfavorable  appearances,  and  to  revive  the  languishing 
enthusiasm  of  the  public.  He  dwelt  upon  the  importance  of 
his  recent  discoveries  along  the  coast  of  Cuba,  where,  as  he 
supposed,  he  had  arrived  nearly  to  the  Aurea  Chersonesus  of 
the  ancients,  bordering  on  some  of  the  richest  provinces  of 
Asia.  Above  all,  he  boasted  of  his  discover}-  of  the  abundant 
mines  on  the  south  side  of  Hispaniola,  which  he  persuaded 
himself  were  those  of  the  ancient  Ophir.  The  public  listened 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  337 

to  these  accounts  with  sneering  incredulity ;  cr  if  for  a  moment 
a  little  excitement  was  occasioned,  it  was  quickly  destroyed  by 
gloomy  pictures  drawn  by  disappointed  adventurers. 

In  the  harbor  of  Cadiz  Columbus  found  three  caravels,  com- 
manded by  Pedro  Alonzo  Nino,  on  the  point  of  sailing  with 
supplies  for  the  colony.  Nearly  a  year  had  elapsed  without 
any  relief  of  the  kind  ;  four  caravels  which  had  sailed  in  the 
preceding  January  having  been  lost  on  the  coast  of  the  Pen- 
insula.1 Having  read  the  royal  letters  and  despatches  of  which 
Nino  was  the  bearer,  and  being  informed  of  the  wishes  of  the 
sovereigns,  as  well  as  of  the  state  of  the  public  mind,  Columbus 
wrote  by  this  opportunity,  urging  the  Adelantado  to  endeavor, 
by  every  means,  to  bring  the  island  into  a  peaceable  and  pro- 
ductive state,  appeasing  all  discontents  and  commotions,  and 
seizing  and  sending  to  Spain  all  caciques,  or  their  subjects, 
who  should  be  concerned  in  the  deaths  of  any  of  the  colonists. 
He  recommended  the  most  unremitting  diligence  in  exploring 
and  working  the  mines  recently  discovered  on  the  river  Hayna, 
and  that  a  place  should  be  chosen  in  the  neighborhood,  and  a 
seaport  founded.  Pedro  Alouzo  Nino  set  sail  with  the  three 
caravels  on  the  17th  of  June. 

Tidings  of  the  arrival  of  Columbus  having  reached  the  sov- 
ereigns, he  received  a  gracious  letter  from  them,  dated  at 
Almazen,  12th  July,  14% ;  congratulating  him  on  his  safe 
return,  and  inviting  him  to  court  when  he  should  have  recov- 
ered from  the  fatigues  of  his  voyage.  The  kind  terms  in  which 
this  letter  was  couched  were  calculated  to  re-assure  the  heart  of 
Columbus,  who,  ever  since  the  mission  of  the  arrogant  Aguado, 
had  considered  himself  out  of  favor  with  the  sovereigns,  and 
fallen  into  disgrace.  As  a  proof  of  the  dejection  of  his  spirits, 
we  are  told  that  when  he  made  his  appearance  this  time  in 
Spain,  he  was  clad  in  a  humble  garb,  resembling  in  form  and 
color  the  habit  of  a  Franciscan  monk,  simply  girded  with  a 
cord,  and  that  he  had  suffered  his  beard  to  grow  like  the  breth- 
ren of  that  order.2  This  was  probably  in  fulfilment  of  some 
penitential  vow  made  in  a  moment  of  danger  or  despondency  — 
a  custom  prevalent  in  those  days,  and  frequentty  observed  by 
Columbus.  It  betokened,  however,  much  humility  and  depres 
sion  of  spirit,  and  afforded  a  striking  contrast  to  his  appear 
auce  on  his  former  triumphant  return.  He  was  doomed,  in 

1  Mnnoz,  Hist.  N.  Mundo,  lib.  vi. 

1  Equivalent  to  Ibe  value  of  three  thousand  oue  hundred  and  ninety-five  dollars  of 
the  present  time. 


338  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

fact,  to  yield  repeated  examples  of  the  reverses  to  which  those 
are  subject  who  have  once  launched  from  the  safe  shores  of 
obscurity  on  the  fluctuating  waves  of  popular  opinion. 

However  indifferent  Columbus  might  be  to  his  own  personal 
appearance,  he  was  anxious  to  keep  alive  the  interest  in  his 
discoveries,  fearing  continually  that  the  indifference  awaken- 
ing toward  him  might  impede  their  accomplishment.  On  his 
way  to  Burgos,  therefore,  where  the  sovereigns  were  expected, 
he  made  a  studious  display  of  the  curiosities  and  treasures 
which  he  had  brought  from  the  New  World.  Among  these 
were  collars,  bracelets,  anklets,  and  coronets  of  gold,  the  spoils 
of  various  caciques,  and  which  were  considered  as  trophies 
won  from  barbaric  princes  of  the  rich  coasts  of  Asia,  or  the 
islands  of  the  Indian  seas.  It  is  a  proof  of  the  petty  standard 
by  which  the  sublime  discovery  of  Columbus  was  already  esti- 
mated, that  he  had  to  resort  to  this  management  to  dazzle  the 
gross  perceptions  of  the  multitude  by  the  mere  glare  of  gold. 

He  carried  with  him  several  Indians  also,  decorated  after 
their  savage  fashion,  and  glittering  with  golden  ornaments ; 
among  whom  were  the  brother  and  nephew  of  Caonabo.  the 
former  about  thirty  years  of  age,  the  latter  only  ten.  They 
were  brought  merely  to  visit  the  king  and  queen,  that  they 
might  be  impressed  with  an  idea  of  the  grandeur  and  power  of 
the  Spanish  sovereigns,  after  which  they  were  to  be  restored 
in  safety  to  their  country.  Whenever  they  passed  through 
any  principal  place,  Columbus  put  a  massive  collar  and  chain 
of  gold  upon  the  brother  of  Caonabo,  as  being  cacique  of  the 
golden  country  of  Cibao.  The  curate  of  Los  Pahvcios,  who 
entertained  the  discoverer  and  his  Indian  captives  for  several 
days  in  his  house,  says  that  he  had  this  chain  of  gold  in  his 
hands,  and  that  it  weighed  six  hundred  castellanos.'  The 
worthy  curate  likewise  makes  mention  of  various  Indian  masks 
and  images  of  wood  or  cotton,  wrought  with  fantastic  faces  of 
animals,  all  of  which  he  supposed  were  representations  of  the 
devil,  who  he  concludes  must  be  the  object  of  adoration  of 
these  islanders.2 

The  reception  of  Columbus  by  the  sovereigns  was  different 
from  what  he  had  anticipated  ;  for  he  was  treated  with  dis- 
tinguished favor,  nor  was  any  mention  made  either  of  the 
.  complaints  of  Margarite  and  Boyle,  or  the  judicial  inquiries 
conducted  by  Aguado.  However  these  may  have  had  a  tran- 
sient effect  on  the  minds  of  the  sovereigns,  they  were  too  con- 

1  Cum  de  los  Palaoios,  cap.  131.     Oviedo,  lib.  ii.  cap.  13. 

2  (Jura  do-  los  1'uluciori,  cap.  131. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  339 

scions  of  the  great  deserts  of  Columbus,  and  the  extraordinary 
difficulties  of  his  situation,  not  to  tolerate  what  they  may  have 
considered  errors  on  his  part. 

Encouraged  by  the  favorable  countenance  he  experienced, 
and  by  the  interest  with  which  the  sovereigns  listened  to  his 
account  of  his  recent  voyage  along  the  coast  of  Cuba,  and  the 
discovery  of  the  mines  of  Hayna,  which  he  failed  not  to  repre- 
sent as  the  Ophir  of  the  ancients,  Columbus  now  proposed  a 
further  enterprise,  by  which  he  promised  to  make  yet  more 
extensive  discoveries,  and  to  annex  Terra  Firma  to  their 
dominions.  For  this  purpose  he  asked  eight  ships :  two  to  be 
despatched  to  the  island  of  Hispaniola  with  supplies,  the 
remaining  six  to  be  put  under  his  command  for  a  voyage  of 
discovery.  The  sovereigns  readily  promised  to  comply  with 
his  request,  and  were  probably  sincere  in  their  intentions  to  do 
so,  but  in  the  performance  of  their  promise  Columbus  was 
doomed  to  meet  with  intolerable  delay  ;  partly  in  consequence 
of  the  operation  of  public  events,  partly  in  consequence  of  the 
iutriques  of  men  in  office,  the  two  great  influences  which  are 
continually  diverting  and  defeating  the  designs  of  princes. 

The  resources  of  Spain  were,  at  this  moment,  tasked  to  the 
utmost  by  the  ambition  of  Ferdinand,  who  lavished  all  his 
revenues  in  warlike  expenses  and  in  subsidies.  While  main- 
taining a  contest  of  deep  and  artful  policy  with  France,  with 
tlie  ultimate  aim  of  grasping  the  sceptre  of  Naples,  he  was 
laying  the  foundation  of  a  wide  and  powerful  connection  by 
the  marriages  of  the  royal  children,  who  were  now  maturing 
in  years.  At  this  time  arose  that  family  alliance,  which 
afterward  consolidated  such  an  immense  empire  under  his 
grandson  and  successor,  Charles  V. 

While  a  large  army  was  maintained  in  Italy,  under  Gonsalve 
of  Cordova,  to  assist  the  King  of  Naples  in  recovering  his 
throne,  of  which  he  had  been  suddenly  dispossessed  by  Charles 
VIII.  of  France,  other  armies  were  required  on  the  frontiers  of 
Spain,  which  were  menaced  with  a  French  invasion.  Squadrons 
also  had  to  be  emploj-ed  for  the  safeguard  of  the  Mediterra- 
nean and  Atlantic  coasts  of  the  Peninsula,  while  a  magnificent 
armada  of  upward  of  a  hundred  ships,  having  on  board  twenty 
thousand  persons,  many  of  them  of  the  first  nobility,  was  de- 
spatched to  convoy  the  Princess  Juana  to  Flanders,  to  be  mar- 
ried to  Philip,  Archduke  of  Austria,  and  to  bring  back  his  sister 
Margarita,  the  destined  bride  of  Prince  Juan. 

These  widely-extended  operations,  both  of  war  and  amity, 
put  all  the  laud  and  naval  forces  into  requisition.  They  drained 


340  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

the  royal  treasury,  and  engrossed  the  thoughts  of  the  sov- 
ereigns, obliging  them  also  to  journey  from  place  to  place  in 
their  dominions.  With  such  cares  of  an  immediate  and  home- 
felt  nature  pressing  upon  their  minds,  the  distant  enterprises 
of  Columbus  were  easily  neglected  or  postponed.  They  had 
hitherto  been  sources  of  expense  instead  of  profit ;  and  there 
were  artful  counsellors  ever  ready  to  whisper  in  the  royal  ear 
that  they  were  likely  to  continue  so.  What,  in  the  ambitious 
eyes  of  Ferdinand,  was  the  acquisition  of  a  number  of  wild, 
uncultivated,  and  distant  islands,  to  that  of  the  brilliant  domain 
of  Naples  ;  or  the  intercourse  with  naked  and  barbarous  princes, 
to  that  of  an  alliance  with  the  most  potent  sovereigns  of 
Christendom?  Columbus  had  the  mortification,  therefore,  to 
see  armies  levied  and  squadrons  employed  in  idle  contests 
about  a  little  point  of  territory  in  Europe,  and  a  vast  armada 
of  upward  of  a  hundred  sail  destined  to  the  ostentatious  service 
of  convoying  a  royal  bride  ;  while  he  vainly  solicited  a  few 
caravels  to  prosecute  his  discovery  of  a  world. 

At  length,  in  the  autumn,  six  millions  of  maravedies  were 
ordered  to  be  advanced  to  Columbus  for  the  equipment  of  his 
promised  squadron.1  Just  as  the  sum  was  about  to  be  de- 
livered, a  letter  was  received  from  Pedro  Alouzo  Nino,  who 
had  arrived  at  Cadiz  with  his  three  caravels,  on  his  return  from 
the  islanrl  of  Hispauiola.  Instead  of  proceeding  to  court  in 
person,  or  forwarding  the  despatches  of  the  Adelantado,  he  had 
gone  to  visit  his  family  at  Huelva,  taking  the  despatches  with 
him,  and  merely  writing,  in  a  vaunting  style,  that  he  had  a 
great  amount  of  gold  on  board  his  ships.2 

This  was  triumphant  intelligence  to  Columbus,  who  immedi- 
ately concluded  that  the  new  mines  were  in  operation,  and  the 
treasures  of  Ophir  about  to  be  realized.  The  letter  of  Nino, 
however,  was  fated  to  have  a  most  injurious  effect  on  his 
concerns. 

The  king  at  that  moment  was  in  immediate  want  of  money, 
to  repair  the  fortress  of  Salza,  in  Roussillon,  which  had  been 
sacked  by  the  French  ;  the  six  millions  of  maravedies  about  to 
be  advanced  to  Columbus  were  forthwith  appropriated  to  patch 
up  the  shattered  castle,  and  an  order  was  given  for  the  amount 
to  be  paid  out  of  the  gold  brought  by  Nino.  It  was  not  until 
the  end  of  December,  when  Nino  arrived  at  court,  and  delivered 
the  despatches  of  the  Adelautado,  that  his  boast  of  gold  was 
discovered  to  be  a  mere  figure  of  speech,  and  that  his  caravels 

1  Equivalent  to  86,9.">6  dollars  of  the  present  day. 
*  Lais  Ciusuri,  Hist,  lud.,  lib.  i.  cap.  123,  MS. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  341 

were,  in  fact,  freighted  with  Indian  prisoners,  from  the  sale  of 
whom  the  vaunted  gold  was  to  arise. 

It  is  difficult  to  describe  the  vexatious  effects  of  this  absurd 
hyperbole.  The  hopes  of  Columbus,  of  great  and  immediate 
profit  from  the  mines,  were  suddenly  cast  down  ;  the  zeal  of 
liis  few  advocates  was  cooled ;  an  air  of  empty  exaggeration 
was  given  to  his  enterprises  ;  and  his  enemies  pointed  with 
scorn  and  ridicule  to  .the  wretched  cargoes  of  the  caravels,  as 
the  boasted  treasures  of  the  New  World.  The  report  brought 
by  Nino  and  his  crew  represented  the  colony  as  in  a  disastrous 
condition,  and  the  despatches  of  the  Adelantado  pointed  out 
the  importance  of  immediate  supplies ;  but  in  proportion  as  the 
necessity  of  the  case  was  urgent,  the  measure  of  relief  was 
tardy.  All  the  unfavorable  representations  hitherto  made 
seemed  corroborated,  and  the  invidious  cry  of  "  great  cost  and 
little  gain"  was  revived  by  those  politicians  of  petty  sagacity 
and  microscopic  eye,  who,  in  all  great  undertakings,  can  dis- 
cern the  immediate  expense,  without  having  scope  of  vision  to 
embrace  the  future  profit. 


CHAPTER   III. 

PREPARATIONS   FOR  A  THIRD   VOYAGE  —  DISAPPOINTMENTS   AND 

DELAYS. 

[1497.] 

IT  was  not  until  the  following  spring  of  1497  that  the  con- 
cerns of  Columbus  and  of  the  New  World  began  to  receive 
serious  attention  from  the  sovereigns.  The  fleet  had  returned 
from  Flanders  with  the  Princess  Margarita  of  Austria.  Her 
nuptials  with  Prince  Juan,  the  heir-apparent,  had  been  cele- 
brated at  Burgos,  the  capital  of  Old  Castile,  with  extraordinary 
splendor.  All  the  grandees,  the  dignitaries,  and  chivalry  of 
Spain,  together  with  ambassadors  from  the  principal  potentates 
of  Christendom,  were  assembled  on  the  occasion.  Burgos  was 
for  some  time  a  scene  of  chivalrous  pageant  and  courtly  revel, 
and  the  whole  kingdom  celebrated  with  great  rejoicings  this 
powerful  alliance,  which  seemed  to  insure  to  the  Spanish  sov- 
ereigns a  continuance  of  their  extraordinary  prosperity. 

In  the  midst  of  these  festivities,  Isabella,  whose  maternnl 
heart  had  recently  been  engrossed  by  the  marriages  of  her 


342  LIFE  OF  CnmSTOPUEB   COLUMBUS. 

children,  now  that  she  was  relieved  from  these  concerns  of  a 
tender  and  domestic  nature,  entered  into  the  affairs  of  the  New 
World  with  a  spirit  that  showed  she  was  determined  to  place 
them  upon  a  substantial  foundation,  as  well  as  clearly  to  define 
the  powers  and  reward  the  services  of  Columbus.  To  her  pro- 
tecting zeal  all  the  provisions  in  favor  of  Columbus  must  be 
attributed ;  for  the  king  began  to  look  coldly  on  him,  and  the 
royal  counsellors,  who  had  most  influence  in  the  affairs  of 
the  Indies,  were  his  enemies. 

Various  royal  ordinances  dated  about  this  time  manifest  the 
generous  and  considerate  disposition  of  the  queen.  The  rights, 
privileges,  and  dignities  granted  to  Columbus  at  Santa  F6, 
were  again  confirmed ;  a  tract  of  land  in  Hispaniola,  fifty 
leagues  in  length  and  twenty-five  in  breadth,  was  offered  to 
him  with  the  title  of  duke  or  marquess.  This,  however, 
Columbus  had  the  forbearance  to  decline ;  he  observed  that  it 
would  only  increase  the  envy  which  was  already  so  virulent 
against  him,  and  would  cause  new  misrepresentations  ;  as  he 
should  be  accused  of  paying  more  attention  to  the  settlement 
and  improvement  of  his  own  possessions  than  of  any  other  part 
of  the  island.1 

As  the  expenses  of  the  expeditions  had  hitherto  far  exceeded 
the  returns,  Columbus  had  incurred  debt  rather  than  reaped 
profit  from  the  share  he  had  been  permitted  to  take  in  them  ; 
he  was  relieved,  therefore,  from  his  obligation  to  bear  an  eighth 
part  of  the  cost  of  the  past  enterprises,  excepting  the  sum 
which  he  had  advanced  toward  the  first  voyage ;  at  the  same 
time,  however,  he  was  not  to  claim  any  share  of  what  had 
hitherto  been  brought  from  the  island.  For  three  ensuing 
years  he  was  to  be  allowed  an  eighth  of  the  gross  proceeds  of 
every  voyage,  and  an  additional  tenth  after  the  costs  had  been 
deducted.  After  the  expiration  of  the  three  years,  the  original 
terms  of  agreement  were  to  be  resumed. 

To  gratify  his  honorable  ambition  also,  and  to  perpetuate  in 
his  family  the  distinction  gained  by  his  illustrious  deeds,  he 
was  allowed  the  right  of  establishing  a  ma}'orazgo,  or  per- 
petual entail  of  his  estates,  so  that  they  might  always  descend 
with  his  titles  of  nobility.  This  he  shortly  after  exercised  in  a 
solemn  testament  executed  at  Seville  in  the  early  part  of  1498, 
by  which  he  devised  his  estate  to  his  own  male  descendants, 
and  on  their  failure  to  the  male  descendants  of  his  brothers, 
and  in  default  of  male  heirs  to  the  females  of  his  lineage. 

i  Las  Casas,  Hist.  lud.,  lib.  i.  cap.  123. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  343 

The  heir  was  always  to  bear  the  arms  of  the  admiral,  to  seal 
with  them,  to  sign  with  his  signature,  and  in  signing,  never  to 
use  any  other  title  than  simply  "The  Admiral,"  whatever 
other  titles  might  be  given  him  by  the  king,  and  used  by  him 
on  other  occasions.  Such  was  the  noble  pride  with  which  he 
valued  this  title  of  his  real  greatness. 

In  this  testament  he  made  ample  provision  for  his  brother, 
the  Adelantado,  his  son  Fernando,  and  his  brother  Don  Diego, 
the  last  of  whom,  he  intimates,  had  a  desire  to  enter  into  eccle- 
siastical life.  He  ordered  that  a  tenth  part  of  the  revenues 
arising  from  the  mayorazgo  should  be  devoted  to  pious  and 
charitable  purposes,  and  in  relieving  all  poor  persons  of  his 
lineage.  He  made  provisions  for  the  giving  of  marriage-por- 
tions to  the  poor  females  of  his  family.  He  ordered  that  a 
married  person  of  his  kindred,  who  had  been  born  in  his 
native  city  of  Genoa,  should  be  maintained  there  in  com- 
petence and  respectability,  by  way  of  keeping  a  domicile  for 
the  family  there  ;  and  he  commanded  whoever  should  inherit 
the  mayorazgo,  always  to  do  every  thing  in  his  power  for  the 
honor,  prosperity,  and  increase  of  the  city  of  Genoa,  provided 
it  should  not  be  contrary  to  the  service  of  the  church  and  the 
interests  of  the  Spanish  crown.  Among  various  other  provis- 
ions in  this  will,  he  solemnly  provides  for  his  favorite  scheme, 
the  recovery  of  the  holy  sepulchre.  He  orders  his  son  Diego, 
or  whoever  else  may  inherit  bis  estate,  to  invest  from  time  to 
time  as  much  money  as  he  can  spare,  in  stock  in  the  bank  of 
St.  George  at  Genoa,  to  form  a  permanent  fund,  with  which  he 
is  to  stand  read}-  at  any  time  to  follow  and  serve  the  king  in 
the  conquest  of  Jerusalem.  Or  should  the  king  not  undertake 
such  enterprise,  then,  when  the  funds  have  accumulated  to  suf- 
ficient amount,  to  set  on  foot  a  crusade  at  his  own  charge  and 
risk,  in  hopes  that,  seeing  his  determination,  the  sovereigns 
may  be  induced  either  to  adopt  the  undertaking  or  to  author- 
ize him  to  pursue  it  in  their  name. 

Besides  this  special  undertaking  for  the  Catholic  faith,  he 
charges  his  heir  in  case  there  should  arise  any  schism  in  the 
church,  or  any  violence  menacing  its  prosperity,  to  throw  him- 
self at  the  feet  of  the  i>ope,  and  devote  his  person  and  property 
to  defend  the  church  from  all  insult  and  spoliation.  Next  to 
the  service  of  God,  he  enjoins  loyalty  to  the  throne  ;  command- 
ing him  at  all  times  to  serve  the  sovereigns  and  their  heirs, 
faithfully  and  zealously,  even  to  the  loss  of  life  and  estate.  To 
insure  the  constant  remembrance  of  this  testament,  he  orders 
his  heir  that,  before  he  confesses,  he  shall  give  it  to  his  father 


344  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

confessor  to  read,  who  is  to  examine  him  upon  his  faithful  ful- 
filment of  its  conditions.1 

As  Columbus  had  felt  aggrieved  by  the  general  license 
granted  in  April,  14U5,  to  make  discoveries  in  the  New  World, 
considering  it  as  interfering  with  his  prerogatives,  a  royal  edict 
was  issued  on  the  2d  of  June,  1497,  retracting  whatever  might 
be  prejudicial  to  his  interests,  or  to  the  previous  grants  made 
him  by  the  crown.  "  It  never  was  our  intention,"  said  the 
sovereigns  in  their  edict,  "  in  any  way  to  affect  the  rights  of 
the  said  Don  Christopher  Columbus,  nor  to  allow  the  conven- 
tions, privileges,  and  favors  which  we  have  granted  him  to  be 
encroached  upon  or  violated ;  but  on  the  contrary,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  services  which  he  has  rendered  us,  we  intend  to 
confer  still  further  favors  on  him."  Such,  there  is  every  rea- 
son to  believe,  was  the  sincere  intention  of  the  magnanimous 
Isabella ;  but  the  stream  of  her  royal  bounty  was  poisoned  or 
diverted  by  the  base  channels  through  which  it  flowed. 

The  favor  shown  to  Columbus  was  extended  likewise  to  his 
family.  The  titles  and  prerogatives  of  Adelantado,  with  which 
he  had  invested  his  brother  Don  Bartholomew,  had  at  first 
awakened  the  displeasure  of  the  king,  who  jealously  reserved 
all  high  dignities  of  the  kind  to  be  granted  exclusively  by  the 
crown.  By  a  royal  letter  the  office  was  now  conferred  upon 
Don  Bartholomew,  as  if  through  spontaneous  favor  of  the 
sovereigns,  no  allusion  being  made  to  his  having  previously 
enjoyed  it. 

While  all  these  measures  were  taken  for  the  immediate 
gratification  of  Columbus,  others  were  adopted  for  the  inter- 
ests of  the  colony.  Permission  was  granted  him  to  take  out 
three  hundred  and  thirty  persons  in  royal  pay,  of  whom  forty 
were  to  be  escuderos,  or  servants,  one  hundred  foot-soldiers, 
thirty  sailors,  thirty  ship-boys,  twenty  miners,  fifty  husband- 
men, ten  gardeners,  twenty  mechanics  of  various  kinds,  and 
thirty  females.  He  was  subsequently  permitted  to  increase 
the  number,  if  he  thought  proper,  to  five  hundred  ;  but  the  ad- 
ditional individuals  were  to  be  paid  out  of  the  produce  and 
merchandise  of  the  colony.  He  was  likewise  authorized  to 
grant  lands  to  all  such  as  were  disposed  to  cultivate  vineyards, 
orchards,  sugar  plantations,  or  to  form  any  other  rural  estab- 
lishments, on  condition  that  they  should  reside  as  householders 
on  the  island  for  four  years  after  such  grant,  and  that  all  the 
brazil-wood  and  precious  metals  found  on  their  lauds  should  be 
reserved  to  the  crown. 

1  This  testament  is  iuserled  at  large  iu  the  Appendix. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  345 

Nor  were  the  interests  of  the  unhappy  natives  forgotten  by 
the  compassionate  heart  of  Isabella.  Notwithstanding  the 
sophisms  by  which  their  subjection  and  servitude  were  made 
matters  of  civil  and  divine  right,  and  sanctioned  by  political 
prelates  of  the  da}-,  Isabella  always  consented  with  the  great- 
est reluctance  to  the  slavery  even  of  those  who  were  taken  in 
open  warfare ;  while  her  utmost  solicitude  was  exerted  to  pro- 
tect the  unoffending  part  of  this  helpless  and  devoted  race. 
She  ordered  that  the  greatest  care  should  be  taken  of  their 
religious  instruction,  and  the  greatest  leniency  shown  in  col- 
lecting the  tributes  imposed  upon  them,  with  all  possible  in- 
dulgence to  defalcators.  In  fact,  the  injunctions  given  with 
respect  to  the  treatment  both  of  Indians  and  Spaniards,  are 
the  only  indications  in  the  royal  edicts  of  any  impression 
having  been  made  b}*  the  complaints  against  Columbus  of 
severity  in  his  government.  It  was  generally  recommended 
by  the  sovereigns  that,  whenever  the  public  safety  did  not 
require  stern  measures,  there  should  be  manifested  a  disposition 
to  lenity  and  easy  rule. 

When  every  intention  was  thus  shown  on  the  part  of  the 
crown  to  despatch  the  expedition  to  the  colony,  unexpected 
difficulties  arose  on  the  part  of  the  public.  The  charm  was  dis- 
pelled which  in  the  preceding  voyage  had  made  every  adven- 
turer crowd  into  the  service  of  Columbus.  An  odium  had  been 
industriously  thrown  upon  his  enterprises  ;  and  his  new-found 
world,  instead  of  a  region  of  wealth  and  delight,  was  considered 
a  land  of  poverty  and  disaster.  There  was  a  difficulty  in  pro- 
curing either  ships  or  men  for  the  voyage.  To  remedy  the  first 
of  these  deficiencies,  one  of  those  arbitrary  orders  was  issued, 
so  opposite  to  our  present  ideas  of  commercial  policy,  empower- 
ing the  officers  of  the  crown  to  press  into  the  service  whatever 
ships  they  might  judge  suitable  for  the  purposed  expedition, 
together  with  their  masters  and  pilots ;  and  to  fix  such  price 
for  their  remuneration  as  the  officers  should  deem  just  and  rea- 
sonable. To  suppl}'  the  want  of  voluntary  recruits,  a  measure 
was  adopted  at  the  suggestion  of  Columbus,1  which  shows  the 
desperate  alternatives  to  which  he  was  reduced  by  the  great  re- 
action of  public  sentiment.  This  was  to  commute  the  sentences 
of  criminals  condemned  to  banishment,  to  the  galleys,  or  to  the 
mines,  into  transportation  to  the  new  settlements,  where  they 
were  to  labor  in  the  public  service  without  pay.  Those  whose 
sentence  was  banishment  for  life,  to  be  transported  for  ten 
years ;  those  banished  for  a  specific  term,  to  be  transported 


346  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

for  half  that  time.  A  general  pardon  was  published  for  all 
malefactors  at  large,  who  within  a  certain  time  should  surren- 
der themselves  to  the  admiral  and  embark  for  the  colonies  ; 
those  who  had  committed  offences  meriting  death,  to  serve  for 
two  years,  those  whose  misdeeds  were  of  a  lighter  nature,  to 
serve  for  one  year.1  Those  only  were  excepted  from  this  in- 
dulgence who  had  committed  heresy,  treason,  coining,  murder, 
and  certain  other  specific  crimes.  This  pernicious  measure,  cal- 
culated to  poison  the  population  of  an  infant  community  at  its 
very  source,  was  a  fruitful  cause  of  trouble  to  Columbus,  and 
of  misery  and  detriment  to  the  colony.  It  has  been  frequently 
adopted  by  various  nations,  whose  superior  experience  should 
have  taught  them  better,  and  has  proved  the  bane  of  many  a 
rising  settlement.  It  is  assuredly  as  unnatural  for  a  metropolis 
to  cast  forth  its  crimes  and  vices  upon  its  colonies,  as  it  would 
be  for  a  parent  wilfully  to  ingraft  disease  upon  his  children. 
In  both  instances  the  obligation  of  nature  is  vitiated  ;  nor  should 
it  be  matter  of  surprise,  if  the  seeds  of  evil  thus  sown  should 
bring  forth  bitter  retribution. 

Notwithstanding  all  these  violent  expedients,  there  was  still 
a  ruinous  delay  in  fitting  out  the  expedition.  This  is  partly  ac- 
counted for  by  changes  which  took  place  in  the  persons  ap- 
pointed to  superintend  the  affairs  of  the  Indies.  These  con- 
cerns had  for  a  time  been  consigned  to  Antonio  de  Torres,  in 
whose  name,  conjointly  with  that  of  Columbus,  man}-  of  the 
official  documents  had  been  made  out.  In  consequence  of  high 
and  unreasonable  demands  on  the  part  of  Torres,  he  was  re- 
moved from  office,  and  Juan  Rodriguez  de  Fonseca,  Bishop  of 
Badajos,  reinstated.  The  papers  had.  therefore,  to  be  made  out 
anew,  and  fresh  contracts  formed.  While  these  concerns  were 
tardily  attended  to,  the  queen  was  suddenly  overwhelmed  with 
affliction  by  the  death  of  her  only  son.  Prince  Juan,  whoso 
nuptials  had  been  celebrated  with  such  splendor  in  the  spring. 
It  was  the  first  of  a  series  of  domestic  calamities  which  assailed 
her  affectionate  heart,  and  overwhelmed  her  with  affliction  for 
the  remainder  of  her  days.  In  the  midst  of  her  distress,  how- 
ever, she  still  thought  of  Columbus.  In  consequence  of  his 
urgent  representations  of  the  misery  to  which  the  colony  mast 
be  reduced,  two  ships  were  despatched  in  the  beginning  of  1498, 
under  the  command  of  Pedro  Fernandez  Coronel,  freighted 
with  supplies.  The  necessary  funds  were  advanced  by  the 
queen  herself,  out  of  the  moneys  intended  to  form  the  eudow- 

»  Muuoz,  lib.  vi.  §  19. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  347 

ment  of  her  daughter  Isabella,  then  betrothed  to  Emanuel,  King 
of  Portugal.  An  instance  of  her  kind  feeling  toward  Columbus 
was  also  evinced  in  the  time  of  her  affliction  ;  his  two  sous, 
Diego  and  Fernando,  had  been  pages  to  the  deceased  prince  ;  the 
queen  now  took  them,  in  the  same  capacity,  into  her  own  service. 

With  all  this  zealous  disposition  on  the  part  of  the  queen, 
Columbus  still  met  with  the  most  injurious  and  discouraging 
delays  in  preparing  the  six  remaining  vessels  for  his  voyage. 
His  cold-blooded  enemy  Fonseca,  having  the  superintendence 
of  Indian  affairs,  was  enabled  to  impede  and  retard  all  his 
plans.  The  various  petty  officei-s  and  agents  employed  in 
the  concerns  of  the  armament  were  many  of  them  minions  of  the 
bishop,  and  knew  that  they  were  gratifying  him  in  annoying 
Columbus.  They  looked  upon  the  latter  as  a  man  declining  in 
popularity,  who  might  be  offended  with  impunity  ;  they  scrupled 
not,  therefore,  to  throw  all  kinds  of  difficulties  in  his  path,  and 
to  treat  him  occasionally  with  that  arrogance  which  petty  and 
ignoble  men  in  place  are  prone  to  exercise. 

It  seems  almost  incredible  at  the  present  day  that  such  im- 
portant and  glorious  enterprises  should  have  been  subject  to 
such  despicable  molestations.  Columbus  bore  them  all  with 
silent  indignation.  He  was  a  stranger  in  the  land  he  was  bene- 
fiting ;  he  felt  that  the  popular  tide  was  setting  against  him, 
and  that  it  was  necessary  to  tolerate  many  present  grievances 
for  the  sake  of  effecting  his  great  purposes.  So  wearied  and 
disheartened,  however,  did  he  become  by  the  impediments  art- 
fully thrown  in  his  way,  and  so  disgusted  by  the  prejudices  of 
the  tickle  public,  that  he  at  one  time  thought  of  abandoning  his 
discoveries  altogether.  He  was  chiefly  induced  to  persevere  by 
his  grateful  attachment  to  the  queen,  and  his  desire  to  achieve 
something  that  might  cheer  and  animate  her  under  her  afflictions.1 

At  length,  after  all  kinds  of  irritating  delays,  the  six  vessels 
were  fitted  for  sea,  though  it  was  impossible  to  conquer  the 
popular  repugnance  to  the  service  sufficiently  to  enlist  the  al- 
lotted number  of  men.  In  addition  to  the  persons  in  employ 
already  enumerated,  a  physician,  surgeon,  and  apothecary 
were  sent  out  for  the  relief  of  the  colony,  and  several  priests  to 
replace  Friar  Boyle  and  certain  of  his  discontented  brethren  ; 
while  a  number  of  musicians  were  embarked  by  the  admiral  to 
cheer  and  enliven  the  colonists. 

The  insolence  which  Columbus  had  suffered  from  the  minions 
of  Fonseca  throughout  this  long  protracted  time  of  preparation 

1  Letter  of  Columbus  to  the  nui-se  of  Prince  Juan. 


348  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

harassed  him  to  the  last  moment  of  his  sojourn  in  Spain,  and 
followed  him  to  the  very  water's  edge.  Among  the  worthless 
hirelings  who  had  annoyed  him,  the  most  noisy  and  presuming 
was  one  Ximeno  Breviesca,  treasurer  or  accountant  of  Fouseca. 
He  was  not  an  old  Christian,  observes  the  venerable  Las  Casas  ; 
by  which  it  is  to  be  understood  that  he  was  either  a  Jew  or  a 
Moor  converted  to  the  Catholic  faith.  He  had  an  impudent 
front  and  an  unbridled  tongue,  and,  echoing  the  sentiments  of 
his  patron  the  bishop,  had  been  loud  in  his  abuse  of  tne  ad- 
miral and  his  enterprises.  The  very  day  when  the  squadron 
was  on  the  point  of  weighing  anchor,  Columbus  was  assailed 
by  the  insolence  of  this  Ximeno,  either  on  the  shore  when  about 
to  embark,  or  on  board  of  his  ship  where  he  had  just  entered. 
In  the  hurry  of  the  moment  he  forgot  his  usual  self-command  ; 
his  indignation,  hitherto  repressed,  suddenly  burst  forth ;  he 
struck  the  despicable  minion  to  the  ground,  and  kicked  him 
repeatedly,  venting  in  this  unguarded  paroxysm  the  accumu- 
lated griefs  and  vexations  which  had  long  rankled  in  his  mind.1 
Nothing  could  demonstrate  more  strongly  what  Columbus  had 
previously  suffered,  from  the  machinations  of  unworthy  men, 
than  this  transport  of  passion,  so  unusual  in  his  well-governed 
temper.  He  deeply  regretted  it,  and  in  a  letter  written  some 
time  afterward  to  the  sovereigns,  he  endeavored  to  obviate  the 
injury  it  might  do  him  in  their  opinion,  through  the  exaggera- 
tion and  false  coloring  of  his  enemies.  His  apprehensions  were 
not  ill-founded,  for  Las  Casas  attributes  the  humiliating  meas- 
ures shortly  after  adopted  by  the  sovereigns  toward  Columbus, 
to  the  unfavorable  impression  produced  by  this  affair.  It  had 
happened  near  at  home,  as  it  were,  under  the  very  eye  of  the 
sovereigns  ;  it  spoke,  therefore,  more  quickly  to  their  feelings 
than  more  important  allegations  from  a  distance.  The  personal 
castigation  of  a  public  officer  was  represented  as  a  flagrant 
instance  of  the  vindictive  temper  of  Columbus,  and  a  corrobora- 
tion  of  the  charges  of  cruelty  and  oppression  sent  from  the 
colony.  As  Ximeno  was  a  creature  of  the  invidious  Fonseca, 
the  affair  was  represented  to  the  sovereigns  in  the  most  odious 
point  of  view.  Thus  the  generous  intentions  of  princes,  and 
the  exalted  services  of  their  subjects,  are  apt  to  be  defeated  by 
the  intervention  of  cold  and  crafty  men  in  place.  By  his  im- 
placable hostility  to  Columbus,  and  the  secret  obstructions  which 
he  threw  in  the  way  of  the  most  illustrious  of  human  enterprises, 
Fonseca  has  insured  perpetuity  to  his  name,  coupled  with  the 
contempt  of  every  generous  mind. 

1  Las  Casaa,  Hut.  lud.,  lib.  i.  cap.  hiG,  MS. 


BOOK    X. 


CHAPTER  I. 

DEPARTURE   OF   COLUMBUS    FROM    SPAIN   ON    HIS   THIRD    VOYAGE 

DISCOVERY   OF   TRINIDAD. 

[1498.] 

ON  the  30th  of  Ma}',  1498,  Columbus  set  sail  from  the  port 
of  San  Lucar  de  Barrameda,  with  his  squadron  of  six  vessels, 
ou  his  third  voyage  of  discovery.  The  routs  he  proposed  to 
take  was  different  from  that  pursued  in  his  former  voyages.  He 
intended  to  depart  from  the  Cape  de  Verde  Islands,  sailing  to 
the  south-west,  until  he  should  come  under  the  equinoctial  line, 
then  to  steer  directly  westward,  with  the  favor  of  the  trade- 
winds,  until  he  should  arrive  at  land,  or  find  himself  in  the 
longitude  of  Hispauiola.  Various  considerations  induced  him 
to  adopt  this  course.  In  his  preceding  voyage,  when  he  coasted 
the  southern  side  of  Cuba,  under  the  belief  that  it  was  the  con- 
tinent of  Asia,  he  had  observed  that  it  swept  off  toward  the 
south.  From  this  circumstance,  and  from  information  gath- 
ered among  the  natives  of  the  Caribbee  Islands,  he  was  induced 
to  believe  that  a  great  tract  of  the  main-land  la}'  to  the  south 
of  the  countries  he  had  already  discovered.  King  John  II.  of 
Portugal  appears  to  have  entertained  a  similar  idea ;  as  Hen-era 
records  an  opinion  expressed  by  that  monarch,  that  there  was 
a  continent  in  the  southern  ocean.2  If  this  were  the  case,  it 
was  supposed  by  Columbus  that,  in  proportion  as  he  approached 
the  equator,  and  extended  his  discoveries  to  climates  more  and 
more  under  the  torrid  influence  of  the  sun,  he  should  find  the 
productions  of  nature  sublimated  by  its  rays  to  more  perfect 
and  precious  qualities.  He  was  strengthened  in  this  belief  by 
a  letter  written  to  him  at  the  command  of  the  queen,  by  one 
Jayne  Ferrer,  an  eminent  and  learned  lapidary,  who,  in  the 

1  Ilerrera,  llist.  1ml.,  decad.  i.  lib.  iii.  cap.  9. 

349 


350  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

course  of  his  trading  for  precious  stones  and  metals,  had  been 
in  the  Levant  and  in  various  parts  of  the  East ;  had  converged 
with  the  merchants  of  the  remote  parts  of  Asia  and  Africa,  and 
the  natives  of  India,  Arabia,  and  Ethiopia,  and  was  considered 
deeply  versed  in  geography  generally,  but  especially  in  the 
natural  histories  of  those  countries  whence  the  valuable  mer- 
chandise in  which  he  dealt  was  procured.  In  this  letter  Ferrer 
assured  Columbus  that,  according  to  his  experience,  the  rarest 
objects  of  commerce,  such  as  gold,  precious  stones,  drugs,  and 
spices,  were  chiefly  to  be  found  in  the  regions  about  the  equi- 
noctial line,  where  the  inhabitants  were  black,  or  darkly  col- 
ored ;  and  that  until  the  admiral  should  arrive  among  people 
of  such  complexions  he  did  not  think  he  would  find  those  ar- 
ticles in  great  abundance.1 

Columbus  expected  to  find  such  people  more  to  the  south. 
He  recollected  that  the  natives  of  Hispaniola  had  spoken  of 
black  men  who  had  ouce  come  to  their  island  from  the  south  and 
south-east,  the  heads  of  whose  javelins  were  of  a  sort  of  metal 
which  they  called  Guanin.  They  had  given  the  admiral  speci- 
mens of  this  metal,  which,  on  being  assayed  in  Spain,  proved 
to  be  a  mixture  of  eighteen  parts  gold,  six  silver,  and  eight 
copper,  a  proof  of  valuable  mines  in  the  country  whence  they 
came.  Charlevoix  conjectures  that  these  black  people  may 
have  come  from  the  Canaries,  or  the  western  coast  of  Africa, 
and  been  driven  by  tempest  to  the  shores  of  Hispauiola.2  It 
is  probable,  however,  that  Columbus  had  been  misinformed  as 
to  their  color,  or  had  misunderstood  his  informants.  It  is  dif- 
ficult to  believe  that  the  natives  of  Africa,  or  the  Canaries, 
could  have  performed  a  voyage  of  such  magnitude,  in  the  frail 
and  scantily  provided  barks  they  were  accustomed  to  use. 

It  was  to  ascertain  the  truth  of  all  these  suppositions,  and  if 
correct,  to  arrive  at  the  favored  and  opulent  countries  about 
the  equator,  inhabited  by  people  of  simular  complexions  with 
those  of  the  Africans  under  the  line,  that  Columbus  in  his 
present  voyage  to  the  New  World  took  a  course  much  farther 
to  the  south  than  that  which  he  had  hitherto  pursued. 

Having  heard  that  a  French  squadron  was  cruising  off  Cape 
St.  Vincent,  he  stood  to  the  south-west  after  leaving  St.  Lucnr, 
touching  at  the  islands  of  Porto  Santo  and  Madeira,  where  he 
remained  a  few  days  taking  in  wood  and  water  and  other  sup- 
plies, and  then  continued  his  course  to  the  Canary  Islands.  On 
the  19th  of  June  he  arrived  at  Gomara,  where  there  lay  at  anchor 

1  Navarretc,  Colec.,  torn.  ii.  doc.  68. 

»  Charlevoix,  liist.  &'..  Domiugo,  lib.  Ui.  p.  162. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  351 

a  French  cruiser  with  two  Spanish  prizes.  On  seeing  the  squad- 
ron of  Columbus  standing  into  the  harbor,  the  captain  of  the 
privateer  put  to  sea  in  all  haste,  followed  by  his  prizes  ;  one  of 
which,  in  the  hurry  of  the  moment,  left  part  of  her  crew  on 
shore,  making  sail  with  only  four  of  her  armament  and  six 
Spanish  prisoners.  The  admiral  at  first  mistook  them  for  mer- 
chant ships  alarmed  by  his  warlike  appearance  ;  when  informed 
of  the  truth,  however,  he  sent  three  of  his  vessels  in  pursuit, 
but  they  were  too  distant  to  be  overtaken.  The  six  Spaniards, 
however,  on  board  of  one  of  the  prizes,  seeing  assistance  at 
hand,  rose  on  their  captors,  and  the  admiral's  vessel  coming  up, 
the  prize  was  retaken,  and  brought  back  in  triumph  to  the  port. 
The  admiral  relinquished  the  ship  to  the  captain,  and  gave  np 
the  prisoners  to  the  governor  of  the  island,  to  be  exchanged  for 
six  Spaniards  carried  off  by  the  cruiser.1 

Leaving  Gomara  on  the  21st  of  June,  Columbus  divided  his 
squadron  off  the  island  of  Ferro :  three  of  the  ships  he  de- 
spatched direct  for  Hispaniola,  to  carry  supplies  to  the  colony. 
One  of  these  ships  was  commanded  by  Alonzo  Sanchez  de  Ca- 
ravajal,  a  native  of  Baeza,  a  man  of  much  worth  and  integrity ; 
the  second  by  Pedro  de  Arana  of  Cordova,  brother  of  Dona 
Beatrix  Heuriquez,  the  mother  of  the  admiral's  second  son, 
Fernando.  He  was  cousin  also  of  the  unfortunate  officer  who 
commanded  the  fortress  of  La  Xavidad  at  the  time  of  the  mas- 
sacre. The  third  was  commanded  by  Juan  Antonio  Columbus 
(or  Colombo),  a  Genoese,  related  to  the  admiral,  a  man  of 
much  judgment  and  capacity.  These  captains  were  alternately 
to  have  the  command,  and  bear  the  signal  light  a  week  at  a 
time.  The  admiral  carefully  pointed  out  their  course.  When 
they  came  in  sight  of  Hispaniola  they  were  to  steer  for  the 
south  side,  for  the  new  port  and  town,  which  he  supposed  to  be 
by  this  time  established  in  the  mouth  of  the  Ozema,  according 
to  royal  orders  sent  out  by  Coronel.  With  the  three  remaining 
vessels  the  admiral  prosecuted  his  voyage  toward  the  Cape  de 
Verde  Islands.  The  ship  in  which  he  sailed  was  decked,  the 
other  two  were  merchant  caravels.2  As  he  advanced  within 
the  tropics  the  change  of  climate  and  the  close  and  sultry 
weather  brought  on  a  severe  attack  of  the  gout,  followed  by  a 
violent  fever.  Notwithstanding  his  painful  illness,  he  enjoyed 
the  full  possession  of  his  faculties,  and  continued  to  keep  his 
reckoning  and  make  his  observations  with  his  usual  vigilance 
and  minuteness. 

1  Hist,  del  Almirautc,  cap.  65.  =  P.  Maityr,  decad.  i.  lib.  vi. 


352  LIFE  OF  CnKISTOPTlER   COLUMBUS. 

On  the  27th  of  June  he  arrived  among  the  Cape  de  Verde 
Islands,  which,  instead  of  the  freshness  and  verdure  which  their 
name  would  betoken,  presented  an  aspect  of  the  most  cheerless 
sterility.  He  remained  among  these  islands  but  a  very  few 
days,  being  disappointed  in  his  expectation  of  obtaining  goats' 
flesh  for  ships'  provisions,  and  cattle  for  stock  for  the  island  of 
Hispaniola.  To  procure  them  would  require  some  delay  ;  i) 
the  mean  time  the  health  of  himself  and  of  his  people  suffered 
under  the  influence  of  the  weather.  The  atmosphere  was 
loaded  with  clouds  and  vapors  ;  neither  sun  nor  star  was  to  be 
seen  ;  a  sultry,  depressing  temperature  prevailed  ;  and  the  livid 
looks  of  the  inhabitants  bore  witness  to  the  insalubrity  of  the 
climate.1 

Leaving  the  island  of  Buena  Vista  on  the  5th  of  July,  Colum- 
bus stood  to  the  south-west,  intending  to  continue  on  until  he 
found  himself  under  the  equinoctial  line.  The  currents,  how- 
ever, which  ran  to  the  north  and  north-west  among  these  islands 
impeded  his  progress,  and  kept  him  for  two  days  in  sight  of 
the  Island  del  Fuego.  The  volcanic  summit  of  this  island, 
which,  seen  at  a  distance,  resembled  a  church  with  a  lofty 
steeple,  and  which  was  said  at  times  to  emit  smoke  and  flames, 
was  the  last  point  discerned  of  the  Old  World. 

Continuing  to  the  south-west  about  one  hundred  and  twenty 
leagues,  he  found  himself,  on  the  13th  of  Jury,  accoi'ding  to  his 
observations,  in  the  fifth  degree  of  north  latitude.  He  had 
entered  that  region  which  extends  for  eight  or  ten  degrees  on 
each  side  of  the  line,  and  is  known  among  seamen  by  the  name 
of  the  calm  latitudes.  The  trade-winds  from  the  south-east 
and  north-east,  meeting  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  equator, 
neutralize  each  other,  and  a  steady  calmness  of  the  elements  is 
produced.  The  whole  sea  is  like  a  mirror,  and  vessels  remain 
almost  motionless,  with  flapping  sails  ;  the  crews  panting  under 
the  heat  of  a  vertical  sun,  unmitigated  by  any  refreshing  breeze. 
Weeks  are  sometimes  employed  in  crossing  this  torpid  tract  of 
the  ocean. 

The  weather  for  some  time  past  had  been  cloudy  and  oppress- 
ive ;  but  on  the  13th  there  was  a  bright  and  burning  sun.  The 
wind  suddenly  fell,  and  a  dead  sultry  calm  commenced,  which 
lasted  for  eight  days.  The  air  was  like  a  furnace  ;  the  tar 
melted,  the  seams  of  the  ships  yawned  ;  the  salt  meat  became 
putrid  ;  the  wheat  was  parched  as  if  with  fire  ;  the  hoops  shrank 
from  the  wine  and  water  casks,  some  of  which  leaked,  and 

1  Hist,  del  Almirante,  cap.  65. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  353 

othors  burst ;  while  the  heat  in  the  holds  of  the  vessels  was  so 
suffocating  that  no  one  could  remain  below  a  sufficient  time  to 
prevent  tin-  damage  that  was  taking  place.  The  mariners  lost 
all  strength  and  spirits,  and  sank  under  the  oppressive  heat. 
It  seemed  as  if  the  old  fable  of  the  torrid  zone  was  about  to  be 
realized  ;  and  that  they  were  approaching  a  fiery  region,  where 
it  would  be  impossible  to  exist.  It  is  true  the  heavens  were, 
for  a  great  part  of  the  time,  overcast,  and  there  were  drizzling 
showers  ;  but  the  atmosphere  was  close  and  stifling,  and  there 
was  that  combination  of  heat  and  moisture  which  relaxes  all 
the  energies  of  the  human  frame. 

During  this  time  the  admiral  suffered  extremely  from  the 
gout,  but,  as  usual,  the  activity  of  his  mind,  heightened  by  his 
anxiety,  allowed  him  no  indulgence  nor  repose.  He  was  in  an 
unknown  part  of  the  ocean,  where  every  thing  depended  upon 
his  vigilance  and  sagacity ;  and  was  continually  watching  the 
phenomena  of  the  elements,  and  looking  out  for  signs  of  land. 
Finding  the  heat  so  intolerable,  he  altered  his  course,  and  steered 
to  the  south-west,  hoping  to  find  a  milder  temperature  farther 
on,  even  under  the  same  parallel.  He  had  observed,  in  his 
previous  voyages,  that  after  sailing  westward  a  hundred  leagues 
from  the  Azores,  a  wonderful  change  took  place  in  the  sea  and 
sky.  both  becoming  serene  and  bland,  and  the  air  temperate  and 
refreshing.  He  imagined  that  a  peculiar  mildness  and  suavity 
prevailed  over  a  great  tract  of  ocean  extending  from  north  to 
south,  into  which  the  navigator,  sailing  from  east  to  west,  would 
suddenly  enter,  as  if  crossing  a  line.  The  event  seemed  to 
justify  his  theory,  for  after  making  their  way  slowly  for  some 
time  to  the  westward,  through  an  ordeal  of  heats  and  calms, 
with  a  murky,  stifling  atmosphere,  the  ships  all  at  once  emerged 
into  a  genial  region,  a  pleasant,  cooling  breeze  played  over  the 
surface  of  the  sea,  and  gently  filled  their  sails,  the  close  and 
drizzling  clouds  broke  away,  the  sky  became  serene  and  clear, 
and  the  sun  shone  forth  with  all  its  splendor,  but  no  longer  with 
a  burning  heat. 

Columbus  had  intended  on  reaching  this  temperate  tract,  to 
have  stood  once  more  to  the  south  and  then  westward  ;  but  the 
late  parching  weather  had  opened  the  seams  of  his  ships,  and 
caused  them  to  leak  excessively,  so  that  it  was  necessary  to 
seek  a  harbor  as  soon  as  possible,  where  they  might  be  refitted. 
Much  of  the  provisions  also  was  spoiled,  and  the  water  nearly 
exhausted.  He  kept  on  therefore  directly  to  the  west,  trust- 
ing, from  the  flights  of  birds  and  other  favorable  indications, 
he  should  soon  arrive  at  land.  Day  after  day  passed  away 


354  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER    COLUMBUS. 

without  his  expectations  being  realized.  The  distresses  of  his 
men  became  continually  more  urgent;  wherefore,  supposing 
himself  in  the  longitude  of  the  Caribbee  Islands,  he  bore  away 
toward  the  northward  in  search  of  them.1 

On  the  31st  of  July  there  was  not  above  one  cask  of  water 
remaining  in  each  ship,  when,  about  midday,  a  mariner  at  the 
masthead  beheld  the  summits  of  three  mountains  rising  above 
the  horizon,  and  gave  the  joyful  cry  of  land.  As  the  ships 
drew  nearer  it  was  seen  that  these  mountains  were  united  at 
the  base.  Columbus  had  determined  to  give  the  first  laud  he 
should  behold  the  name  of  the  Trinity.  The  appearance  of 
these  three  mountains  united  into  one  struck  him  as  a  singular 
coincidence  ;  and,  with  a  solemn  feeling  of  devotion,  he  gave 
the  island  the  name  of  La  Trinidad,  which  it  bears  at  the 
present  day.2 


CHAPTER  II. 

VOYAGE   THROUGH   THE    GULF   OF    PARIA. 

[1498.] 

SHAPIXG  his  course  for  the  island,  Columbus  approached  its 
eastern  extremity,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Punta  de  la 
Galera,  from  a  rock  in  the  sea,  which  resembled  a  galley  under 
sail.  He  was  obliged  to  coast  for  five  leagues  along  the  southern 
shore  before  he  could  find  safe  anchorage.  On  the  following 
day  (August  1),  he  continued  coasting  westward,  in  search  of 
water  and  a  convenient  harl>or  where  the  vessels  might  be 
careened.  He  was  surprised  at  the  verdure  and  fertility  of  the 
country,  having  expected  to  find  it  more  parched  and  sterile 
as  he  approached  the  equator;  whereas  he  beheld  groves  of 
palm-trees  and  luxuriant  forests,  sweeping  down  to  the  seaside, 
with  fountains  and  running  streams.  The  shores  were  low  and 
uninhabited,  but  the  country  rose  in  the  interior,  was  cultivated 
in  many  places,  and  enlivened  by  hamlets  and  scattered  habita- 
tions. In  a  word,  the  softness  and  purity  of  the  climate,  and 
the  verdure,  freshness,  and  sweetness  of  the  country,  appeared 
to  him  to  equal  the  delights  of  earl}'  spring  in  the  beautiful 
province  of  Valencia.8 

Anchoring  at  a  point  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Punta  de 

1  Hist,  del  Alniiranle,  eaj>.  ii7.  s  Ihid..  nhi  mi|>. 

8  Letter  of  Columbus  to  the  Sovereigus  from  HUpauiula,  Nuvurrute,  Colec.  torn.  i. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  355 

la  Playn,  he  sent  the  boats  on  shore  for  water.  They  found  an 
abundant  and  limpid  brook,  at  which  they  filled  their  casks,  but 
there  was  no  safe  harbor  for  the  vessels,  nor  could  they  meet 
with  any  of  the  islanders,  though  they  found  prints  of  footsteps, 
and  various  fishing  implements,  left  behind  in  the  hurry  of  the 
flight.  There  were  tracks  also  of  animals,  which  they  supposed 
to  be  goats,  but  which  must  have  been  deer,  with  which,  as  it 
was  afterward  ascertained,  the  island  abounded. 

While  coasting  the  island  Columbus  beheld  land  to  the  south, 
stretching  to  the  distance  of  more  than  twenty  leagues.  It 
was  that  low  tract  of  coast  intersected  by  the  numerous  branches 
of  the  Oronoco,  but  the  admiral,  supposing  it  to  be  an  island, 
gave  it  the  name  of  La  Isla  Santa ;  little  imagining  that  he  now 
for  the  first  time  beheld  that  continent,  that  Terra  Firma,  which 
had  been  the  object  of  his  earnest  search. 

On  the  2d  of  August  he  continued  on  to  the  south-west  point 
of  Trinidad,  which  he  called  Point  Arenal.  It  stretched  toward 
a  corresponding  point  of  Terra  Firma.  making  a  narrow  pass, 
with  a  high  rock  in  the  centre,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of 
El  Gallo.  Near  this  pass  the  ships  cast  anchor.  As  they  were 
approaching  this  place,  a  large  canoe  with  five  and  twenty 
Indians  put  off  from  the  shore,  but  paused  on  coining  within 
bow->hot.  and  hailed  the  ships  in  a  language  which  no  one  ou 
board  understood.  Columbus  tried  to  allure  the  savages  on 
board,  by  friendly  signs,  by  the  display  of  looking-glasses, 
basins  of  polished  metal,  and  various  glittering  trinkets,  but  all 
in  vain.  They  remained  gazing  in  mute  wonder  for  above  two 
hours,  with  their  paddles  in  their  hands,  ready  to  take  to  flight 
on  the  least  attempt  to  approach  them.  They  were  all  young 
men,  well  formed,  and  naked,  excepting  bands  and  fillets  of 
cotton  about  their  heads,  and  colored  cloths  of  the  same  about 
their  loins.  They  were  armed  with  bows  and  arrows,  the  hitter 
feathered  and  tipped  with  bone,  and  they  had  bucklers,  au 
article  of  armor  seen  for  the  first  time  among  the  inhabitants 
of  the  New  World. 

Finding  all  other  means  to  attract  them  ineffectual.  Colum- 
bus now  tried  the  power  of  music.  He  knew  the  fondness  of 
the  Indians  for  dances  performed  to  the  sound  of  their  rude 
drums  and  the  chant  of  their  traditional  ballads.  He  ordered 
something  similar  to  be  executed  on  the  deck  of  his  ship,  where, 
while  one  man  sang  to  the  beat  of  the  tabor,  and  the  sound  of 
other  musical  instruments,  the  ship-boys  danced,  after  the 
popular  Spanish  fashion.  No  sooner,  however,  did  this  sym- 
phony strike  up,  than  the  Indians,  mistaking  it  for  a  signal  of 


856  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

hostilities,  put  their  bucklers  on  their  arms,  seized  their  hows, 
and  let  fly  a  shower  of  arrows.  This  rude  salutation  was  im- 
mediately answered  hy  the  discharge  of  a  couple  of  cross-bows, 
which  put  the  auditors  to  flight,  and  concluded  this  singular 
entertainment. 

Though  thus  shy  of  the  admiral's  vessel,  they  approached 
one  of  the  caravels  without  hesitation,  and,  running  under  the 
stern,  had  a  parley  with  the  pilot,  who  gave  a  cap  and  a  mantle 
to  the  one  who  appeared  to  be  the  chieftain.  He  received  the 
presents  with  great  delight,  inviting  the  pilot  by  signs  to  come 
to  land,  where  he  should  be  well  entertained,  and  receive  great 
presents  in  return.  On  his  appearing  to  consent,  they  went  to 
shore  to  wait  for  him.  The  pilot  put  off  in  the  boat  of  the 
caravel  to  ask  permission  of  the  admiral ;  but  the  Indians, 
seeing  him  go  on  board  of  the  hostile  ship,  suspected  some 
treachery,  and  springing  into  their  canoe,  darted  away,  aor 
was  any  thing  more  seen  of  them.1 

The  complexion  and  other  physical  characteristics  of  these 
savages  caused  much  surprise  and  speculation  in  the  mind  of 
Columbus.  Supposing  himself  in  the  seventh  degree  of  latitude, 
though  actually  in  the  tenth,  he  expected  to  find  the  inhabitants 
similar  to  the  natives  of  Africa  under  the  same  parallel,  who 
were  black  and  ill-shaped,  with  crisped  hair,  or  rather  wool ; 
whereas  these  were  well  formed,  had  long  hair,  and  were  even 
fairer  than  those  more  distant  from  the  equator.  The  climate, 
also,  instead  of  being  hotter  as  he  approached  the  equinoctial, 
appeared  more  temperate.  He  was  now  in  the  dog-days,  yet 
the  nights  and  mornings  were  so  cool  that  it  was  necessary  to 
use  covering  as  in  winter.  This  is  the  case  in  many  parts  of 
the  torrid  zone,  especially  in  calm  weather,  when  there  is  no 
wind,  for  nature,  by  heavy  dews,  in  the  long  nights  of  those 
latitudes,  cools  and  refreshes  the  earth  after  the  great  heat  of 
the  day.  Columbus  was  at  first  greatly  perplexed  by  these 
contradictions  to  the  course  of  nature,  as  observed  in  the  Old 
World  ;  they  were  in  opposition  also  to  the  expectations  he  had 
founded  on  the  theory  of  Ferrer  the  lapidary,  but  they  gradu- 
ally contributed  to  the  formation  of  a  theory  which  was  spring- 
ing up  in  his  active  imagination,  and  which  will  be  presently 
shown. 

After  anchoring  at  Point  Arenal,  the  crews  were  permitted 
to  land  and  refresh  themselves.  There  were  no  runs  of  water, 
but  by  sinking  pits  in  the  sand  they  soon  obtained  sufficient  to 

1  Hist.  del.  Almirante,  cap.  88.  P.  Martyr,  decad.  i.  lib.  vi.  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind..  lib. 
i.  cap.  l-o.  MS.  Lellcr  of  Columbus  to  the  CueUliuu  Sovereigns.  X.ivurretu  (Juice.,  torn.  i. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  357 

fill  the  casks.  The  anchorage,  at  this  place,  however,  was  ex- 
tremely insecure.  A  rapid  current  set  from  the  eastward 
through  the  strait  formed  hy  the  main-land  and  the  island  of 
Trinidad.  Hewing,  as  Columbus  observed,  night  and  day.  with 
as  much  fury  as  the  Guadalquiver  when  swollen  by  floods.  In 
the  pass  between  Point  A  renal  and  its  corresponding  point, 
the  confined  current  boiled  and  raged  to  such  a  degree  that  he 
thought  it  was  crossed  by  a  reef  of  rocks  and  shoals,  preventing 
all  entrance,  with  others  extending  beyond,  over  which  the 
waters  roared  like  breakers  on  a  rocky  shore.  To  this  pass, 
from  its  angry  and  dangerous  appearance,  he  gave  the  name 
of  Boca  del  Sierpe  (the  Mouth  of  the  Serpent).  He  thus  found 
himself  placed  between  two  difficulties.  The  continual  current 
from  the  east  seemed  to  prevent  all  return,  while  the  rocks 
which  appeared  w)  beset  the  pass  threatened  destruction  if  he 
should  proceed.  Being  on  board  of  his  ship,  late  at  night,  kept 
awake  by  painful  illness  and  an  anxious  and  watchful  spirit, 
he  heard  a  terrible  roaring  from  the  south,  and  beheld  the  sea 
heaped  up,  as  it  were,  into  a  great  ridge  or  hill,  the  height  of 
the  ship,  covered  with  foam,  and  rolling  toward  him  with  a 
tremendous  uproar.  As  this  furious  surge  approached,  rendered 
more  terrible  in  appearance  by  the  obscurity  of  night,  he  trem- 
bled for  the  safety  of  his  vessels.  His  own  ship  was  suddenly 
lifted  up  to  such  a  height  that  he  dreaded  lest  it  should  be  over- 
turned or  cast  upon  the  rocks,  while  another  of  the  ships  was 
torn  violently  from  her  anchorage.  The  crews  were  for  a  time 
in  great  consternation,  fearing  they  should  l>e  swallowed  up ; 
but  the  mountainous  surge  passed  on,  and  gradually  subsided, 
after  a  violent  contest  with  the  counter-current  of  the  strait.1 
This  sudden  rush  of  water,  it  is  supposed,  was  caused  by  the 
swelling  of  one  of  the  rivers  which  flow  into  the  Gulf  of  Paria, 
and  which  were  as  yet  unknown  to  Columbus. 

Anxious  to  extricate  himself  from  this  dangerous  neighbor- 
hood, he  sent  the  boats  on  the  following  morning  to  sound  the 
depth  of  water  at  the  Boca  del  Sierpe,  and  to  ascertain  whether 
it  was  possible  for  ships  to  pass  through  to  the  northward.  To 
his  great  joy,  they  returned  with  a  report  that  there  were  sev- 
eral fathoms  of  water,  and  currents  and  eddies  setting  both 
ways,  either  to  enter  or  return.  A  favorable  breeze  prevailing, 
he  immediately  made  sail,  and  passing  through  the  formidable 
strnit  in  safety,  found  himself  in  a  tranquil  expanse  beyond. 

He  was  now  on   the  inner   side   of   Trinidad.     To   his   left 


1  Letter  of  Columbus  to  the  Cast.'linn  Sovereign*,  Xavarrete,  Colec.,  torn.  i.     Ilerrera 
Ui.-t.  lud.,  decad.  i.  lib.  iii.  cap.  10.    Hist,  del.  Aliuirante,  cap.  69. 


358  LIFE  OF  CmilSTOPIlER   COLUMBUS. 

spread  the  broad  gulf  since  known  by  the  name  of  Paria,  which 
he  supposed  to  be  the  open  sea,  but  was  surprised,  on  tasting 
it,  to  find  the  water  fresh.  He  continued  northward,  toward  a 
mountain  at  the  north-west  point  of  the  island,  about  fourteen 
leagues  from  Point  Arenal.  Here  he  beheld  two  lofty  capes 
opposite  each  other,  one  on  the  island  of  Trinidad,  the  other 
to  the  west,  on  the  long  promontory  of  Paria.  which  stretches 
from  the  main-land  and  forms  the  northern  side  of  the  gulf, 
but  which  Columbus  mistook  for  an  island,  and  named  Isla  de 
Gracia. 

Between  these  capes  there  was  another  pass,  which  appeared 
even  more  dangerous  than  the  Boca  del  Sierpe,  being  beset  with 
rocks,  among  which  the  current  forced  its  way  with  roaring 
turbulence.  To  this  pass  Columbus  gave  the  name  of  Boca  del 
Dragon.  Not  choosing  to  encounter  its  apparent  dangers,  he 
turned  northward,  on  Sunday,  the  5th  of  August,  and  steered 
along  the  inner  side  of  the  supposed  island  of  Gracia,  intending 
to  keep  on  until  he  came  to  the  end  of  it,  and  then  to  strike 
northward  into  the  free  and  open  ocean,  and  shape  his  course 
for  Hispaniola. 

It  was  a  fair  and  beautiful  coast,  indented  with  fine  harbors 
lying  close  to  each  other ;  the  country  cultivated  in  many 
places,  in  others  covered  with  fruit-trees  and  stately  forests, 
and  watered  by  frequent  streams.  "What  greatly  astonished 
Columbus  was  still  to  find  the  water  fresh,  and  that  it  grew 
more  and  more  so  the  farther  he  proceeded  ;  it  being  that  sea- 
son of  the  year  when  the  various  rivers  which  empty  themselves 
into  this  gulf  are  swollen  by  rains,  and  pour  forth  such  quan- 
tities of  fresh  water  as  to  conquer  the  saltness  of  the  ocean. 
He  was  also  surprised  at  the  placidity  of  the  sea,  which  ap- 
peared as  tranquil  and  safe  as  one  vast  harbor,  so  that  there 
was  no  need  of  seeking  a  port  to  anchor  in. 

As  yet  he  had  not  been  able  to  hold  any  communication  with 
the  people  of  this  part  of  the  New  World.  The  shores  which 
he  had  visited,  though  occasionally  cultivated,  were  silent  and 
deserted,  and,  excepting  the  fugitive  party  in  the  canoe  at 
Point  Arenal,  he  had  seen  nothing  of  the  natives.  After  sail- 
ing several  leagues  along  the  coast,  he  anchored,  on  Monday, 
the  6th  of  August,  at  a  place  where  there  appeared  signs  of 
cultivation,  and  sent  the  boats  on  shore.  They  found  recent 
traces  of  people,  but  not  an  individual  was  to  be  seen.  The 
coast  was  hilly,  covered  with  beautiful  and  fruitful  groves,  and 
abounding  with  monkeys.  Continuing  farther  westward,  to  where 
the  country  was  more  level,  Columbus  anchored  in  a  river. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  359 

Immediately  a  canoe,  with  three  or  four  Indians,  came  off  to 
the  caravel  nearest  to  the  shore,  the  captain  of  which,  pretend- 
ing a  desire  to  accompany  them  to  land,  sprang  into  their 
canoe,  overturned  it,  and,  with  the  assistance  of  his  seamen, 
secured  the  Indians  as  they  were  swimming.  When  brought 
to  the  admiral,  he  gave  them  beads,  hawks'  bells,  and  sugar, 
and  sent  them  highly  gratified  ou  shore,  where  many  of  their 
countrymen  were  assembled.  This  kind  treatment  had  the  usual 
effect.  Such  of  the  natives  as  had  canoes  came  off  to  the  ships 
with  the  fullest  confidence.  They  were  tall  of  stature,  finely 
formed,  and  free  and  graceful  in  their  movements.  Their  hair 
was  long  and  straight ;  some  wore  it  cut  short,  but  none  of 
them  braided  it,  as  was  the  custom  among  the  natives  of  His- 
paniola.  They  were  armed  with  bows,  arrows,  and  targets ; 
the  men  wore  cotton  cloths  about  their  heads  and  loins,  beau- 
tifully wrought  with  various  colors,  so  as  at  a  distance  to  look 
like  silk  ;  but  the  women  were  entirely  naked.  They  brought 
bread,  maize,  and  other  eatables,  with  different  kinds  of  bev- 
erage, some  white,  made  from  maize,  and  resembling  beer,  and 
others  green,  of  a  vinous  flavor,  and  expressed  from  various 
fruits.  They  appeared  to  judge  of  every  thing  by  the  sense  of 
smell,  as  others  examine  objects  b}'  the  sight  or  touch.  When 
they  approached  a  boat,  they  smelt  to  it,  and  then  to  the 
people.  In  like  manner  every  thing  that  was  given  them  was 
tried.  They  set  but  little  value  upon  beads,  but  were  extrava- 
gantly delighted  with  hawks'  bells.  Brass  was  also  held  in 
high  estimation  ;  they  appeared  to  find  something  extremely 
grateful  in  the  smell  of  it,  and  called  it  Turey,  signifying  that 
it  was  from  the  skies.1 

From  these  Indians,  Columbus  understood  that  the  name  of 
their  country  was  Paria,  and  that  farther  to  the  west  he  would 
find  it  more  populous.  Taking  several  of  them  to  serve  as 
guides  and  mediators,  he  proceeded  eight  leagues  westward  to 
a  point  which  he  called  Aguja  or  the  Needle.  Here  he  arrived 
at  three  o'clock  in  the  morning.  When  the  day  dawned  he 
was  delighted  with  the  beauty  of  the  country.  It  was  culti- 
vated in  many  places,  highly  populous,  and  adorned  with 
magnificent  vegetation  ;  habitations  were  interspersed  among 
groves  laden  with  fruits  and  flowers ;  grape-vines  intwined 
themselves  among  the  trees,  and  birds  of  brilliant  plumage 
fluttered  from  branch  to  branch.  The  air  was  temperate  and 
bland,  and  sweetened  by  the  fragrance  of  flowers  and  blossoms ; 

»  Herrera,  Hist.  Ind.,  dccad.  i.  lib.  iii.  cap.  11. 


360  LIFE   OF  CIIEISTOPIIEE   COLUMBUS. 

and  numerous  fountains  and  limpid  streams  kept  up  a  uni- 
versal verdure  and  freshness.  Columbus  was  so  much  charmed 
with  the  beauty  and  amenity  of  this  part  of  the  coast  that  he 
gave  it  the  name  of  The  Gardens. 

The  natives  came  off  in  great  numbers,  in  canoes,  of  superior 
construction  to  those  hitherto  seen,  being  very  large  and  light, 
with  a  cabin  in  the  centre  for  the  accommodation  of  the  owner 
and  his  family.  The}*  invited  Columbus,  in  the  name  of  their 
king,  to  come  to  land.  Many  of  them  had  collars  and  bur- 
nished plates  about  their  necks,  of  that  inferior  kind  of  gold 
called  by  the  Indians  Guanin.  They  said  that  it  came  from  a 
high  land,  which  they  pointed  out,  at  no  great  distance,  to  the 
west,  but  intimated  that  it  was  dangerous  to  go  there,  either 
because  the  inhabitants  were  cannibals,  or  the  place  infested 
by  venomous  animals.1  But  what  aroused  the  attention  and 
awakened  the  cupidity  of  the  Spaniards,  was  the  sight  of 
strings  of  pearls  round  the  arms  of  some  of  the  natives. 
These,  they  informed  Columbus,  were  procured  on  the  sea- 
coast,  on  the  northern  side  of  Paria,  which  he  still  supposed  to 
be  an  island ;  and  they  showed  the  mother-of-pearl  shells 
whence  they  had  been  taken.  Anxious  for  further  informa- 
tion, and  to  procure  specimens  of  these  pearls  to  send  to  Spain, 
he  despatched  the  boats  to  shore.  A  multitude  of  the  natives 
came  to  the  beach  to  receive  them,  headed  by  the  chief  cacique 
and  his  son.  They  treated  the  Spaniards  with  profound  rever- 
ence, as  beings  descended  from  heaven,  and  conducted  them  to 
a  spacious  house,  the  residence  of  the  cacique,  where  they  were 
regaled  with  bread  and  various  fruits  of  excellent  flavor,  and 
the  different  kinds  of  beverage  already  mentioned.  While 
they  were  in  the  house,  the  men  remained  together  at  one  end 
of  it,  and  the  women  at  the  other.  After  they  had  finished 
their  collation  at  the  house  of  the  cacique,  they  were  taken  to 
that  of  his  son,  where  a  like  repast  was  set  before  them.  These 
people  were  remarkably  affable,  though,  at  the  same  time,  they 
possessed  a  more  intrepid  and  martial  air  and  spirit  than  the 
natives  of  Cuba  and  Hispaniola.  They  were  fairer,  Columbus 
observes,  than  any  he  had  yet  seen,  though  so  near  to  the 
equinoctial  line,  where  he  had  expected  to  find  them  of  the 
color  of  Ethiopians.  Many  ornaments  of  gold  were  seen  among 
them,  but  all  of  an  inferior  quality  :  one  Indian  had  a  piece  of 
the  size  of  an  apple.  They  had  various  kinds  of  domesticated 
parrots,  one  of  a  light  green  color,  with  a  yellow  neck,  and  the 

1  Letter  of  Columbus  to  the  Castiliau  Sovereigns,  Navarrete,  Colec.,  torn.  i.  p.  252. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  361 

tips  of  the  wings  of  a  bright  red  ;  others  of  the  size  of  domestic 
fowls,  and  of  a  vivid  scarlet,  excepting  some  azure  feathers  in 
the  wings.  These  they  readily  gave  to  the  Spaniards ;  but 
what  the  latter  most  coveted  were  the  pearls,  of  which  they 
saw  many  necklaces  and  bracelets  among  the  Indian  women. 
The  latter  gladl}'  gave  them  in  exchange  for  hawks'  bells  or 
any  article  of  brass,  and  several  specimens  of  fine  pearls  were 
procured  for  the  admiral  to  send  to  the  sovereign.1 

The  kindness  and  amity  of  this  people  were  heightened  by 
an  intelligent  demeanor  and  a  martial  frankness.  They  seemed 
worthy  of  the  beautiful  country  they  inhabited.  It  was  a  cause 
of  great  concern  both  to  them  and  the  Spaniards,  that  they 
could  not  understand  each  other's  language.  They  conversed, 
however,  by  signs ;  mutual  good-will  made  their  intercourse 
easy  and  pleasant ;  and  at  the  hour  of  vespers  the  Spaniards 
returned  on  board  of  their  ships,  highly  gratified  with  their 
entertainment. 


CHAPTER  III. 

CONTINUATION   OF   THE   VOYAGE   THROUGH    THE    GULF    OF    PARIA 

RETURN    TO    IIISPANIOLA. 

[1498.] 

THE  quantity  of  fine  pearls  found  among  the  natives  of 
Paria  was  sufficient  to  arouse  the  sanguine  anticipations  of 
Columbus.  It  appeared  to  corroborate  the  theory  of  Ferrer, 
the  learned  jeweller,  that  as  he  approached  the  equator  he 
would  find  the  most  rare  and  precious  productions  of  nature. 
His  active  imagination,  with  its  intuitive  rapidity,  seized 
upon  every  circumstance  in  unison  with  his  wishes,  and, 
coin! lining  them,  drew  thence  the  most  brilliant  inferences. 
He  had  read  in  Pliny  that  pearls  are  generated  from  drops 
of  dew  which  fall  into  the  mouths  of  oysters ;  if  so,  what 
place  could  be  more  propitious  to  their  growth  and  multipli- 
cation than  the  coast  of  Paria?  The  dew  in  those  parts  was 
heavy  and  abundant,  and  the  oysters  were  so  plentiful  that 
they  clustered  about  the  roots  and  pendent  branches  of  the 
mangrove  trees,  which  grew  within  the  margin  of  the  tran- 
quil sea.  When  a  branch  which  had  drooped  for  a  time  in  the 

1  [.otter  of  Columbus.  Herrera,  Hist.  lud.,  decad.  i.  lib.  iii.  cap.  11.  Hist,  del 
Almiraute,  cap.  70. 


362  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER    COLUMBUS. 

water  was  drawn  forth,  it  was  found  covered  with  oj-sters. 
Las  Casas,  noticing  this  sanguine  conclusion  of  Columbus,  ob- 
serves, that  the  shell-fish  here  spoken  of  are  not  of  the  kind 
which  produce  pearl,  for  that  those  by  a  natural  instinct,  as  if 
conscious  of  their  precious  charge,  hide  themselves  in  the 
deepest  water.1 

Still  imagining  the  coast  of  Paria  to  be  an  island,  and 
anxious  to  circumnavigate  it,  and  arrive  at  the  place  where 
these  pearls  were  said  by  the  Indians  to  abound,  Columbus 
left  the  Gardens  on  the  10th  of  August,  and  continued  coast- 
ing westward  within  the  gulf,  in  search  of  an  outlet  to  the 
north.  He  observed  portions  of  Terra  Firma  appearing  to- 
ward the  bottom  of  the  gulf,  which  he  supposed  to  be  islands, 
and  called  them  Isabella  and  Tramontana,  and  fancied  that 
the  desired  outlet  to  the  sea  must  lie  between  them.  As  he 
advanced,  however,  he  found  the  water  continually  growing 
shallower  and  fresher,  until  he  did  not  dare  to  venture  any 
further  with  his  ship,  which,  he  observed,  was  of  too  great  a 
size  for  expeditions  of  this  kind,  being  of  an  hundred  tons 
burden,  and  requiring  three  fathoms  of  water.  He  came  to 
anchor,  therefore,  and  sent  a  light  caravel  called  the  Correo, 
to  ascertain  whether  there  was  an  outlet  to  the  ocean  be- 
tween the  supposed  islands.  The  caraval  returned  on  the 
following  da}',  reporting  that  at  the  western  end  of  the  gulf 
there  was  an  opening  of  two  leagues,  which  led  into  an  inner 
and  circular  gulf,  surrounded  by  four  openings,  apparently 
smaller  gulfs,  or  rather  mouths  of  rivers,  from  which  flowed 
the  great  quantity  of  fresh  water  that  sweetened  the  neigh- 
boring sea.  In  fact,  from  one  of  these  mouths  issued  the 
great  river  the  Cuparipari,  or,  as  it  is  now  called,  the  Paria. 
To  this  inner  and  circular  gulf  Columbus  gave  the  name  of 
the  Gulf  of  Pearls,  through  a  mistaken  idea  that  they  abounded 
in  its  waters,  though  none,  in  fact,  are  found  there.  He  still 
imagined  that  the  four  openings  of  which  the  mariners  spoke 
might  be  intervals  between  islands,  though  they  affirmed  that 
all  the  land  he  saw  was  connected.2  As  it  was  impossible  to 
proceed  farther  westward  with  his  ships,  he  had  no  alterna- 
tive but  to  retrace  his  course,  and  seek  an  exit  to  the  north 
by  the  Boca  del  Dragon.  He  would  gladly  have  continued  for 
some  time  to  explore  this  coast,  for  he  considered  himself  in 
one  of  those  opulent  regions  described  as  the  most  favored 
upon  earth,  and  which  increase  in  riches  toward  the  equator. 

1  Laa  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.,  cap.  136.  *  Hist,  del  Alruiraute,  cap.  78. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  363 

Imperious  considerations,  however,  compelled  him  to  shorten 
his  voyage,  and  hasten  to  San  Domingo.  The  sea-stores  of  his 
ships  were  almost  exhausted,  and  the  various  supplies  for  the 
colony,  with  which  they  were  freighted,  were  in  danger  of 
spoiling.  He  was  suffering,  also,  extremely  in  his  health. 
Brndes  the  gout,  which  had  rendered  him  a  cripple  for  the 
greater  part  of  the  voyage,  he  was  afflicted  by  a  complaint 
in  his  eyes,  caused  by  fatigue  and  over-watching,  which  al- 
most deprived  him  of  sight.  Even  the  voyage  along  the 
coast  of  Cuba,  he  observes,  in  which  he  was  three  and  thirty 
days  almost  without  sleep,  had  not  so  injured  his  eyes  and 
disordered  his  frame,  or  caused  him  so  much  painful  suffering 
as  the  present.1 

On  the  llth  of  August,  therefore,  he  set  sail  eastward  for 
the  Boca  del  Dragon,  and  was  borne  along  with  great  velocity 
by  the  currents,  which,  however,  prevented  him  from  landing 
again  at  his  favorite  spot,  the  Gardens.  On  Sunday,  the  13th, 
he  anchored  near  to  the  Boca,  in  a  fine  harbor,  to  which  he 
gave  the  name  of  Puerto  de  Gatos,  from  a  species  of  monkey 
called  gato  paulo,  with  which  the  neighborhood  abounded.  Ou 
the  margin  of  the  sea  he  perceived  main'  trees  which,  as  he 
thought,  produced  the  mirabolane,  a  fruit  only  found  in  the 
countries  of  the  East.  There  were  great  numbers  also  of  man- 
groves growing  within  the  water,  wiih  oysters  clinging  to 
their  branches,  their  mouths  open,  as  he  supposed,  to  receive 
the  dew,  which  was  afterward  to  be  transformed  to  pearls.2 

On  the  following  morning,  the  14th  of  August,  toward  noon 
the  ships  approached  the  Boca  del  Dragon,  and  prepared  to 
venture  through  that  formidable  pass.  The  distance  from 
Cape  Boto  at  the  end  of  Paria,  and  Cape  Lapa  the  extremity  of 
Trinidad,  is  about  five  leagues ;  but  in  the  interval  there  were 
two  islands,  which  Columbus  named  Caracol  and  Delphiu.  The 
impetuous  body  of  fresh  water  which  flows  through  the  gulf, 
particularly  in  the  rainy  months  of  July  and  August,  is  confined 
at  narrow  outlets  between  these  islands,  where  it  causes  a  tur- 
bulent sea,  foaming  and  roaring  as  if  breaking  over  rocks,  and 
rendering  the  entrance  and  exit  of  the  gulf  extremely  danger- 
ous. The  horrors  and  perils  of  such  places  are  always  tenfold 
to  discoverers,  who  have  no  chart,  nor  pilot,  nor  advice  of 
previous  voyager,  to  guide  them.  Columbus,  at  first,  appre- 
hended sunken  rocks  and  shoals  ;  but  on  attentively  considering 
the  commotion  of  the  strait,  he  attributed  it  to  the  conflict  be- 

1  Letter  of  Columbus  to  the  Sovereigns,  Navarrete,  toui.  i.  p.  252. 
*  llerrera,  Hist,  lud.,  decad.  i.  lib.  iii.  cap.  10. 


304  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

tween  the  prodigious  body  of  fresh  water  setting;  through  the 
gulf  and  struggling  for  an  outlet,  and  the  tide  of  salt  water 
struggling  to  enter.  The  ships  had  scarcely  ventured  into  the 
fearful  channel  when  the  wind  died  away,  and  they  were  in 
danger  every  moment  of  being  thrown  upon  the  rocks  or  sands. 
The  current  of  fresh  water,  however,  gained  the  victory,  and 
carried  them  safely  through.  The  admiral,  when  once  more 
safe  in  the  open  sea,  congratulated  himself  upon  his  escape 
from  this  perilous  strait,  which  he  observes,  might  well  be 
called  the  mouth  of  the  Dragon.1 

He  now  stood  to  the  westward,  running  along  the  outer 
coast  of  Paria,  still  supposing  it  an  island,  and  intending  to 
visit  the  Gulf  of  Pearls,  which  he  imagined  to  be  at  the  end 
of  it,  opening  to  the  sea.  He  wished  to  ascertain  whether 
this  great  body  of  fresh  water  proceeded  from  rivers,  as  the 
crew  of  the  caravel  Correo  had  affirmed  ;  for  it  appeared  to  him 
impossible  that  the  streams  of  mere  islands,  as  he  supposed  the 
surrounding  lauds,  could  furnish  such  a  prodigious  volume  of 
water. 

On  leaving  the  Boca  del  Dragon,  he  saw  to  the  north-east, 
many  leagues  distant,  two  islands,  which  he  called  Assumption 
and  Conception  ;  probably  those  now  known  as  Tobago  and 
Granada.  In  his  course  along  the  northern  coast  of  Paria  he 
saw  several  other  small  islands  and  many  fine  harbors,  to  some 
of  which  he  gave  names,  but  they  have  ceased  to  be  known  by 
them.  On  the  15th  he  discovered  the  islands  of  Margarita  and 
Cubagua,  afterward  famous  for  their  pearl  fisheries.  The 
Island  of  Margarita,  about  fifteen  leagues  in  length  and  six  in 
breadth,  was  well  peopled.  The  little  island  of  Cubagua,  lying 
between  it  and  the  mainland,  and  only  about  four  leagues  from 
the  latter,  was  dry  and  sterile,  without  either  wood  or  fresh 
water,  but  possessing  a  good  harbor.  On  approaching  this 
island  the  admiral  beheld  a  number  of  Indians  fishing  for 
pearls,  who  made  for  the  land.  A  boat  being  sent  to  communi- 
cate with  them,  one  of  the  sailors  noticed  many  strings  of  pearls 
round  the  neck  of  a  female.  Having  a  plate  of  Valencia  ware, 
a  kind  of  porcelain  painted  and  varnished  with  gaudy  colors,  he 
broke  it,  and  presented  the  pieces  to  the  Indian  woman,  who 
gave  him  in  exchange  a  considerable  number  of  her  pearls. 
These  he  carried  to  the  admiral,  who  immediately  sent  persons 
on  shore,  well  provided  with  Valencian  plates  and  hawk's  bells, 
for  which  in  a  little  time  he  procured  about  three  pounds'  weight 

1  Hen-era,  Hist.  Iixl.,  clecud.  i.  lib.  iii.  cap.  11. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMIiUS.  365 

of  pearls,  some  of  which  were  of  a  very  large  size,  and  were 
sent  by  him  afterward  to  the  sovereigns  as  specimens.1 

There  was  great  temptation  to  visit  other  spots,  which  the 
Indians  mentioned  as  abounding  in  pearls.  The  coast  of  Paria 
also  continued  extending  to  the  westward  as  far  as  the  eye  could 
reach,  rising  into  a  range  of  mountains,  and  provoking  examin- 
ation to  ascertain  whether,  as  he  began  to  think,  it  was  a  part 
of  the  Asiatic  continent.  Columbus  was  compelled,  however, 
though  with  the  greatest  reluctance,  to  forego  this  most  inter- 
esting investigation. 

The  malady  of  his  eyes  had  now  grown  so  virulent  that  he 
could  no  longer  take  observations  or  keep  a  lookout,  but  had  to 
trust  to  the  reports  of  the  pilots  and  mariners.  He  bore  away, 
therefore,  for  Ilispauiola,  intending  to  repose  there  from  the 
toils  of  his  voyage,  and  to  recruit  his  health,  while  he  should 
send  his  brother,  the  Adelantado,  to  complete  the  discovery  of 
this  important  country.  After  sailing  for  five  days  to  the  north- 
wt'st,  he  made  the  island  of  Ilispaniola  on  the  liHh  of  August, 
fifty  leagues  to  the  westward  of  the  river  Ozema,  the  place  of 
his  destination  ;  and  anchored  on  the  following  morning  under 
the  little  island  of  Beata. 

He  was  astonished  to  find  himself  so  mistaken  in  his  calcula- 
tions, and  so  far  below  his  destined  port ;  but  he  attributed  it 
correctly  to  the  force  of  the  current  setting  out  of  the  Boca  del 
Dragon,  which,  while  lie  had  lain  to  at  nights,  to  avoid  running 
on  rocks  and  shoals,  had  borne  his  ship  insensibly  to  the  west. 
This  current  which  sets  across  the  Caribbean  Sea,  and  the  con- 
tinuation of  which  now  bears  the  name  of  the  Gulf  Stream,  was 
so  rapid,  that  on  the  l«Hh,  though  the  wind  was  but  moderate, 
the  ships  had  made  seventy-five  leagues  in  four  and  twenty 
hours.  Columbus  attributed  to  the  violence  of  this  current  the 
formation  of  that  pass  called  the  Boca  del  Dragon,  where  he 
supposed  it  had  forced  its  way  through  a  narrow  isthmus  that 
formerly  connected  Trinidad  with  the  extremity  of  Paria.  He 
imagined,  also,  that  its  constant  operation  had  worn  away  and 
inundated  the  borders  of  the  mainland,  gradually  producing 
that  fringe  of  islands  which  stretches  from  Trinidad  to  the 
Lucayos  or  Bahamas,  and  which,  according  to  his  idea,  had 
originall}'  been  part  of  the  solid  continent.  In  corroboration  of 
this  opinion,  he  notices  the  form  of  those  islands :  narrow  from 
north  to  south,  and  extending  in  length  from  east  to  west,  in 
the  direction  of  the  current.2 

i  Charlcvoix.  Ui-t.  St.  1>omitigo,  lib.  iii.  p.  163. 

1  Letter  to  thj  Ki.iy  uuj  C^uec.i,  JsavaiTfte  Culec.,  loin.  i. 


366  LITE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

The  island  of  Beatn,  where  he  had  anchored,  is  about  thirty 
lr  :)!iues  to  the  west  of  the  river  Ozema,  where  he  expected  to 
find  the  new  seaport  which  his  brother  had  been  instructed  to 
establish.  The  strong  and  stead}-  current  from  the  east,  how- 
ever, and  the  prevalence  of  the  winds  from  that  quarter,  might 
detain  him  for  a  long  time  at  the  island,  and  render  the  re- 
mainder of  his  voyage  slow  and  precarious.  He  sent  a  boat  on 
shore,  therefore,  to  procure  an  Indian  messenger  to  take  a  letter 
to  his  brother,  the  Adelantado.  Six  of  the  natives  came  off  to 
the  ships,  one  of  whom  was  armed  with  a  Spanish  cross-bow. 
The  admiral  was  alarmed  at  seeing  a  weapon  of  the  kind  in  the 
possession  of  an  Indian.  It  was  not  an  article  of  traffic,  and 
he  feared  could  only  have  fallen  into  his  hands  by  the  death  of 
some  Spaniard.1  He  apprehended  that  further  evils  had  be- 
fallen the  settlement,  during  his  long  absence,  and  that  there 
had  again  been  troubles  with  the  natives. 

Having  despatched  his  messenger,  he  made  sail,  and  arrived 
off  the  mouth  of  the  river  on  the  30th  of  August.  He  was  met 
on  the  way  by  a  caravel,  on  board  of  which  was  the  Adelantado, 
who,  having  received  his  letter,  had  hastened  forth  with  affec- 
tionate ardor  to  welcome  his  arrival.  The  meeting  of  the 
brothers  was  a  cause  of  mutual  joy ;  the}7  were  strongly 
attached  to  each  other,  each  had  had  his  trials  and  sufferings 
during  their  long  separation,  and  each  looked  with  confidence 
to  the  other  for  comfort  and  relief.  Don  Bartholomew  appears 
to  have  always  had  great  deference  for  the  brilliant  genius,  the 
enlarged  mind,  and  the  commanding  reputation  of  his  brother ; 
while  the  latter  placed  great  reliance  in  times  of  difficulty,  on 
the  worldly  knowledge,  the  indefatigable  activity,  and  the  lion- 
hearted  courage  of  the  Adelantado. 

Columbus  arrived  almost  the  wreck  of  himself.  His  voyages 
were  always  of  a  nature  to  wear  out  the  human  frame,  having 
to  navigate  amid  unknown  dangers,  and  to  keep  anxious  watch, 
at  all  hours,  and  in  all  weathers.  As  age  and  infirmity  increased 
upon  him,  these  trials  became  the  more  severe.  His  constitu- 
tion must  originally  have  been  wonderfully  vigorous :  but  con- 
stitutions of  this  powerful  kind,  if  exposed  to  severe  hardships 
at  an  advanced  period  of  life,  when  the  frame  has  become  some- 
what rigid  and  unaccommodating,  are  apt  to  be  suddenly  broken 
up,  and  to  be  a  prey  to  violent  aches  and  maladies.  In  this  hist 
voyage  Columbus  had  been  parched  and  consumed  by  fever, 
racked  by  gout,  and  his  whole  system  disordered  by  incessant 

>  Las  Ca.<as,  Ilia,  lud.,  lib.  i.  cap.  148. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER    COLUMBUS.  367 

watchfulness  ;  became  into  port  haggard,  emaciated,  and  almost 
blind.  His  spirit,  however,  was,  as  usual,  superior  to  all  bodily 
atlliction  or  decay,  and  he  looked  forward  with  magnificent  an- 
ticipations to  the  result  of  his  recent  discoveries,  which  he 
intended  should  be  immediately  prosecuted  by  his  hardy  aud 
enterprising  brother. 


CHAPTER   IV. 

SPECULATIONS    OP   COLUMBUS   CONCERNING    THE    COAST   OF    PARIA. 

[1498.] 

THE  natural  phenomena  of  a  great  and  striking  nature  pre- 
sented to  the  ardent  mind  of  Columbus  in  the  course  of  this 
voyage,  led  to  certain  sound  deductions  aud  imaginative  specu- 
lations. The  immense  body  of  fresh  water  flowing  into  the 
Gulf  of  Paria,  and  thence  rushing  into  the  ocean,  was  too 
vast  to  be  produced  by  an  island  or  by  islands.  It  must  be  the 
congregated  streams  of  a  great  extent  of  couutiT  pouring  forth 
in  one  mightmy  river,  and  the  land  necessary  to  furnish  such  a 
river  must  be  a  continent.  He  now  supposed  that  most  of  the 
tracts  of  land  which  he  had  seen  about  the  Gulf  were  connected  ; 
that  the  coast  of  Paria  extended  westward  far  beyond  a  chain 
of  mountains  which  he  had  beheld  afar  off  from  Margarita ; 
and  that  the  land  opposite  to  Trinidad,  instead  of  being  an 
island,  continued  to  the  south,  far  beyond  the  equator,  into  that 
hemisphere  hitherto  unknown  to  civilized  man.  He  considered 
all  this  an  extension  of  the  Asiatic  continent ;  thus  presuming 
that  the  greater  part  of  the  surface  of  the  globe  was  firm  land. 
In  this  last  opinion  he  found  himself  supported  by  authors  of 
the  highest  name  both  ancient  and  modern  ;  among  whom  he 
cites  Aristotle  and  Seneca,  St.  Augustine  and  Cardinal  Pedro 
de  Alliaco.  He  lays  particular  stress  also  on  the  assertion  of 
the  apocryphal  Ksdras,  that  of  seven  parts  of  the  world,  six  are 
dry  land,  and  one  part  only  is  covered  with  water. 

The  land,  therefore,  surrounding  the  Gulf  of  Paria,  was  but 
the  border  of  an  almost  boundless  continent,  stretching  far  to 
the  west  and  to  the  south,  including  the  most  precious  regions 
of  the  earth,  lying  under  the  most  auspicious  stars  and  benig- 
nant skies,  but  as  yet  unknown  and  uncivilized,  free  to  be  dis- 
covered and  appropriated  by  any  Christian  nation.  "  May  it 
please  our  Lord,"  lie  exclaims  in  his  letter  to  the  sovereigns, 


368  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

"to  give  long  life  and  health  to  your  highnesses,  that  you  may 
prosecute  this  noble  enterprise,  in  which,  methinks,  God  will 
receive  great  service,  Spain  vast  increase  of  grandeur,  and  all 
Christians  much  consolation  and  delight,  since  the  name  of  our 
Saviour  will  be  divulged  throughout  these  lauds." 

Thus  far  the  deductions  of  Columbus,  though  sanguine, 
admit  of  little  cavil ;  but  he  carried  them  still  farther,  until  they 
ended  in  what  may  appear  to  some  mere  chimerical  reveries.  In 
his  letter  to  the  sovereigns  he  stated  that  on  his  former  voyages, 
when  he  steered  westward  from  the  Azores,  he  had  observed, 
after  sailing  about  a  hundred  leagues,  a  sudden  and  great  change 
in  the  sky  and  the  stars,  the  temperature  of  the  air,  and  the 
calmness  of  the  ocean.  It  seemed  as  if  a  line  ran  from  north  to 
south,  beyond  which  ever}*  thing  became  different.  The  needle 
which  had  previously  inclined  toward  the  north-east,  now  varied 
a  whole  point  to  the  north-west.  The  sea,  hitherto  clear,  was 
covered  with  weeds  so  dense  that  in  his  first  voyage  he  had 
expected  to  run  aground  upon  shoals.  A  universal  tranquillity 
reigned  throughout  the  elements,  and  the  climate  was  mild  and 
genial  whether  in  summer  or  winter.  On  taking  his  astronomi- 
cal observations  at  night,  after  crossing  that  imaginary  line, 
the  north  star  appeared  to  him  to  describe  a  diurnal  circle  iu 
the  heavens,  of  five  degrees  in  diameter. 

On  his  present  voyage  he  had  varied  his  route,  and  had  run 
southward  from  the  Cape  de  Verde  Islands  for  the  equinoctial 
line.  Before  reaching  it,  however,  the  heat  had  become  insup- 
portable, and  a  wind  springing  up  from  the  east,  he  had  been 
induced  to  strike  westward,  when  in  the  parallel  of  Sierra  Leone 
in  Guinea.  For  several  days  he  had  been  almost  consumed  by 
scorching  and  stifling  heat  under  a  sultry  yet  clouded  sky,  and 
in  a  drizzling  atmosphere,  until  he  arrived  at  the  ideal  line 
already  mentioned,  extending  from  north  to  south.  Here  sud- 
denly, to  his  great  relief,  he  had  emerged  into  serene  weather, 
with  a  clear  blue  sky  and  a  sweet  and  temperate  atmosphere. 
The  farther  he  had  proceeded  west,  the  more  pure  and  genial  he 
had  found  the  climate  ;  the  sea  tranquil,  the  breezes  soft  and 
balmy.  All  these  phenomena  coincided  with  those  he  had  re- 
marked at  the  same  line,  though  farther  north,  in  his  former 
voyages ;  excepting  that  here  there  was  no  herbage  in  the  sea, 
and  the  movements  of  stars  were  different.  The  polar  star  ap- 
peared to  him  here  to  describe  a  diurnal  circle  of  ten  degrees 
instead  of  five  ;  an  augmentation  which  struck  him  with  aston- 
ishment, but  which,  he  says,  he  ascertained  by  observations 
taken  in  different  nights,  with  his  quadrant.  Its  greatest  alti- 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  369 

tude  at  the  former  place,  in  the  parallel  of  the  Azores,  he  had 
found  to  he  ten  degrees,  and  in  the  present  place  fifteen. 

From  these  and  other  circumstances,  he  was  inclined  to  doubt 
the  received  theory  with  respect  to  the  form  of  the  earth.  Philos- 
ophers had  described  it  as  spherical ;  but  they  knew  nothing 
of  the  part  of  the  world  which  he  had  discovered.  The  ancient 
part,  known  to  them,  he  had  no  doubt  was  spherical,  but  he 
now  supposed  the  real  form  of  the  earth  to  be  that  of  a  pear, 
one  part  much  more  elevated  than  the  rest,  and  tapering  upward 
toward  the  skies.  This  part  he  supposed  to  be  in  the  interior 
of  this  newly  found  continent,  and  immediately  under  the 
equator.  All  the  phenomena  which  he  had  previously  noticed, 
appeared  to  corroborate  this  theory.  The  variations  which  he 
hail  observed  in  passing  the  imaginary  line  running  from  north 
to  south,  he  concluded  to  be  caused  by  the  ships  having  arrived 
at  this  Supposed  swelling  of  the  earth,  where  they  began  gently 
to  mount  toward  the  skies  into  a  purer  and  more  celestial  atmo- 
sphere.1 The  variation  of  the  needle  he  ascribed  to  the  same 
cause,  being  affected  by  the  coolness  and  mildness  of  the  climate  ; 
varying  to  the  north-west  in  proportion  as  the  ships  continued 
onward  in  their  ascent.2  So  also  the  altitude  of  the  north  star, 
and  the  circle  it  described  in  the  heavens,  appeared  to  be 
greater,  in  consequence  of  being  regarded  from  a  greater  ele- 
vation, less  obliquely,  and  through  a  purer  medium  of  atmos- 
phere ;  and  these  phenomena  would  be  found  to  increase  the 
more  the  navigator  approached  the  equator,  from  the  still  increas- 
ing eminence  of  this  part  of  the  earth. 

He  noticed  also  the  difference  of  climate,  vegetation,  and 
people  of  this  part  of  the  New  World  from  those  under  the 
same  paralled  in  Africa.  There  the  heat  was  insupportable, 
the  land  parched  and  sterile,  the  inhabitants  were  black,  with 
crisped  wool,  ill-shapen  in  their  forms,  and  dull  and  brutal  in 
their  natures.  Here,  on  the  contrary,  although  the  sun  was  in 
Leo,  he  found  the  noontide  heat  moderate,  the  mornings  and 
evenings  fresh  and  cool,  the  country  green  and  fruitful,  and 
covered  with  beautiful  forests,  the  people  fairer  even  than  those 
in  the  lands  he  had  discovered  farther  north,  having  long  hair, 

1  Peter  Martyr  mentions  that  the  admiral  told  him,  that,  from  the  climate  of  ereat 
heat  and  unwholesome  air,  he  had  ascended  the  back  of  the  sea,  as  it  were  ascending  a 
hiith  mountain  toward  heaven.     Decad.  i.  lilt.  vi. 

2  Columbus,  in  his  attempts  to  account  for  the  variation  of  the  needle,  supposed  that 
the  north  star  possessed  the  quality  of  the  four  cardinal  points,  as  did  likewise  the  load- 
stone.   That  if  the  needle  were  touched  with  one  part  of  the  loadstone,  it  would  poi:it 
east,  with  another  west,  and  no  on.     Wherefore,  he  add?,  those  who  prepare  or  magnetize 
the  needles,  cover  the  loadstone  with  a  cloth,  so  that   the  north   part  only  remains  out; 
that  is  to  say,  the  part  which  possesses  the  virtue  of  causing  the  needle  to  point  to  the 
north.    Hist,  del  Almiraute,  cap.  66. 


370  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

•with  well-proportioned  and  graceful  forms,  lively  minds,  and 
courageous  dispositions.  All  this  in  a  latitude  so  near  to  the 
equator,  he  attributed  to  the  superior  altitude  of  this  part  of 
the  world,  by  which  it  was  raised  into  a  more  celestial  region 
of  the  air.  On  turning  northward,  through  the  Gulf  of  Paria, 
he  had  found  the  circle  described  by  the  north  star  again  to 
diminish.  The  current  of  the  sea  also  increased  in  velocity, 
wearing  away,  as  has  already  been  remarked,  the  borders  of 
the  continent,  and  producing  by  its  incessant  operation  the 
adjacent  islands.  This  was  a  further  confirmation  of  the  idea 
that  he  ascended  in  going  southward,  and  descended  in  return- 
ing northward. 

Aristotle  had  imagined  that  the  highest  part  of  the  earth,  and 
the  nearest  to  the  skies,  was  under  the  antarctic  pole.  Other 
sages  had  maintained  that  it  was  under  the  arctic.  Hence  it 
was  apparent  that  both  conceived  one  part  of  the  earth  to 
be  more  elevated  and  noble,  and  nearer  to  the  heavens  than 
the  rest.  They  did  not  think  of  this  eminence  being  under  the 
equinoctial  line,  observed  Columbus,  because  they  had  no  certain 
knowledge  of  this  hemisphere,  but  only  spoke  of  it  theoretically 
and  from  conjecture. 

As  usual,  he  assisted  his  theory  by  Holy  Writ.  "The  sun, 
when  God  created  it,"  he  observes,  "  was  in  the  first  point  of 
the  Orient,  or  the  first  light  was  there."  That  place,  according 
to  his  idea,  must  be  here,  in  the  remotest  part  of  the  East, 
where  the  ocean  and  the  extreme  part  of  India  meet  under  the 
equinoctial  line,  and  where  the  highest  point  of  the  earth  is 
situated.  , 

He  supposed  this  apex  of  the  world,  though  of  immense 
height,  to  be  neither  rugged  nor  precipitous,  but  that  the  land 
rose  to  it  by  gentle  and  imperceptible  degrees.  The  beautiful 
and  fertile  shores  of  Paria  were  situated  on  its  remote  borders, 
abounding  of  course  with  those  precious  articles  which  are  con- 
genial with  the  most  favored  and  excellent  climates.  As  one 
penetrated  the  interior  and  gradually  ascended,  the  land  would 
be  found  to  increase  in  beauty  and  luxuriance,  and  in  the 
exquisite  nature  of  its  productions,  until  one  arrived  at  the 
summit  under  the  equator.  This  he  imagined  to  be  the  noblest 
and  most  perfect  place  on  earth,  enjoying  from  its  position  an 
equality  of  nights  and  days  and  a  uniformity  of  seasons ;  and 
being  elevated  into  a  serene  and  heavenly  temperature,  above 
the  heats  and  colds,  the  clouds  and  vapors,  the  storms  and 
tempests  which  deform  and  disturb  the  lower  regions.  In  a 
word,  here  he  supposed  to  be  situated  the  original  abode  of  our 


LIFS  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  371 

first  parents,  the  primitive  seat  of  human  innocence  and  bliss, 
the  Garden  of  Eden,  or  terrestrial  paradise  ! 

He  imagined  this  place,  according  to  the  opinion  of  the  most 
eminent  fathers  of  the  church,  to  be  still  flourishing,  possessed 
of  all  its  blissful  delights,  but  inaccessible  to  mortal  feet, 
excepting  by  divine  permission.  From  this  height  he  presumed, 
though  of  course  from  a  great  distance,  proceeded  the  mighty 
stream  of  fresh  water  which  filled  the  Gulf  of  Paria,  mid 
sweetened  the  salt  ocean  in  its  vicinity,  being  supplied  by  the 
fountain  mentioned  in  Genesis  as  springing  from  the  tree  of 
life  in  the  Garden  of  Eden. 

.Such  was  the  singular  speculation  of  Columbus,  which  he 
d*-t:iils  at  full  length  in  a  letter  to  the  Castilian  sovereigns.1 
citing  various  authorities  for  his  opinions,  among  which  were  St. 
Augustine,  St.  Isidor,  and  St.  Ambrosius,  and  fortifying  his 
theory  with  much  of  that  curious  and  speculative  erudition  in 
which  he  was  deeply  versed.2  It  shows  how  his  ardent  mind 
was  heated  by  the  magnificence  of  his  discoveries.  Shrewd 
men,  in  the  coolness  and  quietude  of  ordinary  life,  and  in  these 
modern  cUys  of  cautious  and  sober  fact,  may  smile  at  such  a 
reverie,,  but  it  was  countenanced  by  the  speculations  of  the 
most  sage  and  learned  of  those  times ;  and  if  this  had  not  been 
the  case,  could  we  wonder  at  any  sally  of  the  imagination  in  a 
man  placed  in  the  situation  of  Columbus?  He  beheld  a  vast 
world,  rising,  as  it  were,  into  existence  before  him,  its  nature 
and  extent  unknown  and  undefined,  as  yet  a  mere  region  for 
conjecture.  Every  day  displa}'ed  some  new  feature  of  beauty 
and  sublimity;  island  aftej  island,  where  the  rocks,  he  was' 
told,  were  veined  with  gold,  the  groves  teemed  with  spices,  or 
the  shores  abounded  with  pearls.  Interminable  ranges  of 
coast,  promontory  beyond  promontory,  stretching  as  far  as  the 
eye  could  reach ;  luxuriant  valleys  sweeping  away  into  a  vnst 
interior,  whose  distant  mountains,  he  was  told,  concealed  still 
happier  lauds,  and  realms  of  greater  opulence.  When  he 
looked  upon  all  this  region  of  golden  promise,  it  was  with  the 
glorious  conviction  that  his  genius  had  called  it  into  existence  ; 
he  regarded  it  with  the  triumphant  eye  of  a  discoverer.  Had 

1  Xavarrete,  Colec.  de  Viasres,  torn.  1.  p.  242. 

1  See  Illustrations,  article  "  Situation  of  the  Terrestrial  Paradise." 
NOTE.  —  A  great  part  of  these  speculations  appear  to  have  been  founded  on  the  treatise 
of  the  Cardinal  Pedro  de  Aliaro,  in  which  Columbus  found  a  compendium  of  the  opin- 
ions of  various  eminent  authors  on  the  subject;  though  it  is  very  probable  he  consulted 
many  ot  their  works  likewise.  In  the  volume  of  Pedro  de  Aliaco,  existing  in  the  library 
of  the  Cathedral  at  Seville,  1  have  traced  the  germs  of  these  ideas  in  various  pa«sa«;i-i  of 
the  text,  opposite  to  which  uiargiual  notes  have  been  made  iu  the  handwriting  of  Colum- 
bus. 


372  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

not  Columbus  been  capable  of  these  enthusiastic  soarings  of 
the  imagination,  he  might,  with  other  sages,  have  reasoned 
calmly  and  coldly  in  his  closet  about  the  probability  of  a  conti- 
nent existing  in  the  west ;  but  he  would  never  have  had  the 
daring  enterprise  to  adventure  in  search  of  it  into  the  unknown 
realms  of  ocean. 

Still,  in  the  midst  of  his  fanciful  speculations,  we  find  that 
sagacity  which  formed  the  basis  of  his  character.  The  conclu- 
sion which  he  drew  from  the  great  flow  of  the  Oronoco,  that  it 
must  be  the  outpouring  of  a  continent,  was  acute  and  striking. 
A  learned  Spanish  historian  has  also  ingeniously  excused  other 
parts  of  his  theory.  "  He  suspected,"  observes  he,  kt  a  certain 
elevation  of  the  globe  at  one  part  of  the  equator ;  philosophers 
have  since  determined  the  world  to  be  a  spheroid,  slightly 
elevated  in  its  equatorial  circumference.  He  suspected  that 
the  diversity  of  temperatures  influenced  the  needle,  not  being 
able  to  penetrate  the  cause  of  its  inconstant  variations ;  the 
successive  series  of  voyages  and  experiments  have  made  this 
inconstancy  more  manifest,  and  have  shown  that  extreme 
cold  sometimes  divests  the  needle  of  all  its  virtue.  Perhaps 
new  observations  may  justify  the  surmise  of  Columbus.  P^ven 
his  error  concerning  the  circle  described  by  the  polar  star,  which 
he  thought  augmented  by  an  optical  illusion  in  proportion  as 
the  observer  approached  the  equinox,  manifests  him  a  philoso- 
pher superior  to  the  time  in  which  he  lived."  * 

*  Mufioz,  Hist.  X.  Muudu,  lib.  vi.  §  32. 


BOOK    XL 


CHAPTER  I. 

ADMINISTRATION   OF   THE    ADELANTADO  —  EXPEDITION  TO   THE 
PROVINCE    OF   XARAGUA. 

[1498.] 

COLUMBUS  had  anticipated  repose  from  his  toils  on  arriving 
at  Hispauiola,  but  a  new  scene  of  trouble  and  anxiet}'  opened 
upon  him,  destined  to  impede  the  prosecution  of  his  enterprises, 
and  to  affect  all  his  future  fortunes.  To  explain  this,  it  is 
necessary  to  relate  the  occurrences  of  the  island  during  his 
long  detention  in  Spain. 

"When  he  sailed  for  Europe  in  March,  1496,  his  brother,  Don 
Bartholomew,  who  remained  as  Adelantado,  took  the  earliest 
measures  to  execute  his  directions  v/ith  respect  to  the  mines 
recently  discovered  by  Miguel  Diaz  on  the  south  side  of  the 
island.  Leaving  Don  Diego  Columbus  in  command  at  Isabella, 
he  repaired  with  a  large  force  to  the  neighborhood  of  the  mines, 
and,  choosing  a  favorable  situation  in  a  place  most  abounding 
in  ore,  built  a  fortress,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  San 
Christoval.  The  workmen,  however,  finding  grains  of  gold 
among  the  earth  and  stone  employed  in  its  construction,  gave 
it  the  name  of  the  Golden  Tower.1 

The  Adelantado  remained  here  three  months,  superintending 
the  building  of  the  fortress,  and  making  the  necessary  prepara- 
tions for  working  the  mines  and  purifying  the  ore.  The  pro- 
gress of  the  work,  however,  was  greatly  impeded  Irv  scarcity  of 
provisions,  having  frequently  to  detach  a  part  of  the  men  alxmt 
the  country  in  quest  of  supplies.  The  former  hospitality  of 
the  island  was  at  an  end.  The  Indians  no  longer  gave  their 

i  Peter  JIartyr,  decad.  i.  lib.  Iv. 

373 


374  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

provisions  freely ;  they  had  learned  from  the  white  men  to 
profit  by  the  necessities  of  the  stranger,  and  to  exact  a  price 
for  bread.  Their  scanty  stores,  also,  were  soon  exhausted,  for 
their  frugal  habits,  and  natural  indolence  and  improvidence, 
seldom  permitted  them  to  have  more  provisions  on  hand  than 
was  requisite  for  present  support.1  The  Adelantado  found  it 
difficult,  therefore,  to  maintain  so  large  a  force  in  the  neighbor- 
hood, until  they  should  have  time  to  cultivate  the  earth,  and 
raise  live-stock,  or  should  receive  supplies  from  .Spain.  Leaving 
ten  men  to  guard  the  fortress,  with  a  dog  to  assist  them  in 
catching  utias,  he  marched  with  the  rest  of  his  men,  about  four 
hundred  in  number,  to  Fort  Conception,  in  the  abundant 
country  of  the  Vega.  He  passed  the  whole  month  of  June 
collecting  the  quarterly  tribute,  being  supplied  with  food  by 
Guarionex  and  his  subordinate  caciques.  In  the  following 
month  (July,  1496),  the  three  caravels  commanded  by  Nino 
arrived  from  Spain,  bringing  a  re-enforcement  of  men,  and, 
what  was  still  more  needed,  a  supply  of  provisions.  The  latter 
was  quickly  distributed  among  the  hungry  colonists,  but  unfor- 
tunately a  great  part  had  been  injured  during  the  voyage. 
This  was  a  serious  misfortune  in  a  community  where  the  least 
scarcity  produced  murmur  and  sedition. 

By  these  ships  the  Adelantado  received  letters  from  his 
brother  directing  him  to  found  a  town  and  seaport  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Ozema,  near  to  the  new  mines.  He  requested  him,  also, 
to  send  prisoners  to  Spain  such  of  the  caciques  and  their  sub- 
jects as  had  been  concerned  in  the  death  of  any  of  the 
colonists ;  that  being  considered  as  sufficient  ground,  by  many 
of  the  ablest  jurists  and  theologians  of  Spain,  for  selling  them 
as  slaves.  On  the  return  of  the  caravels,  the  Adelantado  de- 
spatched three  hundred  Indian  prisoners,  and  three  caciques. 
These  formed  the  ill-starred  cargoes  about  which  Nino  had 
made  such  absurd  vaunting,  as  though  the  ships  were  laden  with 
treasure,  and  which  had  caused  such  mortification,  disappoint- 
ment, and  delay  to  Columbus. 

Having  obtained  by  this  arrival  a  supply  of  provisions,  the 
Adelantado  returned  to  the  fortress  of  San  Christoval,  and 
thence  proceeded  to  the  Ozema,  to  choose  a  site  for  the  pro- 
posed seaport.  After  a  careful  examination,  he  chose  the 
eastern  bank  of  a  natural  haven  at  the  mouth  of  the  river.  It 
was  easy  of  access,  of  sufficient  depth,  and  good  anchorage. 
The  river  ran  through  a  beautiful  and  fertile  country ;  its 

»•  Peter  Martyr,  decad.  i.  lib.  v. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  375 

waters  were  pure  and  salubrious,  and  well  stocked  with  fish  ; 
its  banks  were  covered  with  trees  bearing  the  fine  fruits  of  the 
island,  so  that  in  sailing  along,  the  fruits  and  flowers  might  be 
plucked  with  the  hand  from  the  branches  which  overhung  the 
stream.1  This  delightful  vicinit}r  was  the  dwelling-place  of  the 
female  cacique  who  had  conceived  an  affection  for  the  young 
Spaniard  Miguel  Diaz,  and  had  induced  him  to  entice  his  coun- 
trymen to  that  part  of  the  island.  The  promise  she  had  given 
of  a  friendly  reception  oil  the  part  of  her  tribe  was  faithfully 
performed. 

On  a  commanding  bank  of  the  harbor  Don  Bartholomew 
erected  a  fortress,  which  at  first  was  called  Isabella,  but  after- 
ward San  Domingo,  and  was  the  origin  of  the  city  which  still 
bears  that  name.  The  Adelantado  was  of  an  active  and  inde- 
fatigable spirit.  No  sooner  was  the  fortress  completed  than 
he  left  in  it  a  garrison  of  twenty  men,  and  with  the  rest  of  his 
forces  set  out  to  visit  the  dominions  of  Behechio,  one  of  the 
principal  chieftains  of  the  island.  This  cacique,  as  has  already 
been  mentioned,  reigned  over  Xaragna,  a  province  comprising 
almost  the  whole  coast  at  the  west  end  of  the  island,  including 
Cape  Tiburon,  and  extending  along  the  south  side  as  far  as 
Point  Aguida,  or  the  small  island  of  Boata.  It  was  one  of  the 
most  populous  and  fertile  districts,  with  a  delightful  climate  ; 
and  its  inhabitants  were  softer  and  more  graceful  in  their 
manners  than  the  rest  of  the  islanders.  Being  so  remote 
from  all  the  fortresses,  the  cacique,  although  he  had  taken 
a  part  in  the  combination  of  the  chieftains,  had  hitherto  re- 
mained free  from  the  incursions  and  exactions  of  the  white 
men. 

With  this  cacique  resided  Anacaona,  widow  of  the  late  for- 
midable Caonabo.  She  was  sister  to  Behechio,  and  had  taken 
refuge  with  her  brother  after  the  capture  of  her  husband.  She 
was  one  of  the  most  beautiful  females  of  the  island  ;  her  name 
in  the  Indian  language  signified  '"The  Golden  Flower."  She 
possessed  a  genius  superior  to  the  generality  of  her  race,  and 
was  said  to  excel  in  composing  those  little  legendary  ballads,  or 
areytos,  which  the  natives  chanted  as  they  performed  their 
national  dances.  All  the  Spanish  writers  agree  in  describing 
her  as  possessing  a  natural  dignity  and  grace  hardly  to  be 
credited  in  her  ignorant  and  savage  condition.  Notwithstand- 
ing the  ruin  with  which  her  husband  had  been  overwhelmed  by 
the  hostility  of  the  white  men,  she  appears  to  have  entertained 

»  Peter  Martyr,  decad.  i.  lib.  v. 


376  LIFE   OF  CUIUSTOPUER   COLUMBUS. 

no  vindictive  feeling  toward  them,  knowing  that  he  had  pro- 
voked their  vengeance  by  his  own  voluntary  warfare.  She  re- 
garded the  Spaniards  with  admiration  as  almost  superhuman 
beings,  and  her  intelligent  mind  perceived  the  futility  and  im- 
policy of  any  attempt  to  resist  their  superiority  in  arts  and 
arms.  Having  great  influence  over  her  brother  Behechio,  she 
counselled  him  to  take  warning  by  the  fate  of  her  husband,  and 
to  conciliate  the  friendship  of  the  Spaniards  ;  and  it  is  supposed 
that  a  knowledge  of  the  friendly  sentiments  and  powerful  in- 
fluence of  this  princess,  in  a  great  measure  prompted  the  Ade- 
lantado  to  his  present  expedition.1 

In  passing  through  those  parts  of  the  island  which  had  hither- 
to been  unvisited  by  the  Europeans,  the  Adelantado  adopted 
the  same  imposing  measures  which  the  admiral  had  used  on  a 
former  occasion  ;  he  put  his  cavalry  in  the  advance,  and  entered 
all  the  Indian  towns  in  martial  array,  with  standards  displayed, 
and  the  sound  of  drum  and  trumpet. 

After  proceeding  about  thirty  leagues,  he  came  to  the  river 
Neyva,  which,  issuing  from  the  mountains  of  Cibao,  divides  the 
southern  side  of  the  island,,  Crossing  this  stream,  he  despatched 
two  parties  of  ten  men  each  along  the  seacoast  in  search  of 
brazil-wood.  They  found  great  quantities,  and  felled  many 
trees,  which  the}'  stored  in  the  Indian  cabins,  until  they  could 
be  taken  away  by  sea. 

Inclining  with  his  main  force  to  the  right,  the  Adelantado 
met,  not  far  from  the  river,  the  cacique  Behechio,  with  a  great 
army  of  his  subjects,  armed  with  bows  and  arrows  and  lances. 
If  he  had  come  forth  with  the  intention  of  opposing  the  inroad 
into  his  forest  domains,  he  was  probably  daunted  by  the  formid- 
able appearance  of  the  Spaniards.  Laying  aside  his  weapons, 
he  advanced  and  accosted  the  Adelantado  very  amicably,  pro- 
fessing that  he  was  thus  in  arms  for  the  purpose  of  subjecting 
certain  villages  along  the  river,  and  inquiring,  at  the  same  time, 
the  object  of  this  incursion  of  the  Spaniards.  The  Adelantado 
assured  him  that  he  came  on  a  peaceful  visit,  to  pase  a  little 
time  in  friendly  intercourse  at  Xaragua.  He  succeeded  so  well 
in  allaying  the  apprehensions  of  the  cacique,  that  the  latter  dis- 
missed his  army,  and  sent  swift  messengers  to  order  prepara- 
tions for  the  suitable  reception  of  so  distinguished  a  guest.  As 
the  Spaniards  advanced  into  the  territories  of  the  chieftain,  and 
passed  through  the  districts  of  his  inferior  caciques,  the  latter 
brought  forth  cassava  bread,  hemp,  cotton,  and  various  other 

1  Charlevoix,  Hist.  St.  Domingo,  lib.  ii.  p.  147.    Mufioz,  llist.  X.  Muuclo,  lib.  vi.  5  vi. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  377 

productions  of  the  land.  At  length  they  drew  near  to  the  resi- 
dence of  Behechio,  which  was  a  large  town  situated  in  a  beau- 
tiful part  of  the  country  near  the  coast,  at  the  bottom  of  that 
deep  bay,  called  at  present  the  Bight  of  Leogan. 

The  .Spaniards  had  heard  many  accounts  of  the  soft  and  de- 
lightful region  of  Xaragua,  in  one  part  of  which  Indian  tradi- 
tions placed  their  Elysian  fields.  They  had  heard  much,  also, 
of  the  beauty  and  urbanity  of  the  inhabitants :  the  mode  of 
their  reception  was  calculated  to  confirm  their  favorable  pre- 
possessions. As  they  approached  the  place,  thirty  females  of 
the  cacique's  household  came  forth  to  meet  them,  singing  their 
areytos,  or  traditionary  ballads,  and  dancing  and  waving  palm 
branches.  The  married  females  wore  aprons  of  embroidered 
cotton,  reaching  half  way  to  the  kuee ;  the  young  women  were 
entirely  naked,  with  merely  a  fillet  round  the  forehead,  their  hair 
falling  upon  their  shoulders.  They  were  beautifully  propor- 
tioned, their  skin  smooth  and  delicate,  and  their  complexion  of 
a  clear,  agreeable  brown.  According  to  old  Peter  Martyr,  the 
Spaniards  when  they  beheld  them  issuing  forth  from  their  green 
woods,  almost  imagined  they  beheld  the  fabled  Dryads,  or  na- 
tive nymphs  and  fairies  of  the  fountains,  sung  by  the  ancient 
poets.1  When  they  came  before  Don  Bartholomew,  they  knelt 
and  gracefully  presented  him  the  green  branches.  After  these 
came  the  female  cacique  Auacaona,  reclining  on  a  kind  of  light 
litter  borne  by  six  Indians.  Like  the  other  females,  she  had  no 
other  covering  than  an  apron  of  various-colored  cotton.  She 
•wore  round  her  head  a  fragrant  garland  of  red  and  white  flow- 
ers, and  wreaths  of  the  same  round  her  neck  and  arms.  She 
received  the  Adelantado  and  his  followers  with  that  natural 
grace  and  courtesy  for  which  she  was  celebrated ;  manifesting 
no  hostility  toward  them  for  the  fate  her  husband  had  expe- 
rienced at  their  hands. 

The  Adelantado  and  his  officers  were  conducted  to  the  house 
of  Behechio,  where  a  banquet  was  served  up  of  utias,  a  great 
variety  of  sea  and  river  fish,  witli  roots  and  fruits  of  excellent 
quality.  Here  first  the  Spaniards  conquered  their  repugnance 
to  the  guana,  the  favorite  delicacy  of  the  Indians,  but  which 
the  former  had  regarded  with  disgust,  as  a  species  of  serpent. 
The  Adelantado,  willing  to  accustom  himself  to  the  usages  of 
the  country,  was  the  first  to  taste  this  animal,  being  kindly 
pressed  thereto  byAnacaoua.  His  followers  imitated  his  ex- 
ample ;  they  found  it  to  be  highly  palatable  and  delicate ;  and 

1  Peter  Martyr,  decad.  i.  lib.  v. 


378  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

from  that  time  forward  the  guana  was  held  in  repute  among 
Spanish  epicures.1 

The  banquet  being  over,  Don  Bartholomew  with  six  of  his 
principal  cavaliers  were  lodged  in  the  dwelling  of  Behechio ; 
the  rest  were  distributed  in  the  houses  of  the  inferior  caciques, 
where  they  slept  in  hammocks  of  matted  cotton,  the  usual  beds 
of  the  natives. 

For  two  days  they  remained  with  the  hospitable  Behechio, 
entertained  with  various  Indian  games  and  festivities,  among 
which  the  most  remarkable  was  the  representation  of  a  battle. 
Two  squadrons  of  naked  Indians,  armed  with  bows  and  arrows, 
sallied  suddenly  into  the  public  square  and  began  to  skirmish 
in  a  manner  similar  to  the  Moorish  play  of  canes,  or  tilting 
reeds.  By  degrees  they  became  excited,  and  fought  with  such 
earnestness,  that  four  were  slain,  and  many  wounded,  which 
seemed  to  increase  the  interest  and  pleasure  of  the  spectators. 
The  contest  would  have  continued  longer,  and  might  have  been 
still  more  bloody,  had  not  the  Adelantado  and  the  other  cava- 
liers interfered  and  begged  that  the  game  might  cease.2 

When  the  festivities  were  over,  and  familiar  intercourse  had 
promoted  mutual  confidence,  the  Adelantado  addressed  the 
cacique  and  Anacaona  on  the  real  object  of  his  visit.  He  in- 
formed him  that  his  brother,  the  admiral,  had  been  sent  to  this 
island  by  the  sovereigns  of  Castile,  who  were  great  and  mighty 
potentates,  with  many  kingdoms  under  their  sway.  That  the 
admiral  had  returned  to  apprise  his  sovereigns  how  many  trib- 
utary caciques  there  were  in  the  island,  leaving  him  in  command, 
and  that  he  had  come  to  receive  Behechio  under  the  protection 
of  these  mighty  sovereigns,  and  to  arrange  a  tribute  to  be  paid 
by  him,  in  such  manner  as  should  be  most  convenient  and  sat- 
isfactory to  himself.3 

The  cacique  was  greatly  embarrassed  by  this  demand,  know- 
ing the  sufferings  inflicted  on  the  other  parts  of  the  island  by 
the  avidity  of  the  Spaniards  for  gold.  He  replied  that  he  had 
been  apprised  that  gold  was  the  great  object  for  which  the 
white  men  had  come  to  their  island,  and  that  a  tribute  was 

1  "These  serpentes  are  lybe  unto  crocodiles,  wiving  in  bygness;  they  call  them 
guanas.  Unto  that  day  none  of  owre  men  durste  adventure  to  taste  of  them,  by  reason 
of  theyre  horrible  deformitie  and  lothsomnes.  Vet  the  Adelantado  being  entysed  by 
the  pleasantnes  of  the  king's  sister,  Anacaona,  determined  to  taste  the  serpentes.  But 
when  he  felte  the  flesh  thereof  to  be  so  delycate  to  his  tongue,  he  fel  to  amayne  without 
al  feare.  The  which  thyng  his  companions  perceiving,  were  not  behynde  hym  in  greed- 
ynesse:  insomuche  that  they  had  now  none  other  talke  than  of  the  sweetnesse  of  these 
Berpentes,  which  they  affirm  to  be  of  more  pleasant  laste  than  eyther  our  phesaules 
or  partriches."  Peter  Martyr,  decad.  i.  book  v.  Kdeu's  Eng.  Traus. 

»  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Iiid  ,  lib.  i.  cap.  113. 

»  Ibid.,  cap.  114. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  379 

paid  in  it  by  some  of  his  fellow-caciques  ;  but  that  in  no  part  of 
his  territories  was  gold  to  be  found  ;  and  his  subjects  hardly 
knew  what  it  was.  To  this  the  Adelantado  replied  with  great 
adroitness,  that  nothing  was  further  from  the  intention  or  wish 
of  his  sovereigns  than  to  require  a  tribute  in  things  not  pro- 
duced in  his  dominions,  but  that  it  might  be  paid  in  cotton, 
hemp,  and  cassava  bread,  with  which  the  surrounding  country 
appeared  to  abound.  The  countenance  of  the  cacique  bright- 
ened at  this  intimation  ;  he  promised  cheerful  compliance,  and 
instantly  sent  orders  to  all  his  subordinate  caciques  to  sow 
abundance  of  cotton  for  the  first  payment  of  the  stipulated 
tribute.  Having  made  all  the  requisite  arrangements,  the 
Adelantado  took  a  most  friendly  leave  of  Behechio  and  his 
sister,  and  set  out  for  Isabella. 

Thus  by  amicable  #ud  sagacious  management,  one  of  the 
most  extensive  provinces  of  the  island  was  brought  into  cheer- 
ful subjection,  and  had  not  the  wise  policy  of  the  Adelantado 
been  defeated  by  the  excesses  of  worthless  and  turbulent  men, 
a  large  revenue  might  have  been  collected,  without  any  re- 
course to  violence  or  oppression.  In  all  instances  these  simple 
people  appear  to  have  been  extremely  tractable,  and  meekly 
and  even  cheerfully  to  have  resigned  their  rights  to  the  white 
men,  when  treated  with  gentleness  and  humanity. 


CHAPTER  II. 

ESTABLISHMENT   OF    A    CHAIN    OF    MILITARY    POSTS  —  INSURRECTION 
OF   GUAK1ONEX,    THE   CACIQUE   OF   THE   VEGA. 

[1496.] 

ON  arriving  at  Isabella,  Don  Bartholomew  found  it,  as  usual, 
a  scene  of  misery  and  repining.  Many  had  died  during  his 
absence  ;  most  were  ill.  Those  who  were  healthy  complained 
of  the  scarcity  of  food,  and  those  who  were  ill,  of  the  want  of 
medicines.  The  provisions  distributed  among  them,  from  the 
supply  brought  out  a  few  months  before  by  Pedro  Alonzo 
Nino,  had  been  consumed.  Partly  from  sickness,  and  partly 
from  a  repugnance  to  labor,  they  had  neglected  to  cultivate 
the  surrounding  country,  and  the  Indians,  on  whom  they 
chiefly  depended,  outraged  by  their  oppressions,  had  aban- 
doned the  vicinity,  and  fled  to  the  mountains  ;  choosing  rather 


380  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

to  subsist  on  roots  and  herbs,  in  their  rugged  retreats,  than  re- 
main in  the  luxuriant  plains,  subject  to  the  wrongs  and  cruel- 
ties of  the  white  men.  The  history  of  this  island  presents 
continual  pictures  of  the  miseries,  the  actual  want  and  poverty 
produced  by  the  grasping  avidity  of  gold.  It  had  rendered  the 
(Spaniards  heedless  of  all  the  less  obvious,  but  more  certain  and 
salubrious  sources  of  wealth.  All  labor  seemed  lost  that  was 
to  produce  profit  by  a  circuitous  process.  Instead  of  cultivat- 
ing the  luxuriant  soil  around  them,  and  deriving  real  treasures 
from  its  surface,  they  wasted  their  time  in  seeking  for  mines 
and  golden  streams,  and  were  starving  in  the  midst  of  fertility. 

No  sooner  were  the  provisions  exhausted  which  had  been 
brought  out  by  Nino  than  the  colonists  began  to  break  forth  in 
their  accustomed  murmurs.  They  represented  themselves  as 
neglected  by  Columbus,  who,  amid  the  blandishments  and  de- 
lights of  a  court,  thought  little  of  their  sufferings.  They  con- 
sidered themselves  equally  forgotten  by  government ;  while, 
having  no  vessel  in  the  harbor,  they  were  destitute  of  all 
moans  of  sending  home  intelligence  of  their  disastrous  situation, 
and  imploring  relief. 

To  remove  this  last  cause  of  discontent,  and  furnish  some 
object  for  their  hopes  and  thoughts  to  rally  round,  the  Adelan- 
tado  ordered  that  two  caravels  should  be  built  at  Isabella,  for 
the  use  of  the  island.  To  relieve  the  settlement,  also,  from  all 
useless  and  repining  individuals,  during  this  time  of  scarcity, 
he  distributed  such  as  were  too  ill  to  labor,  or  to  bear  arms, 
into  the  interior,  where  they  would  have  the  benefit  of  a  better 
climate,  and  more  abundant  supply  of  Indian  provisions.  He 
at  the  same  time  completed  and  garrisoned  the  chain  of  mili- 
tary posts  established  by  his  brother  in  the  preceding  year,  con- 
sisting of  five  fortified  houses,  each  surrounded  by  its  depend- 
ent hamlet.  The  first  of  these  was  about  nine  leagues  from  Isa- 
bella, and  was  called  la  Esperanza.  Six  leagues  beyond  was 
Santa  Catalina.  Four  leagues  and  a  half  farther  was  Magda- 
lena,  where  the  first  town  of  Santiago  was  afterward  founded  ; 
and  live  leagues  farther  Port  Conception  —  which  was  fortified 
with  great  care,  being  in  the  vast  and  populous  Vega,  and 
within  half  a  league  from  the  residence  of  its  cacique,  (Juario- 
nex.1  Having  thus  relieved  Isabella  of  all  its  useless  population, 
and  left  none  but  such  as  were  too  ill  to  be  removed,  or  were 
required  for  the  service  and  protection  of  the  place,  and  the 
construction  of  the  caravels,  the  Adelantado  returned,  with  a 

1  P.  Martyr,  decad.  i.  lib.  v.  Of  the  residence  of  Guarionex,  which  must  have  beeu  a 
considerable  town,  not  the  least  vestige  cau  be  discovered  at  prese.it. 


LIFE  OF  CIIRISTOPUER   COLUMBUS.  381 

large  body  of  the  most  effective  men,  to  the  fortress  of  San 
Domingo. 

The  military  posts  thus  established,  succeeded  for  a  time  in 
overawing  the  natives  ;  but  fresh  hostilities  were  soon  mani- 
fested, excited  by  a  different  cause  from  the  preceding.  Among 
the  missionaries  who  had  accompanied  Friar  Boyle  to  the 
island,  were  two  of  far  greater  zeal  than  their  superior.  When 
he  returned  to  Spain,  they  remained,  earnestly  bent  upon  the 
fullilment  of  their  mission.  One  was  called  Roman  Pane,  a 
poor  hermit,  as  he  styled  himself,  of  the  order  of  St.  Geronimo : 
the  other  was  Juan  Borgofion,  a  Franciscan.  They  resided  for 
some  time  among  the  Indians  of  the  Vega,  strenuously  endea- 
voring to  make  converts,  and  had  succeeded  with  one  family 
of  sixteen  persons,  the  chief  of  which,  on  being  baptized,  took 
the  name  of  Juan  Mateo.  The  conversion  of  the  cacique  Gua- 
rionex,  however,  was  their  main  object.  The  extent  of  his  JK>S- 
sessions  made  his  conversion  of  great  importance  to  the  inter- 
ests of  the  colony,  and  was  considered  by  the  zealous  fathers  a 
means  of  bringing  his  numerous  subjects  under  the  dominion 
of  the  church.  For  some  time  he  lent  a  willing  ear;  he  learnt 
the  Pater  Noster,  the  Ave  Maria,  and  the  Creed,  and  made  his 
whole  family  repeat  them  daily.  The  other  caciques  of  the 
Vega  and  of  the  provinces  of  Cibao,  however,  scoffed  at  him 
for  meanly  conforming  to  the  laws  and  customs  of  strangers, 
usurpers  of  his  domains  and  oppressors  of  his  nation.  The 
friars  complained  that,  in  consequence  of  these  evil  communi- 
cations, their  convert  suddenly  relapsed  into  infidelity;  but 
another  and  more  grievous  cause  is  assigned  for  his  recantation. 
His  favorite  wife  was  seduced  or  treated  with  outrage  by  a 
Spaniard  of  authority ;  and  the  cacique  renounced  all  faith  in 
a  religion,  which,  as  he  supposed,  admitted  of  such  atrocities. 
Losing  all  hope  of  effecting  his  conversion,  the  mission  re- 
moving to  the  territories  of  another  cacique,  taking  with  them 
Juan  Mateo,  their  Indian  convert.  Before  their  departure  they 
erected  a  small  chapel,  and  furnished  it  with  an  altar,  crucifix, 
and  images,  for  the  use  of  the  family  of  Mateo. 

Scarcely  had  they  departed,  when  several  Indians  entered 
the  chapel,  broke  the  images  in  pieces,  trampled  them  under 
foot,  and  buried  them  in  a  neighboring  field.  This,  it  is  said, 
was  done  by  order  of  Guarionex,  in  contempt  of  the  religion 
from  which  he  had  apostatized.  A  complaint  of  this  enormity 
was  carried  to  the  Adelantado,  who  ordered  a  suit  to  be  imme- 
diately instituted,  and  those  who  were  found  culpable,  to  be 
punished  according  to  law.  It  was  a  period  of  great  rigor  in 


332  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

ecclesiastical  law,  especially  among  the  Spaniards.  In  Spain 
all  heresies  in  religion,  all  recantations  from  the  faith,  and  all 
acts  of  sacrilege,  either  by  Moor  or  Jew,  were  punished  with 
fire  and  fagot.  Such  was  the  fate  of  the  poor  ignorant  Indians, 
convicted  of  this  outrage  on  the  church.  It  is  questionable 
whether  Guarionex  had  any  hand  in  this  offence,  and  it  is 
probable  that  the  whole  affair  was  exaggerated.  A  proof  of 
the  credit  due  to  the  evidence  brought  forward,  may  be  judged 
by  one  of  the  facts  recorded  by  Roman  Pane,  "  the  poor  her- 
mit." The  field  in  which  the  holy  images  were  buried  was 
planted,  he  says,  with  certain  roots  shaped  like  a  turnip,  or 
radish,  several  of  which,  coming  up  in  the  neighborhood  of  the 
images,  were  found  to  have  grown  most  miraculously  in  the 
form  of  a  cross.1 

The  cruel  punishment  inflicted  on  these  Indians,  instead  of 
daunting  their  countrymen,  filled  them  with  horror  and  indig- 
nation. Unaccustomed  to  such  stern  rule  and  vindictive  jus- 
tice, and  having  no  clear  ideas  nor  powerful  sentiments  with 
respect  to  religion  of  any  kind,  they  could  not  comprehend  the 
nature  nor  extent  of  the  crime  committed.  Even  Guarionex,  a 
man  naturally  moderate  and  pacific,  was  highly  incensed  with 
the  assumption  of  power  within  his  territories,  and  the  inhu- 
man death  inflicted  on  his  subjects.  The  other  caciques  per- 
ceived his  irritation,  and  endeavored  to  induce  him  to  unite  in 
a  sudden  insurrection,  that  by  one  vigorous  and  general  effort, 
they  might  break  the  yoke  of  their  oppressors.  Guarionex 
wavered  for  some  time.  He  kifew  the  martial  skill  and 
prowess  of  the  Spaniards  ;  he  stood  in  awe  of  their  cavalry  ; 
and  he  had  before  him  the  disastrous  fate  of  Caonabo  ;  but  he 
was  rendered  bold  by  despair,  and  he  beheld  in  the  domination  of 
these  strangers  the  assured  ruin  of  his  race.  The  early  writers 
speak  of  a  tradition  current  among  the  inhabitants  of  the 
island,  respecting  this  Guarionex.  He  was  of  an  ancient  line  of 
hereditary  caciques.  His  father,  in  times  long  preceding  the 
discovery,  having  fasted  for  five  days,  according  to  their  su- 
perstitious observances,  applied  to  his  zemi,  or  household  deit}*, 
for  information  of  things  to  come.  He  received  for  answer  that 
within  a  few  years  there  should  come  to  the  island  a  nation 
covered  with  clothing,  which  should  destroy  all  their  customs 
and  ceremonies,  and  slay  their  children  or  reduce  them  to 
painful  servitude.2  The  tradition  was  probably  invented  by 
the  Butios,  or  priests,  aftei  the  Spaniards  had  begun  to  exercise 

1  Eacritura  de  Fi   Roman  Hist  del  Aimirante.        *  Peter  Martyr,  decad.  i.  lib.  iz. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  383 

their  severities.  Whether  their  prediction  had  an  effect  in  dis- 
posing the  mind  of  Guarionex  to  hostilities  is  uncertain. 
Some  have  asserted  that  he  was  compelled  to  take  up  arms  by 
his  subjects,  who  threatened,  in  case  of  his  refusal,  to  choose 
some  other  chieftain  ;  others  have  alleged  the  outrage  commit- 
ted upon  lus  favorite  wife,  as  the  principal  cause  of  his  irrita- 
tion.1 It  w:is  probably  these  things  combined,  which  at  length 
induced  him  to  enter  into  the  conspiracy.  A  secret  consulta- 
tion was  held  among  the  caciques,  wherein  it  was  concerted  that 
on  the  day  of  payment  of  their  quarterly  tribute,  when  a  great 
number  could  assemble  without  causing  suspicion,  they  should 
suddenly  rise  upon  the  .Spaniards  and  massacre  them.2 

By  some  means  the  garrison  at  Fort  Conception  received 
intimation  of  this  conspiracy.  Being  but  a  handful  of  men, 
and  surrounded  by  hostile  tribes,  they  wrote  a  letter  to  the 
Adelantado,  at  San  Domingo,  imploring  immediate  aid.  As 
this  letter  might  be  taken  from  their  Indian  messenger,  the 
natives  having  discovered  that  these  letters  had  a  wonderful 
power  of  communicating  intelligence,  and  fancying  they  could 
talk,  it  was  enclosed  in  a  reed,  to  be  used  as  a  staff.  The  mes- 
senger was,  in  fact,  intercepted  ;  but,  affecting  to  be  dumb  and 
lame,  and  intimating  by  signs  that  he  was  returning  home,  was 
permitted  to  limp  forward  on  his  journey.  When  out  of  sight 
he  resumed  his  speed,  and  bore  the  letter  safely  and  expedi- 
tiously  to  San  Domingo.3 

The  Adelantado,  with  his  characteristic  promptness  and 
activity,  set  out  immediately  with  a  body  of  troops  for  the 
fortress ;  and  though  his  men  were  much  enfeebled  by  scanty 
fare,  hard  service,  and  long  marches,  hurried  them  rapidly  for- 
ward. Never  did  aid  arrive  more  opportunely.  The  Indians 
were  assembled  on  the  plain,  to  the  amount  of  many  thousands, 
armed  after  their  manner,  and  waiting  for  the  appointed  time 
to  strike  the  blow.  After  consulting  with  the  commander  of 
the  fortress  and  his  officers,  the  Adelautado  concerted  a  mode 
of  proceeding.  Ascertaining  the  places  in  which  the  various 
caciques  had  distributed  their  forces,  he  appointed  an  officer 
with  a  body  of  men  to  each  cacique,  with  orders,  at  an  ap- 
pointed hour  of  the  night,  to  rush  into  the  villages,  surprise 
them  asleep  and  unarmed,  bind  the  caciques,  and  bring  them 
off  prisoners.  As  Guarionex  was  the  most  important  person- 
age, and  his  capture  would  probably  be  attended  with  most 


i  I,a8  Casas,  Hi»l.  Ind.,  lib.  i.  cap.  121. 

J  Herrera,  decad.  i.  lib.  lii.  cap.  65.     Peter  Martyr,  decad.  vi.  lib.  v. 

4  Uerrera,  Hist,  luu.,  decad.  i.  lib.  lii.  cap.  7. 


884  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

difficulty  and  danger,   the  Adelantado  took  the  charge  of   it 
upon  himself,  at  the  head  of  one  hundred  men. 

This  stratagem,  founded  upon  a  knowledge  of  the  attachment 
of  the  Indians  to  their  chieftains,  and  calculated  to  spare  a  great 
effusion  of  blood,  was  completely  successful.  The  villages  hav- 
ing no  walls  nor  other  defences,  were  quieth"  entered  at  mid- 
night, and  the  Spaniards,  rushing  suddenly  into  the  houses 
where  the  caciques  were  quartered,  seized  and  bound  them,  to 
the  number  of  fourteen,  and  hurried  them  off  to  the  fortress, 
before  any  effort  could  be  made  for  their  defence  or  rescue. 
The  Indians,  struck  with  terror,  made  no  resistance,  nor  any 
show  of  hostility  ;  surrounding  the  fortress  in  great  multitudes, 
but  without  weapons,  they  filled  the  air  with  doleful  howlings 
and  lamentations,  imploring  the  release  of  their  chieftains. 
The  Adelantado  completed  his  enterprise  with  the  spirit,  saga- 
city, and  moderation  with  which  he  had  hitherto  conducted  it. 
He  obtained  information  of  the  causes  of  this  conspiracy,  and 
the  individuals  most  culpable.  Two  caciques,  the  principal 
movers  of  the  insurrection,  aud  who  had  most  wrought  upon 
the  easy  nature  of  Guarionex,  were  put  to  death.  As  to  that 
unfortunate  cacique,  the  Adelantado,  considering  the  deep 
wrongs  he  had  suffered,  and  the  slowness  with  which  he  had 
been  provoked  to  revenge,  magnanimously  pardoned  him  ;  nay, 
according  to  Las  Casas,  he  proceeded  with  stern  justice  against 
the  Spaniard  whose  outrage  on  his  wife  had  sunk  so  deeply  in 
his  heart.  He  extended  his  lenity  also  to  the  remaining  chief- 
tains of  the  conspiracy  ;  promising  great  favors  and  rewards, 
if  they  should  continue  firm  in  their  loyalty  ;  but  terrible  pun- 
ishments should  they  again  be  found  in  rebellion.  The  heart 
of  Guariouex  was  subdued  by  this  unexpected  clemency.  He 
made  a  speech  to  his  people  setting  forth  the  irresistible  might 
aud  valor  of  the  Spaniards  ;  their  great  lenity  to  offenders,  and 
their  generosity  to  such  as  were  faithful ;  and  he  earnestly  ex- 
horted them  henceforth  to  cultivate  their  friendship.  The  In- 
dians listened  to  him  with  attention  ;  his  praises  of  the  white 
men  were  confirmed  by  their  treatment  of  himself ;  when  he 
had  concluded,  they  took  him  upon  their  shoulders,  bore  him 
to  his  habitation  with  songs  and  shouts  of  joy,  aud  for  some 
time  the  tranquillity  of  the  \Aega  was  restored.1 

»  Peter  Martyr,  decad.  i.  lib.  v.    Herrera,  Hist.  lud.,  decad.  i.  lib.  iii.  cap.  9. 


LIFE   OF  CURISTOPIIER    COLUMBUS.  385 

CHAPTER  III. 

THE    ADELANTADO    REPAIRS    TO    XARAGUA    TO    RECEIVE    TRIBUTE. 

[1497.] 

"\VITH  all  his  energy  and  discretion,  the  Adelantado  found  it 
difficult  to  manage  the  proud  and  turbulent  spirit  of  the  colo- 
nists. They  could  ill  brook  the  sway  of  a  foreigner,  who,  when 
they  were  restive,  curbed  them  with  an  iron  hand.  Don  Bar- 
tholomew had  not  the  same  legitimate  authority  in  their  eyes 
as  his  brother.  The  admiral  was  the  discoverer  of  the  country, 
and  the  authorized  representative  of  the  sovereigns ;  yet  even 
him  they  with  difficulty  brought  themselves  to  obey.  The 
Adelantado,  on  the  contrary,  was  regarded  by  many  as  a  mere 
intruder,  assuming  high  command  without  authority  from  the 
crown,  and  shouldering  himself  into  power  on  the  merits  and 
services  of  his  brother.  They  spoke  with  impatience  and  in- 
dignation, also,  of  the  long  absence  of  the  admiral,  and  his 
fancied  inattention  to  their  wants ;  little  aware  of  the  incessant 
anxieties  he  was  suffering  on  their  account,  during  his  deten- 
tion in  Spain.  The  sagacious  measure  of  the  Adelantado  in 
building  the  caravels,  for  some  time  diverted  their  attention. 
They  watched  their  progress  with  solicitude,  looking  upon  them 
as  a  means  either  of  obtaining  relief  or  of  abandoning  the  island. 
Aware  that  repining  and  discontented  men  should  never  be 
left  in  idleness,  Don  Bartholomew  kept  them  continually  in 
movement ;  and  indeed  a  state  of  constant  activity  was  con- 
genial to  his  own  vigorous  spirit.  About  this  time  messengers 
arrived  from  Behechio,  cacique  of  Xaragua,  informing  him 
that  lie  ha.l  large  quantities  of  cotton,  and  other  articles,  in 
which  his  tribute  was  to  be  paid,  ready  for  delivery.  The 
Adelantado  immediately  set  forth  with  a  numerous  train,  to 
revisit  this  fruitful  and  happy  region.  He  was  again  received 
with  songs  and  dances,  and  all  the  national  demonstrations  of 
respect  and  amity  by  Behechio  and  his  sister  Anacaona.  The 
latter  appeared  to  be  highly  popular  among  the  natives,  and  to 
have  almost  as  much  sway  in  Xaragua  as  her  brother.  Her 
natural  ease,  and  the  graceful  dignity  of  her  manners,  more 
and  more  won  the  admiration  of  the  Spaniards. 

The  Adelantado  found  thirty-two  inferior  caciques  assembled 
in  the  house  of  Behechio,  awaiting  his  arrival  with  their  respec- 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER    COLUMBUS. 

tive  tributes.  The  cotton  the}'  had  brought  was  enough  to  fill 
one  of  tlieir  houses.  "  Having  delivered  this,  they  gratuitously 
offered  the  Adelantado  as  much  cassava  bread  as  he  desired. 
The  offer  was  most  acceptable  in  the  present  necessitous  state 
of  the  colony  ;  and  Don  Bartholomew  sent  to  Isabella  for  one  of 
the  caravels,  which  was  nearly  finished,  to  be  despatched  as  soon 
as  possible  to  Xaragua,  to  be  freighted  with  bread  and  cotton. 

In  the  mean  time  the  natives  brought  from  all  quarters  large 
supplies  of  provisions,  and  entertained  their  guests  witli  con- 
tinual festivity  and  banqueting.  The  early  Spanish  writers, 
whose  imaginations,  heated  by  the  accounts  of  the  voyagers, 
could  not  form  an  idea  of  the  simplicity  of  savage  life,  espe- 
cially in  these  newly  discovered  countries  which  were  sup- 
posed to  border  upon  Asia,  often  speak  in  terms  of  Oriental 
magnificence  of  the  entertainments  of  the  natives,  the  palaces 
of  the  caciques,  and  the  lords  and  ladies  of  their  courts,  as  if 
they  were  describing  the  abodes  of  Asiatic  potentates.  The  ac- 
counts given  of  Xaragua,  however,  have  a  different  character ; 
and  give  a  picture  of  savage  life,  in  its  perfection  of  idle  and 
ignorant  enjoyment.  The  troubles  which  distracted  the  other 
parts  of  devoted  Hayti  had  not  reached  the  inhabitants  of  this 
pleasant  region.  Living  among  beautiful  and  fruitful  groves, 
on  the  borders  of  a  sea.  apparently  forever  tranquil  and  un- 
vexed  by  storms  ;  having  few  wants,  and  those  readily  supplied, 
they  appeared  emancipated  from  the  common  lot  of  labor, 
and  to  pass  their  lives  in  one  uninterrupted  holiday.  When 
the  Spaniards  regarded  the  fertility  and  sweetness  of  this 
country,  the  gentleness  of  its  people,  and  the  beauty  of  its 
women,  they  pronounced  it  a  perfect  paradise. 

At  length  the  caravel  arrived  which  was  to  be  freighted  with 
the  articles  of  tribute.  It  anchored  about  six  miles  from  the 
residence  of  Behechio,  and  Anacaona  proposed  to  her  brother 
that  they  should  go  together  to  behold  what  she  called  the  great 
canoe  of  the  white  man.  On  their  way  to  the  coast,  the  Ade- 
lantado was  lodged  one  night  in  a  village,  in  a  house  where 
Anacaona  treasured  up  those  articles  which  she  esteemed  most 
rare  and  precious.  They  consisted  of  various  manufactures  of 
cotton,  ingeniously  wrought ;  of  vessels  of  clay,  moulded  into 
different  forms  ;  of  chairs,  tables,  and  like  articles  of  furniture 
formed  of  ebony  and  other  kinds  of  wood,  and  carved  with 
various  devices  —  all  evincing  great  skill  and  ingenuity  in  a 
people  who  had  no  iron  tools  to  work  with.  Such  were  the 
simple  treasures  of  this  Indian  princess,  of  which  she  made 
numerous  presents  to  her  guest. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  387 

Nothing  could  exceed  the  wonder  and  delight  of  this  intelli- 
gent woman  when  she  first  beheld  the  ship.  Her  In-other,  who 
treated  her  with  a  fraternal  fondness  and  respectful  attention, 
worthy  of  civilized  life,  had  prepared  two  canoes,  gayly  painted 
and  decorated,  one  to  convey  her  and  her  attendants,  and  the 
other  for  himself  and  his  chieftains.  Anacaona,  however,  pre- 
ferred to  embark  with  her  attendants  in  the  ship's  boat  with 
the  Adelantado.  As  they  approached  the  caravel,  a  salute  was 
fired.  At  the  report  of  the  cannon,  and  the  sight  of  the  smoke, 
Anacaona,  overcome  with  dismay,  fell  into  the  arms  of  the 
Adelantado,  and  her  attendants  would  have  leaped  overboard, 
but  the  laughter  and  the  cheerful  words  of  Don  Bartholomew 
speedily  reassured  them.  As  they  drew  nearer  to  the  vessel, 
several  instruments  of  martial  music  struck  up,  with  which 
they  were  greatly  delighted.  Their  admiration  increased  on 
entering  on  board.  Accustomed  only  to  their  simple  and  slight 
canoes,  every  thing  here  appeared  wonderfully  vast  and  compli- 
cated. But  when  the  anchor  was  weighed,  the  sails  were  spread, 
and,  aided  by  a  gentle  breeze,  they  beheld  this  vast  mass,  mov- 
ing apparently  by  its  own  volition,  veering  from  side  to  side, 
and  playing  like  a  huge  monster  in  the  deep,  the  brother  and 
sister  remained  gazing  at  each  other  in  mute  astonishment.1 
Nothing  seems  to  have  filled  the  miud  of  the  most  stoical 
savage  with  more  wonder  than  that  sublime  and  beautiful 
triumph  of  genius,  a  ship  under  sail. 

Having  freighted  and  despatched  the  caravel,  the  Adelan- 
tado made  many  presents  to  Behechio,  his  sister,  and  their 
attendants,  and  took  leave  of  them,  to  return  by  land  with  his 
troops  to  Isabella.  Anacaona  showed  great  affliction  at  their 
parting,  entreating  him  to  remain  some  time  longer  with  them, 
and  appearing  fearful  that  they  had  failed  in  their  humble 
attempt  to  please  him.  She  even  offered  to  follow  him  to  the 
settlement,  nor  would  she  be  consoled  until  he  had  promised  to 
return  again  to  Xaragua.2 

We  cannot  but  remark  the  ability  shown  by  the  Adelantado 
in  the  course  of  his  transient  government  of  the  island.  Won- 
derfully alert  and  active,  he  made  repeated  marches  of  great 
extent,  from  one  remote  province  to  another,  and  was  always 
at  the  post  of  danger  at  the  critical  moment.  By  skilful  man- 
agement, with  a  handful  of  men  he  defeated  a  formidable  insur- 
rection without  any  effusion  of  blood.  He  conciliated  the  most 
inveterate  enemies  among  the  natives  by  great  moderation, 

>  I'eter  Martyr,  decad.  i.  lib.  v.     Ilerrera,  decud.  i.  lib.  iii.  cap.  0. 
1  UuuiiicJo,  vol.  '.ii.  p.  9. 


388  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

while  he  deterred  all  wanton  hostilities  by  the  infliction  of 
signal  punishments.  He  had  made  firm  friends  of  the  most 
important  chieftains,  brought  their  dominions  under  cheerful 
tribute,  opened  new  sources  of  supplies  for  the  colony,  and  pro- 
cured relief  from  its  immediate  wants.  Had  his  judicious  meas- 
ures been  seconded  by  those  under  his  command,  the  whole 
country  would  have  been  a  scene  of  tranquil  prosperity,  and 
would  have  produced  great  revenues  to  the  crowu,  without 
cruelty  to  the  natives  ;  but,  like  his  brother  the  admiral,  his 
good  intentions  and  judicious  arrangements  were  constantly 
thwarted  by  the  vile  passions  and  perverse  conduct  of  others. 
While  he  was  absent  from  Isabella,  new  mischiefs  had  been 
fomented  there,  which  were  soon  to  throw  the  whole  island  into 
confusion. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

CONSPIRACY    OF    ROLDAN. 

[1497.] 

THE  prime  mover  of  the  present  mischief  was  one  Francisco 
Roldan,  a  man  under  the  deepest  obligations  to  the  admiral. 
Raised  by  him  from  poverty  and  obscurity,  he  had  been  em- 
ployed at  first  in  menial  capacities  ;  but,  showing  strong  natural 
talents  and  great  assiduity,  he  had  beeu  made  ordinary  alcalde, 
equivalent  to  justice  of  the  peace.  The  able  manner  in  which 
he  acquitted  himself  in  this  situation,  and  the  persuasion  of  his 
great  fidelity  and  gratitude,  induced  Columbus,  on  departing 
for  Spain,  to  appoint  him  alcalde  mayor,  or  chief  judge  of  the 
island.  It  is  true  he  was  an  uneducated  man,  but,  as  there  were 
as  yet  no  intricacies  of  law  in  the  colony,  the  office  required 
little  else  than  shrewd  good  sense  and  upright  principles  for  its 
discharge.1 

Roldan  was  one  of  those  base  spirits  which  grow  venomous 
in  the  sunshine  of  prosperity.  His  benefactor  had  returned  to 
Spain  apparently  under  a  cloud  of  disgrace  ;  a  long  interval  had 
elapsed  without  tidings  from  him  ;  he  considered  him  a  fallen 
man,  and  began  to  devise  how  he  might  profit  by  his  downfall. 
He  was  intrusted  with  an  office  inferior  only  to  that  of  the  Ade- 
lantado  ;  the  brothers  of  Columbus  were  highly  unpopular  ;  he 

1  Hcrrera,  decad.  i.  lib.  ill.  cap.  1. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  389 

• 

imagined  it  possible  to  ruin  them,  both  with  the  colonists  and 
with  the  government  at  home,  and  by  dexterous  cunning  and 
bustling  activity,  to  work  his  way  into  the  command  of  the 
colony.  The  vigorous  and  somewhat  austere  character  of  the 
Adelantado  for  some  time  kept  him  in  awe ;  but  when  he  was 
absent  from  the  settlement,  Roldan  was  able  to  carry  on  his 
machinations  with  confidence.  Don  Diego,  who  then  com- 
manded at  Isabella,  was  an  upright  and  worthy  man,  but  defi- 
cient in  energy.  Roldan  felt  himself  his  superior  in  talent  and 
spirit,  and  his  self-conceit  was  wounded  at  being  inferior  to  him 
in  authority.  He  soon  made  a  party  among  the  daring  and  dis- 
solute of  the  community,  and  secretly  loosened  the  ties  of  order 
and  good  government  by  listening  to  and  encouraging  the  discon- 
tents of  the  common  people,  and  directing  them  against  the 
character  and  conduct  of  Columbus  and  his  brothers.  He  had 
hiTctofore  been  employed  as  superintendent  of  various  public 
works  ;  this  brought  him  into  familiar  communication  with  work- 
men, sailors,  and  others  of  the  lower  order.  His  originally  vulgar 
character  enabled  him  to  adapt  himself  to  their  intellects  and 
manners,  while  his  present  station  gave  him  consequence  in 
their  eyes.  Finding  them  full  of  murmurs  about  hard  treat- 
ment, severe  toil,  and  the  long  absence  of  the  admiral,  lie 
affected  to  be  moved  by  their  distresses.  He  threw  out  sugges- 
tions that  the  admiral  might  never  return,  being  disgraced  and 
ruined  in  consequence  of  the  representations  of  Aguado.  He 
sympathized  with  the  hard  treatment  they  experienced  from  the 
Adelantado  and  his  brother  Don  Diego,  who,  being  foreigners, 
could  take  no  interest  in  their  welfare,  nor  feel  a  proper  respect 
for  the  pride  of  a  Spaniard  ;  but  who  used  them  merely  as  slaves, 
to  build  houses  and  fortresses  for  them,  or  to  swell  their  state 
and  secure  their  power,  as  they  marched  about  the  island 
enriching  themselves  with  the  spoils  of  the  caciques.  By  these 
suggestions  he  exasperated  their  feelings  to  such  a  height,  that 
they  had  at  one  time  formed  a  conspiracy  to  take  away  the  life 
of  the  Adelantado,  as  the  only  means  of  delivering  themselves 
from  an  odious  tyrant.  The  time  and  place  for  the  perpetration 
of  the  act  were  concerted.  The  Adelantado  had  condemned  to 
death  a  Spaniard  of  the  name  of  Berahona,  a  friend  of  Roldan, 
and  of  several  of  the  conspirators.  What  was  his  offence  is 
not  positively  stated,  but  from  a  passage  in  Las  Casas,1  there  is 
reason  to  believe  that  he  was  the  very  Spaniard  who  had  vio- 
lated the  favorite  wife  of  Guarionex,  the  cacique  of  the  Vega. 

1  Las  Casas,  Ili.-t.  Ind.,  lib.  i.  cap.  118. 


390  LIFE   OF  CUEISTOP1IER   COLUMBUS. 

The  Adelruitado  would  be  present  at  the  execution.  It  was 
ananged.  therefore,  that  when  the  populace  had  assembled,  a 
tumult  should  be  made  as  if  by  accident,  and  in  the  confusion 
of  the  moment  Don  Bartholomew  should  be  despatched  with  a 
poniard.  Fortunately  for  the  Adelantado.  he  pardoned  the 
criminal,  the  assemblage  did  not  take  place,  and  the  plan  of 
the  conspirators  was  disconcerted.1 

When  Don  Bartholomew  was  absent  collecting  the  tribute  in 
Xaragua,  Holdan  thought  it  was  a  favorable  time  to  bring 
affairs  to  a  crisis.  He  had  sounded  the  feelings  of  the  colonists, 
and  ascertained  that  there  was  a  large  party  disposed  for  open 
sedition.  His  plan  was  to  create  a  popular  tumult,  to  interpose 
in  his  official  character  of  alcalde  mayor,  to  throw  the  blame 
upon  the  oppression  and  injustice  of  Don  Diego  and  his  brother, 
and.  while  he  usurped  the  reins  of  authority,  to  appear  as  if 
actuated  only  by  zeal  for  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  island, 
and  the  interests  of  the  sovereigns. 

A  pretext  soon  presented  itself  for  the  proposed  tumult. 
When  the  caravel  returned  from  Xaragua  laden  with  the  Indian 
tributes,  and  the  cargo  was  discharged,  Don  Diego  had  the 
vessel  drawn  up  on  the  land,  to  protect  it  from  accidents,  or 
from  any  sinister  designs  of  the  disaffected  colonists.  Koldan 
immediately  pointed  this  circumstance  out  to  his  partisans. 
He  secretly  inveighed  against  the  hardship  of  having  this  vessel 
drawn  on  shore  instead  of  being  left  afloat  for  the  benefit  of 
the  colony,  or  sent  to  Spain  to  make  known  their  distresses. 
He  hinted  that  the  true  reason  was  the  fear  of  the  Adelantado 
and  his  brother,  lest  accounts  should  be  carried  to  Spain  of 
their  misconduct,  and  he  affirmed  that  they  wished  to  remain 
undisturbed  masters  of  the  island,  and  keep  the  Spaniards  there 
as  subjects,  or  rather  as  slaves.  The  people  took  fire  at  these 
suggestions.  They  had  long  looked  forward  to  the  completion 
of  the  caravels  as  their  only  chance  for  relief  ;  they  now  insisted 
that  the  vessel  should  be  launched  and  sent  to  Spain  for  sup- 
plies. Don  Diego  endeavored  to  convince  them  of  the  folly  of 
their  demand,  the  vessel  not  being  rigged  and  equipped  for 
such  a  voyage  ;  but  the  more  he  attempted  to  pacify  them,  the 
more  unreasonable  and  turbulent  they  became.  Roldan,  also, 
became  more  bold  and  explicit  in  his  instigations.  He  advised 
them  to  launch  and  take  possession  of  the  caravel,  as  the  only 
mode  of  regaining  their  independence.  They  might  then  throw 
off  the  tyranny  of  these  upstart  strangers,  enemies  in  their 

1  Hist.  del.  Aliuiiu'.ite,  cap.  73. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  391 

hearts  to  Spaniards,  aud  might  lead  a  life  of  ease  and  pleasure  ; 
sharing  equally  all  that  they  might  gain  by  barter  in  the  island, 
employing  the  Indians  as  slaves  to  work  for  them,  aud  enjoying 
unrestrained  indulgence  with  respect  to  the  Indian  women.1 

Don  Diego  received  information  of  what  was  fermenting 
among  the  people,  yet  feared  to  come  to  an  open  rupture  with 
Roldan  in  the  present  mutinous  state  of  the  colony.  He  sud- 
denly detached  him,  therefore,  with  forty  men,  to  the  Vega, 
under  pretext  of  overawing  certain  of  the  natives  who  had 
refused  to  pay  their  tribute,  and  had  shown  a  disposition  to 
revolt.  Roldan  made  use  of  this  opportunity  to  strengthen  his 
faction.  He  made  friends  and  partisans  among  the  discontented 
caciques,  secretl}'  justifying  them  in  their  resistance  to  the 
imposition  of  tribute,  and  promising  them  redress.  He  secured 
the  devotion  of  his  own  soldiers  by  great  acts  of  indulgence, 
disarming  and  dismissing  such  as  refused  full  participation  in 
his  plans,  and  returned  with  his  little  band  to  Isabella,  where 
he  felt  secure  of  a  strong  party  among  the  common  people. 

The  Adelantado  had  by  this  time  returned  from  Xaragua ; 
but  Koldan,  feeling  himself  at  the  head  of  a  strong  faction,  and 
arrogating  to  himself  great  authority  from  his  official  station, 
now  openly  demanded  that  the  caravel  should  be  launched,  or 
permission  given  to  himself  and  his  followers  to  launch  it. 
The  Adelantado  peremptorily  refused,  observing  that  neither 
he  nor  his  companions  were  mariners,  nor  was  the  caravel 
furnished  and  equipped  for  sea,  and  that  neither  the  safety  of 
the  vessel  nor  of  the  people  should  be  endangered  by  their 
attempt  to  navigate  her. 

Roldan  perceived  that  his  motives  were  suspected,  and  felt 
that  the  Adelantado  was  too  formidable  an  adversary  to  contend 
with  in  any  open  sedition  at  Isabella.  He  determined,  there- 
fore,  to  carry  his  plans  into  operation  in  some  more  favorable 
part  of  the  island,  always  trusting  to  excuse  any  open  rebellion 
against  the  authority  of  Don  Bartholomew,  by  representing  it 
as  a  patriotic  opposition  to  his  tyranny  over  Spaniards.  He 
had  seventy  well-armed  aud  determined  men  under  his  com- 
mand, and  he  trusted,  on  erecting  his  standard,  to  be  joined  by 
all  the  disaffected  throughout  the  island.  He  set  off  suddenl}-, 
therefore,  for  the  Vega,  intending  to  surprise  the  fortress  of 
Conception,  and  b}-  getting  command  of  that  post  and  the  rich 
country  adjacent,  to  set  the  Adelantado  at  defiance. 

He  stopped  on  his  way  at  various  Indian  villages  in  which 

1  Hist,  del  Aluiiraute,  cap.  73. 


392  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

the  Spaniards  were  distributed,  endeavoring  to  enlist  the  latter 
in  his  party,  by  holding  out  promises  of  great  gain  and  free 
living.  He  attempted  also  to  seduce  the  natives  from  their 
allegiance,  by  promising  them  freedom  from  all  tribute.  Those 
caciques  with  whom  lie  had  maintained  a  previous  understand- 
ing, received  him  with  open  arms ;  particularly  one  who  had 
taken  the  name  of  Diego  Marque,  whose  village  he  made  his 
headquarters,  being  about  two  leagues  from  Fort  Conception. 
He  was  disappointed  in  his  hopes  of  surprising  the  fortress. 
Its  commander,  Miguel  Ballester,  was  an  old  and  staunch 
soldier,  both  resolute  and  wary.  He  drew  himself  into  his 
stronghold  on  the  approach  of  Roldan,  and  closed  his  gates. 
His  garrison  was  small,  but  the  fortification,  situated  on  the 
side  of  a  hill,  with  a  river  running  at  its  foot,  was  proof  against 
any  assault.  Roldan  had  still  some  hopes  that  Ballester  might 
be  disaffected  to  government,  and  might  be  gradually  brought 
into  his  plans,  or  that  the  garrison  would  be  disposed  to  desert, 
tempted  by  the  licentious  life  which  he  permitted  among  his 
followers.  In  the  neighborhood  was  the  town  inhabited  by 
Guarionex.  Here  were  quartered  thirty  soldiers,  under  the 
command  of  Captain  Garcia  de  Barrantes.  Roldan  repaired 
thither  with  his  armed  force,  hoping  to  enlist  Barrantes  and  his 
party  ;  but  the  captain  shut  himself  up  with  his  men  in  a  forti- 
fied house,  refusing  to  permit  them  to  hold  any  communication 
with  Roldan.  The  latter  threatened  to  set  fire  to  the  house  ; 
but  after  a  little  consideration,  contented  himself  with  seizing 
their  store  of  provisions,  and  then  marched  toward  Fort  Con- 
ception, which  was  not  quite  half  a  league  distant.1 

1  Herrera,  decad.  i.  lib.  iii.  cap.  7.    Hist,  del  Almirante,  cap.  74. 

Ertract  of  a  letter  from  T.  S.  fffnekeii,  EM/.,  1847. 

.Fort  Conception  is  situated  at  the  foot  of  a  hill  now  called  Santo  Cerro.  It  is  con- 
Btructed  of  bricks,  and  is  almost  as  entire  at  the  present  day  as  when  just  finished.  It 
stands  in  the  gloom  of  an  exuberant  forest  which  has  invaded  the  scene  of  former  bustle 
and  activity;  a  spot  ouce  considered  of  great  importance,  and  surrounded  by  swarms  of 
intelligent  beings. 

What  has  become  of  the  countless  multitudes  this  fortress  was  intended  to  awe?  Xot 
a  trace  of  them  remains  excepting  in  the  records  of  history.  The  silence  of  the  tomb 

Erevails  where  their  habitations  responded  to  their  songs  and  dances.     A  few  indigent 
paniards,  living  in  miserable  hovels,  scattered  widely  apart  in  the  bosom  of  the  forest, 
are  now  the  sole  occupants  of  this  once  fruitful  and  beautiful  region. 

A  Spanish  town  gradually  grew  up  round  the  fortress,  the  ruins  of  which  extend  to  a 
considerable  distance.  It  was  destroyed  by  an  earthquake,  at  nine  o'clock  of  the  morning 
of  Saturday,  20th  April,  1564,  during  the  celebration  of  mass.  Part  of  the  massive  walls 
of  a  handsome  church  still  remain,  as  well  as  those  of  a  very  large  convent  or  hospital, 
supposed  to  have  been  constructed  in  pursuance  of  the  testamentary  dispositions  of 
Columbus.  The  inhabitants  who  survived  the  catastrophe  retired  to  a  small  chapel,  ou 
the  banks  of  a  river,  about  a  league  distant,  where  the  tiew  towu  of  La  Vega  was  after, 
ward  built. 


LIFE  OF  CURISTOPUER   COLUMBUS.  393 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE    APELANTADO    REPAIRS     TO     THE     VEGA     IN    RELIEF     OF    FORT 
CONCEPTION HIS    INTERVIEW    WITH    ROLDAN. 

[1497.] 

THE  Aclelantado  had  received  intelligence  of  the  flagitious 
proceedings  of  Roldan,  yet  hesitated  for  a  time  to  set  out  in 
pursuit  of  him.  He  had  lost  all  confidence  in  the  loyalty  of 
the  people  around  him,  and  knew  not  how  far  the  conspiracy 
extended,  nor  on  whom  he  could  rely.  Diego  de  Escobar, 
alcayde  of  the  fortress  of  La  Madelena,  together  with  Adrian 
de  Moxica  and  Pedro  de  Valdivieso,  all  principal  men,  were  in 
league  with  Roldan.  He  feared  that  the  commander  of  Fort 
Conception  might  likewise  be  in  the  plot,  and  the  whole  island 
in  arms  against  him.  He  was  re-assured,  however,  by  tidings 
from  Miguel  Ballester.  That  loyal  veteran  wrote  to  him  press- 
ing letters  for  succor,  representing  the  weakness  of  his  garrison, 
and  the  increasing  forces  of  the  rebels. 

Don  Bartholomew  hastened  to  his  assistance  with  his  accus- 
tomed promptness,  and  threw  himself  with  a  re-enforcement  into 
the  fortress.  Being  ignorant  of  the  force  of  the  rebels,  and 
doubtful  of  the  loyalty  of  his  own  followers,  he  determined  to 
adopt  mild  measures.  Understanding  that  Roldan  was  quar- 
tered at  a  village  but  half  a  league  distant,  he  sent  a  message  to 
him,  remonstrating  on  the  flagrant  irregularity  of  his  conduct, 
and  the  injury  it  was  calculated  to  produce  in  the  island,  and  the 
certain  ruin  it  must  bring  upon  himself,  and  summoning  him  to 
appear  at  the  fortress,  pledging  his  word  for  his  personal  safety. 
Roldan  repaired  accordingly  to  Fort  Conception,  where  the 
Adelantado  held  a  parley  with  him  from  a  window,  demanding 
the  reason  of  his  appearing  in  arms,  in  opposition  to  royal 
authority.  Roldan  replied  boldly,  that  he  was  in  the  service  of 
his  sovereigns,  defending  their  subjects  from  the  oppression 
of  men  who  sought  their  destruction.  The  Adelantado  ordered 
him  to  surrender  his  staff  of  office,  as  alcalde  mayor,  and  to 
submit  peaceably  to  superior  authority.  Roldan  refused  to 
resign  his  office,  or  to  put  himself  in  the  power  of  Don  Barthol- 
omew, whom  he  charged  with  seeking  his  life.  He  refused  also 
to  submit  to  any  trial,  unless  commanded  by  the  king.  Pre- 
tending, however,  to  make  no  resistance  to  the  peaceable  exercise 


394  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

of  authority,  he  offered  to  go  with  his  followers,  and  reside  at 
any  place  the  Adelantado  might  appoint.  The  latter  immedi- 
ately designated  the  village  of  the  cacique  Diego  Colon,  the 
same  native  of  the  Lucayos  Islands  who  had  been  baptized  in 
Spain,  and  had  since  married  a  daughter  of  Guarionex.  Roldau 
objected,  pretending  there  were  not  sufficient  provisions  to  be 
had  there  for  the  subsistence  of  his  men,  and  departed,  declar- 
ing that  he  would  seek  a  more  eligible  residence  elsewhere.1 

He  now  proposed  to  his  followers  to  take  possession  of  the 
remote  province  of  Xaragua.  The  Spaniards  who  had  returned 
thence  gave  enticing  accounts  of  the  life  they  had  led  there  ;  of 
the  fertility  of  the  soil,  the  sweetness  of  the  climate,  the  hos- 
pitality and  gentleness  of  the  people,  their  feasts,  dances,  and 
various  amusements,  and,  above  all,  the  beauty  of  the  women  ; 
for  they  had  been  captivated  by  the  naked  charms  of  the  dan- 
cing nymphs  of  Xaragua.  In  this  delightful  region,  emancipated 
from  the  iron  rule  of  the  Adelantado,  and  relieved  from  the 
necessity  of  irksome  labor,  they  might  lead  a  life  of  perfect 
freedom  and  indulgence,  and  have  a  world  of  beauty  at  their 
command.  In  short,  Roldan  drew  a  picture  of  loose  sensual 
enjoyment  such  as  he  knew  to  be  irresistible  with  men  of  idle 
and  dissolute  habits.  His  followers  acceded  with  joy  to  his 
proposition.  Some  preparations,  however,  were  necessary  to 
carry  it  into  effect.  Taking  advantage  of  the  absence  of  the 
Adelautado,  he  suddenly  marched  with  his  band  to  Isabella, 
and  entering  it  in  a  manner  by  surprise,  endeavored  to  launch 
the  caravel,  with  which  they  might  sail  to  Xaragua.  Don 
Diego  Columbus,  hearing  the  tumult,  issued  forth  with  several 
cavaliers  ;  but  such  was  the  force  of  the  mutineers  and  their 
menacing  conduct,  that  he  was  obliged  to  withdraw,  with  his 
adherents,  into  the  fortress.  Roldan  held  several  parleys  with 
him,  and  offered  to  submit  to  his  command,  provided  he  would 
set  himself  up  in  opposition  to  his  brother  the  Adelantado. 
His  proposition  was  treated  with  scorn.  The  fortress  was  too 
strong  to  be  assailed  with  success  ;  he  found  it  impossible  to 
launch  the  caravel,  and  feared  the  Adelantado  might  return, 
and  he  be  enclosed  between  two  forces.  He  proceeded,  there- 
fore, in  all  haste  to  make  provisions  for  the  proposed  expedition 
to  Xaragua.  Still  pretending  to  act  in  his  official  capacity,  and 
to  do  eveiy  thing  from  loyal  motives,  for  the  protection  and 
support  of  the  oppressed  subjects  of  the  crown,  he  broke  open 
the  royal  warehouse,  with  shouts  of  "  Long  live  the  king!" 

1  Herrera,  decad.  i.  lib.  iii.  cap.  7.    Hist,  del  Almiraute,  cap.  74. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  395 

supplied  his  followers  with  arms,  ammunition,  clothing,  and 
what  'ver  they  desired  from  the  public  stores  ;  proceeded  to  the 
enclosure  where  the  cattle  and  other  European  animals  were 
kept  to  breed,  took  such  as  he  thought  necessary  for  his  in- 
tended establishment,  and  permitted  In's  followers  to  kill  such 
of  the  remainder  as  they  might  want  for  present  supply.  Hav- 
ing committed  this  wasteful  ravage,  he  inarched  in  triumph  out 
of  Isabella.1  Reflecting,  however,  on  the  prompt  and  vigorous 
character  of  the  Adelantado,  he  felt  that  his  situation  would 
be  but  little  secure  with  such  an  active  enemy  behind  him  ; 
who.  on  extricating  himself  from  present  perplexities,  would 
not  fail  to  pursue  him  to  his  proposed  paradise  of  Xaragua. 
He  determined,  therefore,  to  march  again  to  the  Vega,  and 
endeavor  either  to  get  possession  of  the  person  of  the  Adelan- 
tado. or  to  strike  some  blow,  in  his  present  crippled  state,  that 
should  disable  him  from  offering  further  molestation.  Return- 
ing, therefore,  to  the  vicinity  of  Fort  Conception,  he  endeavored 
in  every  way,  by  the  means  of  subtle  emissaries,  to  seduce  the 
garrison  to  desertion,  or  to  excite  it  to  revolt. 

The  Adelantado  dared  not  take  the  field  with  his  forces,  hav- 
ing no  confidence  in  their  fidelity.  He  knew  that  they  listened 
wistfully  to  the  emissaries  of  Roldan,  and  contrasted  the 
meagre  fare  and  stern  discipline  of  the  garrison,  with  the  abun- 
dant cheer  and  easy  misrule  that  prevailed  among  the  rebels. 
To  counteract  these  seductions,  he  relaxed  from  his  usual  strict- 
ness, treating  his  men  with  great  indulgence,  and  promising 
them  large  rewards.  By  these  means  he  was  enabled  to  main- 
tain some  degree  of  loyalty  amongst  his  forces,  his  service 
having  the  advantage  over  that  of  Roldau,  of  being  on  the  side 
of  the  government  and  law. 

Finding  his  attempts  to  corrupt  the  garrison  unsuccessful, 
and  fearing  some  sudden  sally  from  the  vigorous  Adelantado, 
Roldau  drew  off  to  a  distance,  and  sought  by  insidious  means 
to  strengthen  his  own  power  and  weaken  that  of  the  govern- 
ment. He  asserted  equal  right  to  manage  the  affairs  of  the 
island  with  the  Adelantado,  and  pretended  to  have  separated 
from  him  on  account  of  his  being  passionate  and  vindictive  in 
the  exercise  of  his  authority.  He  represented  him  as  the 
tyrant  of  the  Spaniards,  the  oppressor  of  the  Indians.  For 
himself,  he  assumed  the  character  of  a  redresser  of  grievances 
and  champion  of  the  injured.  He  pretended  to  feel  a  patriotic 
indignation  at  the  affronts  heaped  upon  Spaniards  by  a  family 

1  Hist,  del  Alrairante,  cap.  74.     Ilerrcra,  ducud.  i.  lib.  iii.  cap.  7. 


306  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

of  obscure  and  arrogant  foreigners ;  and  professed  to  free  the 
natives  from  tributes  wrung  from  them  by  these  rapacious  men 
for  their  own  enrichment,  and  contrary  to  the  beneficent 
intentions  of  the  Spanish  monarchs.  He  connected  himself 
closely  with  the  Carib  cacique  Mauicaotex,  brother  of  the  late 
Caonabo,  whose  son  and  nephew  were  in  his  possession  as 
hostages  for  payment  of  tributes.  This  warlike  chieftain  he 
conciliated  by  presents  and  caresses,  bestowing  on  him  the 
appellation  of  brother.1  The  unhappy  natives,  deceived  by  his 
professions,  and  overjoyed  at  the  idea  of  having  a  protector  in 
arms  for  their  defence,  submitted  cheerfully  to  a  thousand 
impositions,  supplying  his  followers  with  provisions  in  abun- 
dance, and  bringing  to  Roldan  all  the  gold  they  could  collect; 
voluntarily  yielding  him  heavier  tributes  than  those  from  which 
he  pretended  to  free  them. 

The  affairs  of  the  island  were  now  in  a  lamentable  situation. 
The  Indians,  perceiving  the  dissensions  among  the  white  men, 
and  encouraged  by  the  protection  of  Roldan,  began  to  throw 
off  all  allegiance  to  the  government.  The  caciques  at  a  dis- 
tance ceased  to  send  in  their  tributes,  and  those  who  were  in 
the  vicinity  were  excused  by  the  Adelantado,  that  by  indul- 
gence he  might  retain  their  friendship  in  this  time  of  danger. 
Roldan's  faction  daily  gained  strength  ;  they  ranged  insolently 
and  at  large  in  the  open  country,  and  were  supported  by  the 
misguided  natives ;  while  the  Spaniards  who  remained  loyal, 
fearing  conspiracies  among  the  natives,  had  to  keep  under 
shelter  of  the  fort,  or  in  the  strong  houses  which  they  had 
erected  in  the  villages.  The  commanders  were  obliged  to  palli- 
ate all  kinds  of  slights  and  indignities,  both  from  their  soldiers 
and  from  the  Indians,  fearful  of  driving  them  to  sedition  by 
any  severity.  The  clothing  and  munitions  of  all  kinds,  either 
for  maintenance  or  defence,  were  rapidly  wasting  away,  and 
the  want  of  all  supplies  or  tidings  from  Spain  was  sinking  the 
spirits  of  the  well-affected  into  despondency.  The  Adelantado 
was  shut  up  in  Fort  Conception,  in  daily  expectation  of  being 
openly  besieged  by  Roldan,  and  was  secretly  informed  that 
means  were  taken  to  destroy  him,  should  he  issue  from  the 
walls  of  the  fortress.2 

Such  was  the  desperate  state  to  which  the  colony  was  reduced, 
in  consequence  of  the  long  detention  of  Columbus  in  Spain, 
and  the  impediments  thrown  in  the  way  of  all  his  measures  for 
the  benefit  of  the  island  by  the  delays  of  cabinets  and  the  chi- 

1  Las  ( ';i-:ts,  Hist.  I  ml.,  lib.  i.  cap.  118.       -  Las  Casas,  Hist.  I  ml.,  lib.  i.  cap.  119. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  397 

canery  of  Fonscca  and  his  satellites.  At  this  critical  juncture, 
when  faction  reigned  triumphant,  and  the  colony  was  on  the 
brink  of  ruin,  tidings  were  brought  to  the  Vega  that  Pedro 
Fernandez  Coronal  had  arrived  at  the  port  of  San  Domingo, 
with  two  ships,  bringing  supplies  of  all  kinds,  and  a  strong 
re-enforceineut.1 


CHAPTER  VI. 

SECOND    INSURRECTION    OF    GUARIONEX,    AND     HIS    FLIGHT   TO   THE 
MOUNTAINS    OF   CIGUAY. 

[1498.] 

THE  arrival  of  Coronal,  which  took  place  on  the  third  of 
February,  was  the  salvation  of  the  colony.  The  re-enforce- 
ments of  troops,  and  of  supplies  of  all  kinds,  strengthened  the 
hands  of  Don  Bartholomew.  The  royal  confirmation  of  his 
title  and  authority  as  Adelantado  at  once  dispelled  all  doubts 
as  to  the  legitimacy  of  his  power;  and  the  tidings  that  the 
admiral  was  in  high  favor  at  court,  and  would  soon  arrive  with 
a  powerful  squadron,  struck  consternation  into  those  who 
had  entered  into  the  rebellion  on  the  presumption  of  his  having 
fallen  into  disgrace. 

The  Adelantado  no  longer  remained  mewed  up  in  his  fortress, 
but  set  out  immediately  for  San  Domingo  with  a  part  of  his 
troops,  although  a  much  superior  rebel  force  was  at  the  village 
of  the  cacique  Guarionex,  at  a  very  short  distance.  Roldan 
followed  slowly  and  gloomily  with  his  party,  anxious  to  ascer- 
tain the  truth  of  these  tidings,  to  make  partisans,  if  possible, 
among  those  who  had  newly  arrived,  and  to  take  advantage  of 
every  circumstance  that  might  befriend  his  rash  and  hazardous 
projects.  The  Adelantado  left  strong  guards  on  the  passes  of 
the  roads  to  prevent  his  near  approach  to  San  Domingo,  but 
Roldan  paused  within  a  few  leagues  of  the  place. 

When  the  Adelantado  found  himself  secure  in  San  Domingo 
with  this  augmentation  of  force,  and  the  prospect  of  a  still 
greater  re-enforcement  at  hand,  his  magnanimity  prevailed  over 
his  indignation,  and  he  sought  by  gentle  means  to  allay  the 
popular  seditions  that  the  island  might  be  restored  to  tranquil- 
lity before  his  brother's  arrival.  He  considered  that  the  colo- 

1  Las  Casa«.    lien-era,  Iliet.  del  Almirante. 


398  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

nists  had  suffered  greatly  from  the  want  of  supplies  ;  that  their 
discontents  had  been  heightened  by  the  severities  he  had  been 
compelled  to  inflict ;  and  that  many  had  been  led  to  rebellion 
by  doubts  of  the  legitimacy  of  his  authority.  While  therefore 
he  proclaimed  the  royal  act  sanctioning  his  title  and  powers, 
he  promised  amnest}'  for  all  past  offences,  on  condition  of  im- 
mediate return  to  allegiance.  Hearing  that  Roldan  was  within 
five  leagues  of  San  Domingo  with  his  band,  he  sent  Pedro  Fer- 
nandez Coronal,  who  had  been  appointed  by  the  sovereigns 
alguazil  mayor  of  the  island,  to  exhort  him  to  obedience,  prom- 
ising him  oblivion  of  the  past.  He  trusted  that  the  representa- 
tions of  a  discreet  and  honorable  man  like  Coronal,  who  had 
been  witness  of  the  favor  in  which  his  brother  stood  in  Spain, 
would  convince  the  rebels  of  the  hopelessness  of  their  course. 

Roldan,  however,  conscious  of  his  guilt,  and  doubtful  of  the 
clemency  of  Don  Bartholomew,  feared  to  venture  within  his 
power ;  he  determined  also  to  prevent  his  followers  from  com- 
municating with  Coronal,  lest  they  should  be  seduced  from  him 
by  the  promise  of  pardon.  When  that  emissary,  therefore,  ap- 
proached the  encampment  of  the  rebels,  he  was  opposed  in  a 
narrow  pass  by  a  body  of  archers,  with  their  cross-bows  lev- 
elled. 4'  Halt  there  !  traitor !  "  cried  Roldan  ;  "  had  \-ou  arrived 
eight  days  later,  we  should  all  have  been  united  as  cne  man."  1 

In  vain  Coronal  endeavored  by  fair  reasoning  and  earnest 
entreaty  to  win  this  perverse  and  turbulent  man  from  his 
career.  Roldan  answered  with  hardihood  and  defiance,  pro- 
fessing to  oppose  only  the  tyranny  and  misrule  of  the  Adelan- 
tado.  but  to  be  ready  to  submit  to  the  admiral  on  his  arrival. 
He  and  several  of  his  principal  confederates  wrote  letters  to 
the  same  effect  to  their  friends  in  San  Domingo,  urging  them 
to  plead  their  cause  with  the  admiral  when  he  should  arrive, 
and  to  assure  him  of  their  disposition  to  acknowledge  his 
authority. 

When  Coronal  returned  with  accounts  of  Roldan 's  contu- 
macy, the  Adelantado  proclaimed  him  and  his  followers  trai- 
tors. That  shrewd  rebel,  however,  did  not  suffer  his  men  to 
remain  within  either  the  seduction  of  promise  or  the  terror  of 
menace  ;  he  immediately  set  out  on  his  march  for  his  promised 
land  of  Xaragua,  trusting  to  impair  every  honest  principle  and 
virtuous  tie  of  his  misguided  followers  by  a  life  of  indolence 
and  lihertinage. 

In  the  mean  time  the   mischievous  effects  of    his    intriues 


1  Herrera,  decad.  i.  lib.  iii.  cap.  8. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  399 

N 

among  the  caciques  became  more  and  more  apparent.  No 
sooner  had  the  Adelantado  left  Fort  Conception  than  a  conspir- 
acy was  formed  among  the  natives  to  surprise  it.  Guarionex 
was  at  the  head  of  this  conspiracy,  moved  by  the  instigations 
of  Roldan,  who  had  promised  him  protection  and  assistance, 
and  led  on  by  the  forlorn  hope,  in  this  distracted  state  of  the 
Spanish  forces,  of  relieving  his  paternal  domains  from  the  in- 
tolerable domination  of  usurping  strangers.  Holding  secret 
communications  with  his  tributary  caciques,  it  was  concerted 
that  they  should  all  rise  simultaneously  and  massacre  the  sol- 
diery quartered  in  small  parties  in  their  villages ;  while  he,  with 
a  chosen  force,  should  surprise  the  fortress  of  Conception. 
The  night  of  the  full  moon  was  fixed  upon  for  the  insurrection. 

One  of  the  principal  caciques,  however,  not  being  a  correct 
observer  of  the  heavenly  bodies,  took  up  arms  before  the  ap- 
pointed night,  and  was  repulsed  by  the  soldiers  quartered  in 
his  village.  The  alarm  was  given,  and  the  Spaniards  were  all 
put  on  the  alert.  The  cacique  fled  to  Guarionex  for  protection, 
but  the  chieftain,  enraged  at  his  fatal  blunder,  put  him  to  death 
upon  the  spot. 

No  sooner  did  the  Adelantado  hear  of  this  fresh  conspiracy 
than  he  put  himself  on  the  march  for  the  Vega  with  a  strong 
body  of  men.  Guariouex  did  not  await  his  coming.  He  saw 
that  every  attempt  was  fruitless  to  shake  off  these  strangers, 
who  had  settled  like  a  curse  upon  his  territories.  He  had  found 
their  very  friendship  withering  and  destructive,  and  he  now 
dreaded  their  vengeance.  Abandoning,  therefore,  his  rightful 
domain,  the  once  happy  Vega,  he  fled  with  his  family  and  a 
small  band  of  faithful  followers  to  the  mountains  of  Ciguay. 
This  is  a  lofty  chain,  extending  along  the  north  side  of  the 
island,  between  the  Vega  and  the  sea.  The  inhabitants  were 
the  most  robust  and  hardy  tribe  of  the  island,  and  far  more 
formidable  than  the  mild  inhabitants  of  the  plains.  It  was  a 
part  of  this  tribe  which  displayed  hostility  to  the  Spaniards  in 
the  course  of  the  first  voyage  of  Columbus,  and  in  a  skirmish 
with  them  in  the  Gulf  of  Samana  the  first  drop  of  native  blood 
had  been  shed  in  the  New  World.  The  reader  may  remember 
the  frank  and  confiding  conduct  of  these  people  the  day  after 
the  skirmish,  and  the  intrepid  faith  with  which  their  cacique 
trusted  himself  on  board  of  the  caravel  of  the  admiral,  and  in 
the  power  of  the  Spaniards.  It  was  to  this  same  cacique, 
named  Mayobanex,  that  the  fugitive  chieftain  of  the  Vega  now 
applied  for  refuge.  He  came  to  his  residence  at  an  Indian 
town  near  Cape  Cabrou,  about  forty  leagues  east  of  Isabella, 


400  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

and  implored  shelter  for  his  wife  and  children,  and  his  handful 
of  loyal  followers.  The  noble-minded  cacique  of  the  mountains 
received  him  with  open  arms.  He  not  only  gave  an  asylum 
to  his  family,  but  engaged  to  stand  by  him  in  his  distress,  to 
defend  his  cause,  and  share  his  desperate  fortunes.1  Men  in 
civilized  life  learn  magnanimity  from  precept,  but  their  most 
generous  actions  are  often  rivalled  by  the  deeds  of  untutored 
savages, who  act  only  from  natural  impulse. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

CAMPAIGN   OF    THE   ADELANTADO    IN    THE    MOUNTAINS    OF    CIGUAT. 

[1498.] 

AIDED  by  his  mountain  ally,  and  by  bands  of  hardy  Cigu- 
ayans,  Guarionex  made  several  descents  into  the  plain,  cutting 
off  straggling  parties  of  the  Spaniards,  laying  waste  the  villages 
of  the  natives  which  continued  in  allegiance  to  them,  and 
destroying  the  fruits  of  the  earth.  The  Adelantado  put  a 
speedy  stop  to  these  molestations  ;  but  he  determined  to  root 
out  so  formidable  an  adversary  from  the  neighborhood.  Shrink- 
ing from  no  danger  nor  fatigue,  and  leaving  nothing  to  be  done 
by  others  which  he  could  do  himself,  he  set  forth  in  the  spring 
with  a  band  of  ninety  men,  a  few  cavalry,  and  a  body  of  In- 
dians, to  penetrate  the  Ciguay  mountains. 

After  passing  a  steep  defile,  rendered  almost  impracticable 
for  troops  by  rugged  rocks  and  exuberant  vegetation,  he  de- 
scended into  a  beautiful  valley  or  plain,  extending  along  the 
coast,  and  embraced  by  arms  of  the  mountains  which  ap- 
proached the  sea.  His  advance  into  the  country  was  watched 
by  the  keen  eyes  of  Indian  scouts,  who  lurked  among  rocks 
and  thickets.  As  th,e  Spaniards  were  seeking  the  ford  of  a 
river  at  the  entrance  of  the  plain,  two  of  these  spies  darted 
from  among  the  bushes  on  its  bank.  One  flung  himself  head- 
long into  the  water,  and  swimming  across  the  mouth  of  the 
river  escaped  ;  the  other  being  taken,  gave  information  that  six 
thousand  Indians  lay  in  ambush  on  the  opposite  shore,  waiting 
to  attack  them  as  they  crossed. 

The  Adelantado  advanced  with  caution,  and  finding  a  shallow 

1  Las  Casas,  Hist.  lud  ,  cap.  121,  MS.    Peter  Martyr,  decad.  i.  cap.  5. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  401 

place,  entered  the  river  with  his  troops.  They  were  scarcely 
midway  in  the  stream  when  the  savages,  hideously  painted, 
and  looking  more  like  fiends  than  men,  burst  from  their  con- 
cealment. The  forests  rang  with  their  yells  and  bowlings. 
They  discharged  a  shower  of  arrows  and  lances,  by  which,  not- 
withstanding the  protection  of  their  targets,  many  of  the  Span- 
iards were  wounded.  The  Adelantado,  however,  forced  his  way 
across  the  river,  and  the  Indians  took  to  flight.  Some  were 
killed,  but  their  swiftness  of  foot,  their  knowledge  of  the  forest, 
and  their  dexterity  in  winding  through  the  most  tangled  thick- 
ets, enabled  the  greater  number  to  elude  the  pursuit  of  the 
Spaniards,  who  were  encumbered  with  armor,  targets,  cross- 
bows, and  lances. 

By  the  advice  of  one  of  his  Indian  guides,  the  Adelantado 
pressed  forward  along  the  valley  to  reach  the  residence  of 
Mayobanex,  at  Cabron.  In  the  way  he  had  several  skirmishes 
with  the  natives,  who  would  suddenly  rush  forth  with  furious 
war-cries  from  ambuscades  among  the  bushes,  discharge  their 
weapons,  and  take  refuge  again  in  the  fastness  of  their  rocks 
and  forests,  inaccessible  to  the  Spaniards. 

Having  taken  several  prisoners,  the  Adelantado  sent  one 
accompanied  by  an  Indian  of  a  friendly  tribe,  as  a  messenger 
to  Mayobanex,  demanding  the  surrender  of  Guarionex  ;  prom- 
ising friendship  and  protection  in  case  of  compliance,  but 
threatening,  in  case  of  refusal,  to  lay  waste  his  territory  with 
fire  and  sword.  The  cacique  listened  attentively  to  the  mes- 
senger:  '•  Tell  the  Spaniards,"  said  he  in  reply,  "  that  they 
are  bad  men,  cruel  and  tyrannical ;  usurpers  of  the  territories 
of  others,  and  shedders  of  innocent  blood.  I  desire  not  the 
friendship  of  such  men  ;  Guarionex  is  a  good  man,  be  is  my 
friend,  he  is  my  guest,  be  has  fled  to  me  for  refuge,  I  have 
promised  to  protect  him,  and  I  will  keep  my  word." 

This  magnanimous  reply,  or  rather  defiance,  convinced  the 
Adelantado  that  nothing  was  to  be  gained  by  friendly  over- 
tures. When  severity  was  required,  he  could  be  a  stern  sol- 
dier. He  immediately  ordered  the  village  in  which  he  had  been 
quartered,  and  several  others  in  the  neighborhood,  to  be  set  on 
fire.  He  then  sent  further  messengers  to  Mayobanex  warning 
him  that,  unless  he  delivered  up  the  fugitive  cacique,  his  whole 
dominions  should  be  laid  waste  in  like  manner;  and  he  would 
see  nothing  in  every  direction  but  the  smoke  and  flames  of 
burning  villages.  Alarmed  at  this  impending  destruction,  the 
Ciguayans  surrounded  their  chieftain  with  clamorous  lamenta- 
tions, cursing  the  day  that  Guariouex  had  taken  refuge  among 


402  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

them,  and  urging  that  he  should  be  given  up  for  the  salvation 
of  the  country.  The  generous  cacique  was  inflexible.  He 
reminded  them  of  the  many  virtues  of  Guarionex  and  the  sacred 
claims  he  had  on  their  hospitality,  and  declared  he  would  abide 
all  evils  rather  than  it  should  ever  be  said  Mayobauex  had 
betrayed  his  guest. 

The  people  retired  with  sorrowful  hearts,  and  the  chieftain, 
summoning  Guariouex  into  his  presence,  again  pledged  his 
woid  to  protect  him,  though  it  should  cost  him  his  dominions, 
lie  sent  no  reply  to  the  Adelantado,  and  lest  further  messages 
might  tempt  the  fidelity  of  his  subjects,  he  placed  men  in  am- 
bush, with  orders  to  slay  any  messenger  who  might  approach. 
They  had  not  lain  in  wait  long  before  they  beheld  two  men 
advancing  through  the  forest,  one  of  whom  was  a  captive 
Ciguayan,  and  the  other  an  Indian  ally  of  the  Spaniards. 
They  were  both  instantly  slain.  The  Adelantado  was  following 
at  no  great  distance,  with  only  ten  foot  soldiers  and  four  horse- 
men. When  he  found  his  messengers  lying  dead  in  the  forest 
path,  transfixed  with  arrows,  he  was  greatly  exasperated,  and 
resolved  to  deal  rigorously  with  this  obstinate  tribe.  He 
advanced,  therefore,  with  all  his  force  to  Cabron,  where  Mayo- 
banex  and  his  army  were  quartered.  At  his  approach  the 
inferior  caciques  and  their  adherents  fled,  overcome  by  terror  of 
the  Spaniards.  Finding  himself  thus  deserted,  Mayobanex 
took  refuge  with  his  family  in  a  secret  part  of  the  mountains. 
Several  of  the  Ciguayans  sought  for  Guarionex,  to  kill  him  or 
deliver  him  up  as  a  propitiatory  offering,  but  he  fled  to  the 
heights,  where  he  wandered  about  alone,  in  the  most  savage 
and  desolate  places. 

The  density  of  the  forests  and  the  ruggedness  of  the  moun- 
tains rendered  this  expedition  excessively  painful  and  laborious, 
and  protracted  it  far  beyond  the  time  that  the  Adelantado  had 
contemplated.  His  men  suffered,  not  merely  from  fatigue, 
but  hunger.  The  natives  had  all  fled  to  the  mountains  ;  their 
villages  remained  empty  and  desolate  ;  all  the  provisions  of  the 
Spaniards  consisted  of  cassava  bread,  and  such  roots  and  herbs 
as  their  Indian  allies  could  gather  tor  them,  with  now  and  then 
a  few  utias,  taken  with  the  assistance  of  their  dogs.  They  slept 
almost  always  on  the  ground,  in  the  open  air,  under  the  trees, 
exposed  to  the  heavy  dew  which  falls  in  this  climate.  For  three 
months  they  were  thus  ranging  the  mountains ;  until  almost 
worn  out  with  toil  and  hard  fare.  Many  of  them  had  farms  in 
the  neighborhood  of  Fort  Conception,  which  required  their 
attention;  they,  therefore,  entreated  permission,  since  the 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  403 

Indians  were  terrified  and  dispersed,  to  return  to  their  abodes 
in  the  Vega. 

The  Adelantado  granted  many  of  them  passports,  and  an 
allowance  out  of  the  scanty  stock  of  bread  which  remained. 
Retaining  only  thirty  men,  he  resolved  with  these  to  search 
every  den  and  cavern  of  the  mountains  until  he  should  find  the 
two  caciques.  It  was  difficult,  however,  to  trace  them  in  such 
a  wilderness.  There  was  no  one  to  give  a  clew  to  their  retreat, 
for  the  whole  country  was  abandoned.  There  were  the  habita- 
tions of  men,  but  not  a  human  being  to  be  seen  ;  or  if,  by 
chance,  they  caught  some  wretched  Indian  stealing  forth  from 
the  mountains  in  quest  of  food,  he  always  professed  utter  ignor- 
ance of  the  hiding-place  of  the  caciques. 

It  happened,  one  day,  however,  that  several  Spaniards,  while 
hunting  utias,  captured  two  of  the  followers  of  Mayobanex  who 
were  on  their  way  to  a  distant  village  in  search  of  bread.  They 
were  taken  to  the  Adelantado,  who  compelled  them  to  betray 
the  place  of  concealment  of  their  chieftain,  and  to  act  as  guides. 
Twelve  Spaniards  volunteered  to  go  in  quest  of  him.  Stripping 
themselves  naked<  staining  and  painting  their  bodies  so  as  to 
look  like  Indians,  and  covering  their  swords  with  palm-leaves, 
they  were  conducted  by  the  guides  to  the  retreat  of  the  unfortu- 
nate Mayobanex.  They  came  secretly  upon  him,  and  found 
him  surrounded  by  his  wife  and  children  and  a  few  of  his  house- 
hold, totally  unsuspicious  of  danger.  Drawing  their  swords, 
the  Spaniards  rushed  upon  them  and  made  them  all  prisoners. 
When  they  were  brought  to  the  Adelautado,  he  gave  up  all 
further  search  after  Guarionex,  and  returned  to  Fort  Conception. 

Among  the  prisoners  thus  taken  was  the  sister  of  Mayobanex. 
She  was  the  wife  of  another  cacique  of  the  mountains,  whose 
territories  had  never  yet  been  visited  by  the  Spaniards  ;  and 
she  was  reputed  to  be  one  of  the  most  beautiful  women  of  the 
island.  Tenderly  attached  to  her  brother,  she  had  abandoned 
the  security  of  her  own  dominions,  and  had  followed  him  among 
rocks  and  precipices,  participating  in  all  his  hardships,  and 
comforting  him  with  a  woman's  sympathy  and  kindness.  When 
her  husband  heard  of  her  captivity,  he  hastened  to  the  Adelan- 
tado and  offered  to  submit  himself  and  all  his  possessions  to 
his  sway,  if  his  wife  might  be  restored  to  him.  The  Adelantado 
accepted  his  offer  of  allegiance,  and  released  his  wife  and 
several  of  his  subjects  who  had  been  captured.  The  cacique, 
faithful  to  his  word,  became  a  firm  and  valuable  ally  of  the 
Spaniards,  cultivating  large  tracts  of  land,  and  supplying  them 
with  great  quantities  of  bread  and  other  provisions. 


404  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

Kindness  appeal's  never  to  have  been  lost  upon  the  people  of 
this  island.  When  this  act  of  clemency  reached  the  Ciguayans, 
they  canie  in  multitudes  to  the  fortress,  bringing  presents  of 
various  kinds,  promising  allegiance,  and  imploring  the  release 
of  Mayobauex  and  his  family.  The  Adelautado  granted  their 
prayers  in  part,  releasing  the  wife  and  household  of  the  cacique, 
but  still  detaining  him  prisoner  to  insure  the  fidelity  of  his 
subjects. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  unfortunate  Guarionex,  who  had  been 
hiding  in  the  wildest  parts  of  the  mountains,  was  driven  by 
hunger  to  venture  down  occasionally  into  the  plain  in  quest  of 
food.  The  Ciguayaus  looking  upon  him  as  the  cause  of  their 
misfortunes,  and  perhaps  hoping  by  his  sacrifice  to  procure  the 
release  of  their  chieftain,  betrayed  his  haunts  to  the  Adelan- 
tado.  A  party  was  despatched  to  secure  him.  They  lay  in 
wait  in  the  path  by  which  he  usually  returned  to  the  mountains. 
As  the  unhappy  cacique,  after  one  of  his  famished  excursions, 
•was  returning  to  his  den  among  the  cliffs,  he  was  surprised  by 
the  lurking  Spaniards,  and  brought  in  chains  to  Fort  Concep- 
tion. After  his  repeated  insurrections,  and. the  extraordinary 
zeal  and  perseverance  displayed  in  his  pursuit,  Guarionex 
expected  nothing  less  than  death  from  the  vengeance  of  the 
Adelantado.  Don  Bartholomew,  however,  though  stern  in  his 
policy,  was  neither  vindictive  nor  cruel  in  his  nature.  He  con- 
sidered the  tranquillity  of  the  Vega  sufficiently  secured  by  the 
captivity  of  the  cacique ;  and  ordered  him  to  be  detained  as  a 
prisoner  and  hostage  in  the  fortress.  The  Indian  hostilities  in 
this  important  part  of  the  island  being  thus  brought  to  a  con- 
clusion, and  precautions  taken  to  prevent  their  recurrence,  Don 
Bartholomew  returned  to  the  city  of  San  Domingo,  where, 
shortly  after  his  arrival,  he  had  the  happiness  of  receiving  his 
brother,  the  admiral,  after  nearly  two  years  and  six  mouths' 
absence.1 

Such  was  the  active,  intrepid,  and  sagacious,  but  turbulent 
and  disastrous  administration  of  the  Adelantado,  in  which  we 
find  evidences  of  the  great  capacity,  the  mental  and  bodily 
vigor  of  this  self-formed  and  almost  self-taught  man.  He 
united,  in  a  singular  degree,  the  sailor,  the  soldier,  and  the 
legislator.  Like  his  brother,  the  admiral,  his  mind  and  man- 
ners rose  immediately  to  the  level  of  his  situation,  showing  no 
arrogance  nor  ostentation,  and  exercising  the  sway  of  sudden 

1  The  particulars  of  this  chapter  are  chit-fly  from  1J.  Martyr,  decad.  i.  lib.  vi.:  the 
manuscript  history  of  Lad  C'asaa,  lib.  i.  cap.  121;  and  Ilerrera,  Ili.-t.  lud.,  decad.  i. 
lib.  ili.  cap.  8,  9. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  405 

and  extraordinary  power,  with  the  sobriety  and  moderation  of 
one  who  had  been  born  to  rule.  He  has  been  accused  of 
severity  in  his  government,  but  no  instance  appears  of  a  cruel 
or  wanton  abuse  of  authority.  If  he  was  stern  toward  the 
factious  Spaniards,  he  was  just ;  the  disasters  of  his  adminis- 
tration were  not  produced  by  his  own  rigor,  but  by  the  perverse 
passions  of  others,  which  called  for  its  exercise ;  and  the  ad- 
miral, who  had  more  suavity  of  manner  and  benevolence  of 
heart,  was  not  more  fortunate  in  conciliating  the  good-will  and 
insuring  the  obedience  of  the  colonists.  The  merits  of  Don 
Bartholomew  do  not  appear  to  have  been  sufficiently  appreci- 
ated by  the  world.  His  portrait  has  been  suffered  to  remain 
too  much  in  the  shade ;  it  is  worthy  of  being  brought  into  the 
light,  as  a  companion  to  that  of  his  illustrious  brother.  Less 
amiable  and  engaging,  perhaps,  in  its  lineaments,  and  less 
characterized  by  magnanimity,  its  traits  are  nevertheless  bold, 
geuerous,  and  heroic,  aud  stamped  with  iron  firmness. 


BOOK    XII. 


CHAPTER  I. 

CONFUSION   IN   THE   ISLAND — PROCEEDINGS   OF   THE   REBELS   AT 
XARAGUA. 

[August  30,  1498.] 

COLUMBUS  arrived  at  San  Domingo,  wearied  by  a  long  and 
arduous  vo3-age,  and  worn  down  by  infirmities ;  both  mind 
and  body  craved  repose,  but  from  the  time  he  first  entered  into 
public  life  he  had  been  doomed  never  again  to  taste  the  sweets 
of  tranquillity.  The  island  of  Hispaniola,  the  favorite  child, 
as  it  were,  of  his  hopes,  was  destined  to  involve  him  in  per- 
petual troubles,  to  fetter  his  fortunes,  impede  his  enterprises, 
and  imbitter  the  conclusion  of  his  life.  What  a  scene  of 
poverty  and  suffering  had  this  opulent  and  lovely  island  been 
rendered  by  the  bad  passions  of  a  few  despicable  men  !  The 
wars  with  the  natives  and  the  seditions  among  the  colonists 
had  put  a  stop  to  the  labors  of  the  mines,  and  all  hopes  of 
wealth  were  at  an  end.  The  horrors  of  famine  had  succeeded 
to  those  of  war.  The  cultivation  of  the  earth  had  been  gen- 
erally neglected  ;  several  of  the  provinces  had  been  desolated 
during  the  late  troubles  ;  a  great  part  of  the  Indians  had  fled 
to  the  mountains,  and  those  who  remained  had  lost  all  heart  to 
labor,  seeing  the  produce  of  their  toils  liable  to  be  wrested 
from  them  by  ruthless  strangers.  It  is  true,  the  Vega  was 
once  more  tranquil,  but  it  was  a  desolate  tranquillity.  That 
beautiful  region,  which  the  Spaniards  but  four  years  before 
had  found  so  populous  and  happy,  seeming  to  enclose  in  its 
luxuriant  bosom  all  the  sweets  of  nature,  and  to  exclude  all 
the  cares  and  sorrows  of  the  world,  was  now  a  scene  of  wretch- 
edness and  repining.  Many  of  those  Indian  towns,  where  the 
Spaniards  had  been  detained  by  genial  hospitality,  and  almost 
worshipped  as  beneficent  deities,  were  now  silent  and  deserted. 
406 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  407 

Some  of  their  late  inhabitants  were  lurking  among  rocks  and 
caverns  ;  some  were  reduced  to  slavery  ;  many  had  perished 
with  hunger,  and  many  had  fallen  by  the  sword.  It  seems 
almost  incredible,  that  so  small  a  number  of  men,  restrained 
too  by  well-meaning  governors,  could  in  so  short  a  space  of 
time  have  produced  such  wide-spreading  miseries.  But  the 
principles  of  evil  have  a  fatal  activity.  With  every  exertion, 
the  best  of  men  can  do  but  a  moderate  amount  of  good  ;  but  it 
seems  in  the  power  of  the  most  contemptible  individual  to  do 
incalculable  mischief. 

The  evil  passions  of  the  white  men  which  had  inflicted  such 
calamities  upon  this  innocent  people,  had  insured  likewise  a 
merited  return  of  suffering  to  themselves.  In  no  part  was  this 
more  truly  exemplified  than  among  the  inhabitants  of  Isabella, 
the  most  idle,  factious,  and  dissolute  of  the  island.  The  public 
works  were  unfinished  ;  the  gardens  and  fields  they  had  begun 
to  cultivate  lay  neglected  ;  they  had  driven  the  natives  from 
their  vicinity  by  extortion  and  cruelty,  and  had  rendered  the 
country  around  them  a  solitary  wilderness.  Too  idle  to  labor, 
and  destitute  of  any  resources  with  which  to  occupy  their 
indolence,  they  quarrelled  among  themselves,  mutinied  against 
their  rulers,  and  wasted  their  time  in  alternate  riot  and  des- 
pondency. Many  of  the  soldiery  quartered  about  the  island 
had  suffered  from  ill  health  during  the  late  troubles,  being 
shut  up  in  Indian  villages  where  they  could  take  no  exercise, 
and  obliged  to  subsist  on  food  to  which  the}'  could  not  accustom 
themselves.  Those  actively  employed  had  been  worn  down  by 
hard  service,  long  marches,  and  scanty  food.  Many  of  them 
were  broken  in  constitution,  and  many  had  perished  by  disease. 
There  was  a  universal  desire  to  leave  the  island,  and  escape  from 
miseries  created  by  themselves.  Yet  this  was  the  favored  and 
fruitful  land  to  which  the  eyes  of  philosophers  and  poets  in 
Europe  were  fondly  turned,  as  realizing  the  pictures  of  the 
golden  age.  So  true  it  is  that  the  fairest  Elysium  fancy  ever 
devised  would  be  turned  into  a  purgatory  by  the  passions  of 
bad  men  ! 

One  of  the  first  measures  of  Columbus  on  his  arrival  was  to 
Issue  a  proclamation  approving  of  all  the  measures  of  the 
Adelantado,  and  denouncing  Roldan  and  his  associates.  That 
turbulent  man  had  taken  possession  of  Xaragua,  and  been 
kindly  received  by  the  natives.  He  had  permitted  his  fol- 
lowers to  lead  an  idle  and  licentious  life  among  its  beautiful 
scenes,  making  the  surrounding  country  and  its  inhabitants 
subservient  to  their  pleasures  and  their  passiotis.  An  event 


408  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPUER   COLUMBUS. 

happened  previous  to  their  knowledge  of  the  arrival  of  Colum- 
bus, which  threw  supplies  into  their  hands  and  strengthened 
thc'ir  power.  As  they  were  one  day  loitering  on  the  sea-shore, 
they  beheld  three  caravels  at  a  distance,  the  sight  of  which,  in 
this  unfrequented  part  of  the  ocean,  filled  them  with  wonder 
and  alarm.  The  ships  approached  the  laud  and  came  to  anchor. 
The  rebels  apprehended  at  first  they  were  vessels  despatched  in 
pursuit  of  them.  Roldan,  however,  who  was  sagacious  as  he 
was  bold,  surmised  them  to  be  ships  which  had  wandered 
from  their  course,  and  been  borne  to  the  westward  by  the 
currents,  and  that  they  must  be  ignorant  of  the  recent  occur- 
rences of  the  island.  Enjoining  secrecy  on  his  men  he  went  on 
board,  pretending  to  be  stationed  in  that  neighborhood  for  the 
purpose  of  keeping  the  natives  in  obedience,  and  collecting 
tribute.  His  conjectures  as  to  the  vessels  were  correct.  They 
were,  in  fact,  the  three  caravels  detached  by  Columbus  from 
his  squadron  at  the  Canary  Islands,  to  bring  supplies  to  the 
colonies.  The  captains,  ignorant  of  the  strength  of  the  cur- 
rents, which  set  through  the  Caribbean  Sea,  had  been  carried 
west  far  beyond  their  reckoning  until  they  had  wandered  to  the 
coast  of  Xaragua. 

Roldan  kept  his  secret  closely  for  three  days.  Being  consid- 
ered a  man  in  important  trust  and  authority,  the  captains  did 
not  hesitate  to  grant  all  his  requests  for  supplies.  He  procured 
swords,  lances,  cross-bows,  and  various  military  stores  ;  while 
his  men  dispersed  through  the  three  vessels,  were  busy  among 
the  crews,  secretly  making  partisans,  representing  the  hard 
life  of  the  colonists  at  San  Domingo,  and  the  ease  and  revelry 
in  which  they  passed  their  time  at  Xaragua.  Many  of  the 
crews  had  been  shipped  in  compliance  with  the  admiral's  ill- 
judged  proposition,  to  commute  criminal  punishments  into 
transportation  to  the  colony.  They  were  vagabonds,  the  refuse 
of  Spanish  towns,  and  culprits  from  Spanish  dungeons  ;  the 
very  men,  therefore,  to  be  wrought  upon  by  such  representa- 
tions, and  they  promised  to  desert  on  the  first  opportunity  and 
join  the  rebels. 

It  was  not  until  the  third  day  that  Alonzo  Sanchez  de  Carva- 
jal,  the  most  intelligent  of  the  three  captains,  discovered  the 
real  character  of  the  guests  he  had  admitted  so  freely  on  board 
of  his  vessels.  It  was  then  too  late  ;  the  mischief  was  effected. 
He  and  his  fellow-captains  had  man}-  earnest  conversations 
with  Roldan.  endeavoring  to  persuade  him  from  his  dangerous 
opposition  to  the  regular  authority.  The  certainty  that  Colum- 
bus was  actually  on  his  way  to  the  island,  with  additional  forces 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  409 

and  augmented  authority,  had  operated  strongl}-  on  his  mind; 
He  had,  as  has  already  been  intimated,  prepared  his  friends  at 
San  Domingo  to  plead  his  cause  with  the  admiral,  assuring  him 
that  he  only  acted  in  opposition  to  the  injustice  and  oppression 
of  the  Adelantado,  but  was  ready  to  submit  to  Columbus  on  his 
arrival.  Carvajal  perceived  that  the  resolution  of  Roldan  and 
uf  several  of  his  principal  confederates  was  shaken,  and  flattered 
uimself  that,  if  he  were  to  remain  some  little  time  among  the 
rebels,  he  might  succeed  in  drawing  them  back  to  their  duty. 
Contrary  winds  rendered  it  impossible  for  the  ships  to  work 
up  against  the  currents  to  San  Domingo.  It  was  arranged 
among  the  captains,  therefore,  that  a  large  number  of  the 
people  on  board,  artificers  and  others  most  important  to  the 
service  of  the  colony,  should  proceed  to  the  settlement  by  land. 
They  were  to  be  conducted  by  Juan  Antonio  Colombo,  captain 
of  one  of  the  caravels,  a  relative  of  the  admiral,  and  zealously 
devoted  to  his  interests.  Arana  was  to  proceed  with  the  ships, 
when  the  wind  would  permit,  and  Carvajal  volunteered  to 
remain  on  shore  to  endeavor  to  bring  the  rebels  to  their  alle- 
giance. 

On  the  following  morning  Juan  Antonio  Colombo  landed  with 
forty  men  well  armed  with  cross-bows,  swords,  and  lances,  but 
was  astonished  to  find  himself  suddenly  deserted  by  all  his  party 
excepting  eight.  The  deserters  went  off  to  the  rebels,  who  re- 
ceived with  exultation  this  important  re-enforcement  of  kindred 
spirits.  Juan  Antonio  endeavored  in  vain  by  remonstrances  and 
threats  to  bring  them  back  to  their  duty.  They  were  most  of 
them  convicted  culprits,  accustomed  to  detest  order,  and  to  set 
law  at  defiance.  It  was  equally  in  vain  that  he  appealed  to  Kol- 
dan,  and  reminded  him  of  his  professions  of  loyalty  to  the  govern- 
ment. The  latter  replied  that  he  had  no  means  of  enforcing 
obedience  :  his  was  a  mere  "  Monastery  of  Observation,"  where 
every  one  was  at  liberty  to  adopt  the  habit  of  the  order.  Such 
was  the  first  of  a  long  train  of  evils,  which  sprang  from  this 
most  ill-judged  expedient  of  peopling  a  colony  with  criminals, 
and  thus  mingling  vice  and  villauy  with  the  fouutaiu-head  of  its 
population. 

Juan  Antonio,  grieved  and  disconcerted,  returned  on  l>oard 
with  the  few  who  remained  faithful.  Fearing  further  deser- 
tions, the  two  captains  immediately  put  to  sea,  leaving  Carva- 
jal on  shore  to  prosecute  his  attempt  at  reforming  the  rebels. 
It  was  not  without  great  difficulty  and  delay  that  the  vessels 
reached  San  Domingo ;  the  ship  of  Carvajal  having  struck  on 
a  sand-bank,  and  sustained  great  injury.  By  the  time  of  their 


410  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

arrival,  the  greater  part  of  the  provisions  with  which  they  had 
been  freighted  was  either  exhausted  or  damaged.  Alonzo  San- 
chez de  Carvajal  arrived  shortly  afterward  by  land,  having 
been  escorted  to  within  six  leagues  of  the  place  by  several  of 
the  insurgents,  to  protect  him  from  the  Indians.  He  failed  in 
his  attempt  to  persuade  the  band  to  immediate  submission  ; 
but  Roldan  had  promised  that  the  moment  he  heard  of  the 
arrival  of  Columbus  he  would  repair  to  the  neighborhood  of  San 
Domingo,  to  be  at  hand  to  state  his  grievances,  and  the  reasons 
of  his  past  conduct,  and  to  enter  into  a  negotiation  for  the 
adjustment  of  all  differences.  Carvajal  brought  a  letter  from 
him  to  the  admiral  to  the  same  purport,  and  expressed  a  confi- 
dent opinion,  from  all  that  he  observed  of  the  rebels,  that  they 
might  easily  be  brought  back  to  their  allegiance  by  an  assurance 
of  amnesty.1 


CHAPTER  IT. 

NEGOTIATION    OF    THE    ADMIRAL    WITH    THE    REBELS  —  DEPARTURE 
OF  SHIPS  FOR  SPAIN. 

[1498  ] 

NOTWITHSTANDING  the  favorable  representations  of  Carvajal, 
Columbus  was  greatly  troubled  by  the  late  event  at  Xaragua. 
He  saw  that  the  insolence  of  the  rebels  and  their  confidence  in 
their  strength  must  be  greatly  increased  by  the  accession  of 
such  a  large  number  of  well-armed  and  desperate  confederates. 
The  proposition  of  Roldan  to  approach  to  the  neighborhood  of 
San  Domingo  startled  him.  He  doubted  the  sincerity  of  his 
professions,  and  apprehended  great  evils  and  dangers  from  so 
artful,  daring,  and  turbulent  a  leader,  with  a  rash  and  devoted 
crew  at  his  command.  The  example  of  this  lawless  horde, 
roving  at  larga  about  the  island,  and  living  in  loose  revel  and 
open  profligacy,  could  not  but  have  a  dangerous  effect  upon 
the  colonists  newly  arrived ;  and  when  they  were  close  at  hand, 
to  carry  on  secret  intrigues,  and  to  hold  out  a  camp  of  refuge 
to  all  malcontents,  the  loyalty  of  the  whole  colony  might  be 
sapped  and  undermined. 

Some  measures  were  immediately  necessary  to  fortify  the 
fidelity  of  the  people  against  such  seductions.  He  was  aware 


1  Las  Casas,  lib.  i.  cap.  149,  150.    Herrera,  decad.  i.  lib.  iii.  cap.  12.    Hist,  del  Almi 
rmnte,  cap.  77. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  411 

of  a  vehement  desire  among  man}-  to  return  to  Spain  ;  and  of 
an  assertion  industriously  propagated  by  the  seditious,  that  he 
aud  his  brothel's  wished  to  detain  the  colonists  on  the  island 
through  motives  of  self-interest.  On  the  12th  of  September, 
therefore,  he  issued  a  proclamation,  offering  free  passage  and 
provisions  for  the  voyage  to  all  who  wished  to  return  to  Spain, 
in  five  vessels  nearly  ready  to  put  to  sea.  He  hoped  by  this 
means  to  relieve  the  colony  from  the  idle  and  disaffected  ;  to 
weaken  the  party  of  Roldau,  and  to  retain  none  about  him  but 
such  as  were  sound-hearted  aud  well-disi>osed. 

He  wrote  at  the  same  time  to  Miguel  Ballester,  the  stanch 
and  well-tried  veteran  who  commanded  the  fortress  of  Concep- 
tion, advising  him  to  be  upon  his  guard,  as  the  rebels  were 
coming  into  his  neighborhood.  He  empowered  him  also  to  have 
an  interview  with  Roldau  ;  to  offer  him  pardon  and  oblivion  of 
the  past,  on  condition  of  his  immediate  return  to  duty ;  and  to 
invite  him  to  repair  to  San  Domingo  to  have  an  interview  with 
the  admiral  under  a  solemn,  and,  if  required,  a  written  as- 
surance from  the  latter,  of  personal  safety.  Columbus  was 
sincere  in  his  intentions.  He  was  of  a  benevolent  and  placable 
disposition,  and  singularly  free  from  all  vindictive  feeling  toward 
the  many  worthless  aud  wicked  men  who  heaped  sorrow  on  his 
head. 

Ballester  had  scarcely  received  this  letter  when  the  rebels 
began  to  arrive  at  the  village  of  Bonao.  This  was  situated  in  a 
beautiful  valley,  or  Vega,  bearing  the  same  name,  about  ten 
leagues  from  Fort  Conception,  and  about  twenty  from  San 
Domingo,  in  a  well-peopled  and  abundant  country.  Here  Pedro 
Requelme,  one  of  the  ringleaders  of  the  sedition,  had  large  pos- 
sessions, and  his  residence  became  the  headquarters  of  the 
rebels.  Adrian  de  Moxica,a  man  of  turbulent  and  mischievous 
character,  brought  his  detachment  of  dissolute  ruffians  to  this 
place  of  rendezvous.  Roldan  and  others  of  the  conspirators 
drew  together  there  by  different  routes. 

No  sooner  did  the  veteran  Miguel  Ballester  hear  of  the  arri- 
val of  Roldan  than  he  set  forth  to  meet  him.  Ballester  was  a 
venerable  man,  gray-headed,  and  of  a  soldier-like  demeanor. 
Loyal,  frank,  and  virtuous,  of  a  serious  disposition,  and  great 
simplicity  of  heart,  he  was  well  chosen  as  a  mediator  with  rash 
and  profligate  men  ;  being  calculated  to  calm  their  passions  by 
his  sobriety  ;  to  disarm  their  petulance  by  his  age  ;  to  win  their 
confidence  \>y  his  artless  probity  ;  and  to  awe  their  licentiousness 
by  his  spotless  virtue.1 

i  Lan  Caaas,  Hut.  lud.,  lib.  i.  cap.  153. 


412  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

Ballester  found  Roldan  in  company  with  Pedro  Requelme, 
Pedro  de  Gamez,  and  Adrian  de  Moxica,  three  of  his  principal 
confederates.  Flushed  with  a  confidence  of  his  present  strength, 
Roldan  treated  the  proffered  pardon  with  contempt,  declaring 
that  he  did  not  come  there  to  treat  of  peace,  but  to  demand  the 
release  of  certain  Indians  captured  unjustifiably,  and  about  to 
be  shipped  to  Spain  as  slaves,  notwithstanding  that  he,  in  his 
capacity  of  alcalde  mayor,  had  pledged  his  word  for  their  pro- 
tection. He  declared  that,  until  these  Indians  were  given  up, 
he  would  listen  to  no  terms  of  compact ;  throwing  out  an  inso- 
lent intimation  at  the  same  time,  that  he  held  the  admiral  and 
his  fortunes  in  his  hand,  to  make  and  mar  them  as  he  pleased. 

The  Indians  here  alluded  to  were  certain  subjects  of  Guario- 
nex,  who  had  been  incited  by  Roldan  to  resist  the  exaction  of 
tribute,  and  who,  under  the  sanction  of  his  supposed  authority, 
had  engaged  in  the  insurrections  of  the  Vega.  Roldan  knew 
that  the  enslavement  of  the  Indians  was  an  unpopular  feature 
in  the  government  of  the  island,  especially  with  the  queen  ;  and 
the  artful  character  of  this  man  is  evinced  in  his  giving  his  op- 
position to  Columbus  the  appearance  of  a  vindication  of  the 
rights  of  the  suffering  islanders.  Other  demands  were  made  of 
a  highly  insolent  nature,  and  the  rebels  declared  that,  in  all  fur- 
ther negotiations,  they  would  treat  with  no  other  intermediate 
agent  than  Carvajal,  having  had  proofs  of  his  fairness  and  im- 
partiality in  the  course  of  their  late  communications  with  him 
at  Xaragua. 

This  arrogant  reply  to  his  proffer  of  pardon  was  totally  dif- 
ferent from  what  the  admiral  had  been  led  to  expect,  and 
placed  him  in  an  embarrassing  situation.  He  seemed  sur- 
rounded by  treachery  and  falsehood.  He  knew  that  Roldan  had 
friends  and  secret  partisans  even  among  those  who  professed 
'to  remain  faithful ;  and  he  knew  not  how  far  the  ramifications 
of  the  conspiracy  might  extend.  A  circumstance  soon  oc- 
curred to  show  the  justice  of  his  apprehensions.  He  ordered 
the  men  of  San  Domingo  to  appear  under  arms,  that  he  might 
ascertain  the  force  with  which  he  could  take  the  field  in  case  of 
necessity.  A  report  was  immediately  circulated  that  they  were 
to  be  led  to  Bonao  against  the  rebels.  Not  above  seventy  men 
appeared  under  arms,  and  of  these  not  forty  were  to  be  relied 
upon.  One  affected  to  be  lame,  another  ill ;  some  had  relations, 
and  others  had  friends  among  the  followers  of  lioldau  ;  almost 
all  were  disaffected  to  the  service.1 

1  Hist,  del  Almiraute,  cap.  78. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  413 

Columbus  saw  that  a  resort  to  arms  would  betray  his  own 
weakness  and  the  power  of  the  rebels,  and  completely  prostrate 
the  dignity  and  authority  of  government.  It  was  necessary  to 
temporize,  therefore,  however  humiliating  such  conduct  might 
be  deemed.  He  detained  the  live  ships  for  eighteen  days  in  port, 
hoping  in  some  way  to  have  put  an  end  to  this  rebellion,  so  as 
to  send  home  favorable  accounts  of  the  island  to  the  sovereigns. 
The  provisions  of  the  ships,  however,  were  wasting.  The  In- 
dian prisoners  on  board  were  suffering  and  perishing ;  several 
of  them  threw  themselves  overboard,  or  were  suffocated  with 
heat  in  the  holds  of  the  vessels.  He  was  anxious  also  that  as 
many  of  the  discontented  colonists  as  possible  should  make  sail 
for  Spain  before  any  commotion  should  take  place. 

On  the  18th  of  October,  therefore,  the  ships  put  to  sea.1 
Columbus  wryte  to  the  sovereigns  an  account  of  the  rebellion, 
and  of  his  proffered  pardon  being  refused.  As  Roldan  pre- 
tended that  it  was  a  mere  quarrel  between  him  and  the  Adelan- 
tado,  of  which  the  admiral  was  not  an  impartial  judge,  the  latter 
entreated  that  Roldan  might  be  summoned  to  Spain,  where  the 
sovereigns  might  be  his  judges  ;  or  that  an  investigation  might 
take  place  in  presence  of  Alonzo  Sanchez  de  Carvajal,  who  \\  as 
friendly  to  Roldan,  and  of  Miguel  Ballester,  as  witness  on  the 
part  of  the  Adelantado.  He  attributed,  in  a  great  measure,  the 
troubles  of  this  island  to  his  own  long  detention  in  Spain,  and 
the  delays  thrown  in  his  way  by  those  appointed  to  assist  him, 
who  had  retarded  the  departure  of  the  ships  with  supplies,  until 
the  colony  had  been  reduced  to  the  greatest  scarcity.  Hence 
had  arisen  discontent,  murmuring,  and  finally  rebellion.  He 
entreated  the  sovereigns,  in  the  most  pressing  manner,  that  the 
affairs  of  the  colony  might  not  be  neglected,  and  those  at 
Seville,  who  had  charge  of  its  concerns,  might  be  instructed  at 
least  not  to  devise  impediments  instead  of  assistance.  He  al- 
luded to  his  chastisement  of  the  contemptible  Ximeno  Breviesca, 
the  insolent  minion  of  Fonseca,  and  entreated  that  neither  that 
nor  an\'  other  circumstance  might  be  allowed  to  prejudice  him 
in  the  royal  favor,  through  the  misrepresentations  of  designing 
men.  He  assured  them  that  the  natural  resources  of  the  island 
required  nothing  but  good  management  to  supply  all  the  wants 
of  the  colonists  ;  but  that  the  latter  were  indolent  and  profli- 
gate. He  proposed  to  send  home  by  every  ship,  as  in  the  pres- 
ent instance,  a  number  of  the  discontented  and  worthless,  to  be 
replaced  by  sober  and  industrious  men.  He  begged  also  that 

1  In  one  of  thece  ship*  sailed  the  father  of  the  venerable  historian,  Las  Casas,  from 
whom  he  derived  uiauy  of  llie  facts  of  his  history.  Lao  Cu.-us,  lib.  i.  cap.  153. 


414  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

ecclesiastics  might  be  sent  out  for  the  instruction  and  conver- 
sion of  the  Indians  ;  and,  what  was  equally  necessary,  for  the 
reformation  of  the  dissolute  Spaniards.  He  required  also  a  man 
learned  in  the  law  to  officiate  as  judge  over  the  island,  together 
with  several  officers  of  the  royal  revenue.  Nothing  could  sur- 
pass the  soundness  and  policy  of  these  suggestions ;  but  unfor- 
tunately one  clause  marred  the  moral  beauty  of  this  excellent 
letter.  Me  requested  that  for  two  years  longer  the  Spaniards 
might  be  permitted  to  employ  the  Indians  as  slaves  ;  only  mak- 
ing use  of  such,  however,  as  were  captured  in  wars  and  insur- 
rections. Columbus  had  the  usage  of  the  age  in  excuse  for  his 
suggestion  ;  but  it  is  at  variance  with  his  usual  benignity  of 
feeling,  and  his  paternal  conduct  toward  these  unfortunate 
people. 

At  the  same  time  he  wrote  another  letter,  giving  an  account 
of  his  recent  voyage,  accompanied  by  a  chart,  and  by  speci- 
mens of  the  gold,  and  particularly  of  the  pearls  found  in  the 
Gulf  of  Paria.  He  called  especial  attention  to  the  latter  as 
being  the  first  specimens  of  pearls  found  in  the  New  World.  It 
was  in  this  letter  that  he  described  the  newly  discovered  conti- 
nent in  such  enthusiastic  terms  as  the  most  favored  part  of  the 
East,  the  source  of  inexhaustible  treasures,  the  supposed  seat 
of  the  terrestrial  paradise  ;  and  he  promised  to  prosecute  the 
discovery  of  its  glorious  realms  with  the  three  remaining  ships 
as  soon  as  the  affairs  of  the  island  should  permit. 

By  this  opportunity  Rolclan  and  his  friends  likewise  sent  let- 
ters to  Spain,  endeavoring  to  justify  their  rebellion  by  charging 
Columbus  and  his  brothers  with  oppression  and  injustice,  and 
painting  their  whole  conduct  in  the  blackest  colors.  It  would 
naturally  be  supposed  that  the  representations  of  such  men 
would  have  little  weight  in  the  balance  against  the  tried  merits 
and  exalted  services  of  Columbus ;  but  they  had  numerous 
friends  and  relatives  in  Spain  ;  they  had  the  popular  prejudice 
on  their  side,  and  there  were  designing  persons  in  the  confidence 
of  the  sovereigns  ready  to  advocate  their  cause.  Columbus,  to 
use  his  own  simple  but  effecting  words,  was  "  absent,  envied, 
and  a  stranger."  1 

1  Las  Casae,  Hist.  lud.,  lib.  i.  cap.  157. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  415 

CHAPTER   IIT. 

NEGOTIATIONS   AND    ARRANGEMENTS    WITH   THE    REBELS. 
[  1498.] 

THE  ships  being  despatched,  Columbus  resumed  his  negotia- 
tion with  the  rebels,  determined  at  any  sacrifice  to  put  an  end 
to  a  sedition  which  distracted  the  island  and  interrupted  all  his 
plans  of  discovery.  His  three  remaining  ships  lay  idle  in  the 
harbor,  though  a  region  of  apparently  boundless  wealth  was  to 
be  explored.  He  had  intended  to  send  his  brother  on  the  dis- 
covery, but  the  active  and  military  spirit  of  the  Adelantado 
rendered  his  presence  indispensable,  in  case  the  rebels  should 
come  to  violence.  Such  were  the  difficulties  encountered  at 
every  step  of  his  generous  and  magnanimous  enterprises ;  im- 
peded at  one  time  by  the  insidious  intrigues  of  crafty  men  in 
place,  and  checked  at  another  by  the  insolent  turbulence  of  a 
handful  of  ruffians. 

In  his  consultations  with  the  most  important  persons  about 
him,  Columbus  found  that  much  of  the  popular  discontent  was 
attributed  to  the  strict  rule  of  his  brother,  who  was  accused  of 
dealing  out  justice  with  a  rigorous  hand.  Las  Casas,  however, 
who  saw  the  whole  of  the  testimony  collected  from  various 
sources  with  respect  to  the  conduct  of  the  Adelantado,  acquits 
him  of  all  charges  of  the  kind,  and  affirms  that,  with  respect 
to  Roldan  in  particular,  he  had  exerted  great  forbearance.  Be 
this  as  it  may,  Columbus  now,  by  the  advice  of  his  counsellors, 
resolved  to  try  the  alternative  of  extreme  lenity  He  wrote  a 
letter  to  Roldan,  dated  the  20th  of  October,  couched  in  the 
most  conciliating  terms,  calling  to  mind  past  kindnesses,  and 
expressing  deep  concern  for  the  feud  existing  between  him  and 
the  Adelantado.  He  entreated  him,  for  the  common  good, 
and  for  the  sake  of  his  own  reputation,  which  stood  well  with 
the  sovereigns,  not  to  persist  in  his  present  insubordination,  and 
repeated  the  assurance  that  he  and  his  companions  might  come 
to  him,  under  the  faith  of  his  word  for  the  inviolability  of  their 
persons. 

There  was  a  difficulty  as  to  who  should  be  the  bearer  of  this 
letter.  The  rebels  had  declared  that  they  would  receive  no  one 
as  mediator  but  Alonzo  Sanchez  de  Carvajal.  Strong  doubts, 
however,  existed  in  the  minds  of  those  about  Columbus  as  to 


416  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

the  integrity  of  that  officer.  They  observed  that  he  had  suf- 
fered Roldan  to  remain  two  days  on  hoard  of  his  caravel  at 
Xaragua ;  had  furnished  him  with  weapons  and  stores ;  had 
neglected  to  detain  him  on  board,  when  he  knew  him  to  be  a 
rebel ;  had  not  exerted  himself  to  retake  the  deserters ;  had 
been  escorted  on  his  way  to  San  Domingo  by  the  rebels,  and 
had  sent  refreshments  to  them  at  Bouao.  It  was  alleged,  more- 
over, that  he  had  given  himself  out  as  a  colleague  of  Columbus, 
appointed  by  government  to  have  a  watch  and  control  over  his 
conduct.  It  was  suggested,  that,  in  advising  the  rebels  to 
approach  San  Domingo,  he  had  intended,  in  case  the  admiral  did 
not  arrive,  to  unite  his  pretended  authority  as  colleague,  to 
that  of  Roldan,  as  chief  judge,  and  to  seize  upon  the  reins  of 
government.  Finally,  the  desire  of  the  rebels  to  have  him  sent 
to  them  as  an  agent,  was  cited  as  proof  that  he  was  to  join 
them  as  a  leader,  and  that  the  standard  of  rebellion  was  to  be 
hoisted  at  Bonao.1  These  circumstances,  for  some  time,  per- 
plexed Columbus;  but  he  reflected  that  Carvajal,  as  far  as  he 
had  observed  his  conduct,  had  behaved  like  a  man  of  integrity  ; 
most  of  the  circumstances  alleged  against  him  admitted  of  a 
construction  in  his  favor ;  the  rest  were  mera  rumors,  and  he 
had  unfortunately  expei'ienced  in  his  own  case,  how  easily  the 
fairest  actions  and  the  fairest  characters  may  be  falsified  by 
rumor.  He  discarded,  therefore,  all  suspicion,  and  determined 
to  confide  implicitly  in  Carvajal ;  nor  had  he  ever  any  reason  to 
repent  of  his  confidence. 

The  admiral  had  scarcely  despatched  this  letter,  when  he 
received  one  from  the  leaders  of  the  rebels,  written  several  days 
previously.  In  this  they  not  merely  vindicated  themselves 
from  the  charge  of  rebellion,  but  claimed  great  merit,  as  having 
dissuaded  their  followers  from  a  resolution  to  kill  the  Adelan- 
tado,  in  revenge  of  his  oppressions,  prevailing  upon  them  to 
wait  patiently  for  redress  from  the  admiral.  A  month  hail 
elapsed  since  his  arrival,  during  which  they  had  awaited  anx- 
iously for  his  orders,  but  he  had  manifested  nothing  but  irri- 
tation against  them.  Considerations  of  honor  and  safety, 
therefore,  obliged  them  to  withdraw  from  his  service,  and  they 
accordingly  demanded  their  discharge.  This  letter  was  dated 
from  Bouao,  the  17th  of  October,  and  signed  by  Francisco 
Roldan,  Adrian  de  Moxica,  Pedro  de  Gamex,  and  Diego  de 
Escobar.2 


1  Ili-t.  del  Almirantc,  cap.  78. 

*  Hint,  del  Almiraule,  cap.  TJ.    Uerrera,  decad.  i.  lib.  iii.  cap.  13. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  417 

In  the  mean  time  Carvajal  arrived  at  Bonao,  accompanied 
by  Miguel  Ballester.  They  found  the  rebels  full  of  arrogance 
and  presuncption.  The  conciliating  letter  of  the  admiral  how- 
ever, enforced  by  the  earnest  persuasions  of  Carvajal  and  the 
admonitions  of  the  veteran  Ballester,  had  a  favorable  effect  on 
several  of  the  leaders,  who  had  more  intellect  than  their  brutal 
followers.  Roldan,  Gamez,  Escobar,  and  two  or  three  others, 
actually  mounted  their  horses  to  repair  to  the  admiral,  but 
were  detained  by  the  clamorous  opposition  of  their  men  ;  too 
infatuated  with  their  idle,  licentious  mode  of  life,  to  relish  the 
idea  of  a  return  to  labor  and  discipline.  These  insisted  that  it 
\\:is  a  matter  which  concerned  them  all ;  whatever  arrangement 
was  to  be  made,  therefore,  should  he  made  in  public,  in  writing, 
and  subject  to  their  approbation  or  dissent.  A  day  or  two 
elapsed  before  this  clamor  could  be  appeased.  Roldan  then 
wrote  to  the  admiral,  that  his  followers  objected  to  his  coming, 
unless  a  written  assurance,  or  passport,  was  sent,  protecting 
the  persons  of  himself  and  such  as  should  accompany  him. 
Miguel  Ballester  wrote,  at  the  same  time,  to  the  admiral,  urging 
him  to  agree  to  whatever  terms  the  rebels  might  demand.  He 
represented  their  forces  as  continually  augmenting,  the  soldiers 
of  his  garrison  daily  deserting  to  them  ;  unless,  therefore,  some 
compromise  were  speedily  effected,  and  the  rebels  shipped  off 
to  Spain,  he  feared  that,  not  merely  the  authoritmy,  but  even  the 
person  of  the  admiral  would  be  in  danger ;  for  though  the 
Hidalgos  and  the  officers  and  servants  immediately  about  him 
would,  doubtless,  die  in  his  service,  the  common  people  were 
but  little  to  be  depended  upon.1 

Columbus  felt  the  increasing  urgency  of  the  case,  and  sent 
the  required  passport.  Roldan  came  to  San  Domingo ;  but, 
from  his  conduct,  it  appeared  as  if  his  object  was  to  make  par- 
tisans, and  gain  deserters,  rather  than  to  effect  a  reconciliation. 
He  had  several  conversations  with  the  admiral,  and  several 
letters  passed  between  them.  He  made  many  complaints,  and 
numerous  demands ;  Columbus  made  large  concessions,  but 
some  of  the  pretensions  were  too  arrogant  to  be  admitted.2 
Nothing  definite  was  arranged.  Roldan  departed  under  the 
pretext  of  conferring  with  his  people,  promising  to  send  l}is 
terms  in  writing.  The  admiral  sent  his  mayordotuo,  Diego  de 
Salamanca,  to  treat  in  his  behalf.8 

On  the  Gth  of  November  Roldan  wrote  a  letter  from  Bonao, 


i  Lac.  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.,  lib.  i.  cap.  153.  «  Ibid.,  cap.  158. 

3  Hist,  del  Alrairanu:,  cup.  ~.i. 


418  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

containing  his  terms,  and  requesting  that  a  reply  might  be  sent 
to  him  to  Conception,  as  scarcity  of  provisions  obliged  him  to 
leave  Bonao.  He  added  that  he  should  wait  for  a  reply  until 
the  following  Monday  (the  llth).  There  was  an  insolent 
menace  implied  in  this  note,  accompanied  as  it  was  by  insolent 
demands.  The  admiral  found  it  impossible  to  comply  with  the 
latter ;  but  to  manifest  his  lenient  disposition,  and  to  take  from 
the  rebels  all  plea  of  rigor,  he  had  a  proclamation  affixed  for 
thirty  days  at  the  gate  of  the  fortress,  promising  full  indul- 
gence and  complete  oblivion  of  the  past  to  Roldan  and  his  fol- 
lowers, on  condition  of  their  presenting  themselves  before  him 
and  returning  to  their  allegiance  to  the  crown  within  a  month  ; 
together  with  free  conveyance  for  all  such  as  wished  to  return 
to  Spain  ;  but  threatening  to  execute  rigorous  justice  upon  those 
who  should  not  appear  within  the  limited  time.  A  copy  of 
this  paper  he  sent  to  Roldan  by  Carvajal,  with  a  letter,  stating 
the  impossibility  of  compliance  with  his  terms,  but  offering  to 
agree  to  any  compact  drawn  up  with  the  approbation  of 
Carvajal  and  Salamanca. 

When  Carvajal  arrived,  he  found  the  veteran  Ballester  actu- 
ally besieged  in  his  fortress  of  Conception  by  Roldan,  under 
pretext  of  claiming,  in  his  official  character  of  alcalde  mayor,  a 
culprit  who  had  taken  refuge  there  from  justice.  He  had  cut 
off' the  supply  of  water  from  the  fort,  by  way  of  distressing  it 
into  a  surrender.  When  Carvajal  posted  up  the  proclamation 
of  the  admiral  on  the  gate  of  the  fortress,  the  rebels  scoffed 
at  the  proffered  amnesty,  saying  that,  in  a  little  while,  they 
would  oblige  the  admiral  to  ask  the  same  at  their  hands.  The 
earnest  intercessions  of  Carvajal,  however,  brought  the  leaders 
at  length  to  reflection,  and  through  his  mediation  articles  of 
capitulation  were  drawn  up.  By  these  it  was  agreed  that  Rol- 
dan and  his  followers  should  embark  for  Spain  from  the  port  of 
Xaragua  in  two  ships,  to  be  fitted  out  and  victualled  within 
lifty  days.  That  they  should  each  receive  from  the  admiral  a 
certificate  of  good  conduct,  and  an  order  for  the  amount  of 
their  pay,  up  to  the  actual  date.  That  slaves  should  be  given 
to  them,  as  had  been  given  to  others,  in  consideration  of  ser- 
vices performed  ;  and  as  several  of  their  company  had  wives, 
natives  of  the  island,  who  were  pregnant,  or  had  lately  been 
delivered,  the}'  might  take  them  with  them,  if  willing  to  go,  in 
place  of  the  slaves.  That  satisfaction  should  be  made  for  pro- 
perty of  some  of  the  company  which  had  been  sequestrated,  and 
for  live  stock  which  had  belonged  to  Francisco  Roldan.  Ther^ 
were  no  other  conditions,  providing  for  the  security  of  their  per- 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  419 

sons  ;  and  it  was  stipulated  that,  if  no  reply  were  received  to 
those  terms  within  eight  days,  the  whole  should  be  void.1 

This  agreement  was  signed  by  Roldan  and  his  companions  at 
Fort  Conception  on  the  16th  of  November,  and  by  the  admiral 
at  San  Domingo  on  the  21st.  At  the  same  time,  he  proclaimed 
a  further  act  of  grace,  permitting  such  as  chose  to  remain  in 
the  island  either  to  come  to  San  Domingo,  and  enter  into  the 
royal  service,  or  to  hold  lands  in  any  part  of  the  island.  They 
preferred,  however,  to  follow  the  fortunes  of  Roldan,  who 
departed  with  his  band  for  Xaragua,  to  await  the  arrival  of  the 
ships,  accompanied  by  Miguel  Ballester,  sent  by  the  admiral  to 
superintend  the  preparations  for  their  embarkation. 

Columbus  was  deeply  grieved  to  have  his  projected  enter- 
prise to  Terra  Firma  impeded  by  such  contemptible  obstacles, 
and  the  ships  which  should  have  borne  his  brother  to  explore 
that  newly-found  continent  devoted  to  the  use  of  this  turbulent 
and  worthless  rabble.  He  consoled  himself,  however,  with  the 
reflection,  that  all  the  mischief  which  had  so  long  been  lurking 
in  the  island,  would  thus  be  at  once  shipped  off,  and  thenceforth 
every  thing  restored  to  order  and  tranquillity.  He  ordered 
every  exertion  to  be  made,  therefore,  to  get  the  ships  in  readi- 
ness to  be  sent  round  to  Xaragua  ;  but  the  scarcity  of  sea-stores, 
and  the  difficulty  of  completing  the  anangements  for  such  a 
voyage  in  the  disordered  state  of  the  colony,  delayed  their 
departure  far  beyond  the  stipulated  time.  Feeling  that  he  had 
been  compelled  to  a  kind  of  deception  toward  the  sovereigns, 
in  the  certificate  of  good  -conduct  given  to  Roldan  and  his 
followers,  he  wrote  a  letter  to  them,  stating  the  circumstances 
under  which  that  certificate  had  been  in  a  manner  wrung  from 
him  to  save  the  island  from  utter  confusion  and  ruin.  He  rep- 
resented the  real  character  and  conduct  of  those  men  ;  how  they 
had  rebelled  against  his  authority  ;  prevented  the  Indians  from 
paying  tribute ;  pillaged  the  island  ;  possessed  themselves  of 
large  quantities  of  gold,  and  carried  off  the  daughters  of  several 
of  the  caciques.  He  advised,  therefore,  that  they  should  be 
seized,  and  their  slaves  and  treasure  taken  from  them,  until 
their  conduct  could  be  properly  investigated.  This  letter  he 
intrusted  to  a  confidential  person,  who  was  to  go  in  one  of  the 
ships.2 

The  rebels  having  left  the  neighborhood,  and  the  affairs  of 
San  Domingo  being  in  a  state  of  security,  Columbus  put  his 
brother  Don  Diego  in  temporary  command,  and  departed  with 

1  Hist,  (lei  A  lam-ante,  cap.  80.         *  Uerrera,  HUt.  lud.,  decad.  i.  lib.  iii.  cap.  16. 


420  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

the  Adelantaclo  on  a  tour  of  several  months  to  visit  the  various 
stations,  and  restore  the  island  to  order. 

The  two  caravels  destined  for  the  use  of  the  rebels  sailed  from 
San  Domingo  for  Xaragua  about  the  end  of  February  ;  but, 
encountering  a  violent  storm,  were  obliged  to  put  into  one  of  the 
harbors  of  the  island,  where  they  were  detained  until  the  end 
of  March.  One  was  so  disabled  as  to  be  compelled  to  return  to 
.San  Domingo.  Another  vessel  was  despatched  to  supply  its 
place,  in  which  the  indefatigable  Carvajal  set  sail,  to  expedite 
the  embarkation  of  the  rebels.  He  was  eleven  days  in  making 
the  voyage,  and  found  the  other  caravel  at  Xaragua. 

The  followers  of  Roldan  had  in  the  mean  time  changed  their 
minds,  and  now  refused  to  embark  ;  as  usual,  they  threw  all 
the  blame  on  Columbus,  affirming  that  he  had  purposely 
delayed  the  ships  far  beyond  the  stipulated  time  ;  that  he  had 
sent  them  in  a  state  not  seaworthy,  and  short  of  provisions,  with 
many  other  charges,  artfully  founded  on  circumstances  over 
which  they  knew  he  could  have  no  control.  Carvajal  made  a 
formal  protest  before  a  notary  who  had  accompanied  him,  and 
finding  that  the  ships  were  suffering  great  injury  from  the 
teredo  or  worm,  and  their  provisions  failing,  he  sent  them  back 
to  San  Domingo,  and  set  out  on  his  return  by  land.  Roldan 
accompanied  him  a  little  distance  on  horseback,  evidently  dis- 
turbed in  mind.  He  feared  to  return  to  Spain,  yet  was  shrewd 
enough  to  know  the  insecurity  of  his  present  situation  at  the 
head  of  a  band  of  dissolute  men,  acting  in  defiance  of  authority. 
What  tie  had  he  upon  their  fidelity  stronger  than  tiie  sacred 
obligations  which  they  had  violated?  After  riding  thoughtfully 
for  some  distance,  he  paused,  and  requested  some  private  con- 
versation with  Carvajal,  before  they  parted.  The.y  alighted 
under  the  shade  of  a  tree.  Here  Roldan  made  further  profes- 
sions of  the  loyalty  of  his  intentions,  and  finally  declared,  that 
if  the  admiral  would  once  more  send  him  a  written  security  for 
his  person,  with  the  guaranty  also  of  the  principal  persons 
about  him,  he  would  come  to  treat  with  him,  and  trusted  that 
the  whole  matter  would  be  arranged  on  terms  satisfactory  to 
both  parties.  This  offer,  however,  he  added,  must  be  kept 
secret  from  his  followers. 

Carvajal,  overjoyed  at  this  prospect  of  a  final  arrangement, 
lost  no  time  in  conveying  the  proposition  of  Roldan  to  the 
admiral.  The  latter  immediately  forwarded  the  required  pass- 
port or  security,  sealed  with  the  royal  seal,  accompanied  by  a 
letter  written  in  amicable  terms,  exhorting  his  quiet  obedience 
to  the  authority  of  the  sovereigns.  Several  of  the  principal 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  421 

persons  also,  who  were  with  the  admiral,  wrote,  at  his  request, 
a  letter  of  security  to  Roldan,  pledging  themselves  for  the  safety 
of  himself  and  his  followers  during  the  negotiation,  provided 
they  did  nothing  hostile  to  the  royal  authority  or  its  represen- 
tative. 

While  Columbus  was  thus,  with  unwearied  assiduity  and 
loyal  zeal,  endeavoring  to  bring  the  island  back  to  its  obedience, 
he  received  a  reply  from  Spain,  to  the  earnest  representations 
made  by  him,  in  the  preceding  autumn,  of  the  distracted  state 
of  the  colony  and  the  outrages  of  these  lawless  men,  and  his 
prayers  for  royal  countenance  and  support.  The  letter  was 
written  by  his  invidious  enenry,  the  Bishop  Fonseca,  superin- 
tendent of  Indian  affairs.  It  acknowledged  the  receipt  of  his 
statement  of  the  alleged  insurrection  of  Roldan,  but  observed 
that  this  matter  must  be  suffered  to  remain  in  suspense,  as  the 
sovereigns  would  investigate  and  remedy  it  presently.1 

This  cold  reply  had  a  disheartening  effect  upon  Columbus. 
He  saw  that  his  complaints  had  little  weight  with  the  govern- 
ment ;  he  feared  that  his  enemies  were  prejudicing  him  with 
the  sovereigns  ;  and  he  anticipated  redoubled  insolence  on  the 
part  of  the  rebels,  when  they  should  discover  how  little  influ- 
ence he  possessed  in  Spain.  Full  of  zeal,  however,  for  the  suc- 
cess of  his  undertaking,  and  of  fidelity  to  the  interests  of  the 
sovereigns,  he  resolved  to  spare  no  personal  sacrifice  of  comfort 
or  dignity  in  appeasing  the  troubles  of  the  island.  Eager  to 
expedite  the  negotiation  with  Roldan,  therefore,  he  sailed  in 
the  latter  part  of  August  with  two  caravels  to  the  port  of  Azua, 
west  of  San  Domingo,  and  much  nearer  to  Xaragua.  He  was 
accompanied  by  several  of  the  most  important  personages  of 
the  colony.  Roldan  repaired  thither  likewise,  with  the  turbu- 
lent Adrian  de  Moxica,  and  a  number  of  his  band.  The  conces- 
sions already  obtained  had  increased  his  presumption  ;  and  he 
had,  doubtless,  received  intelligence  of  the  cold  manner  in 
which  the  complaints  of  the  admiral  had  been  received  in  Spain. 
He  conducted  himself  more  like  a  conqueror,  exacting  trium- 
phant terms,  than  a  delinquent  seeking  to  procure  pardon  by 
atonement.  He  came  on  board  of  the  caravel,  and  with  his 
usual  effrontery,  propounded  the  preliminaries  upon  which  he 
and  his  companions  were  disposed  to  negotiate. 

First,  that  he  should  be  permitted  to  send  several  of  his  com- 
pany, to  the  number  of  fifteen,  to  Spain,  in  the  vessels  which 
were  at  San  Domingo.  Secondly,  that  those  who  remained 

1  Herrara,  decad.  i.  lib.  iii.  cap.  16. 


422  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

should  have  lauds  granted  them,  in  place  of  royal  pay.  Thirdly, 
that  it  should  be  proclaimed  that  every  thing  charged  against 
him  and  his  party  had  been  grounded  upon  false  testimony, 
and  the  machinations  of  persons  disaffected  to  the  royal  service. 
Fourthly,  that  he  should  be  reinstated  iu  his  office  of  alcalde 
mayor,  or  chief  judge.1 

These  were  hard  and  insolent  conditions  to  commence  with, 
but  they  were  granted.  Koldan  then  went  on  shore,  and  com- 
municated them  to  his  companions.  At  the  end  of  two  days 
the  insurgents  sent  their  capitulations,  drawn  up  in  form,  and 
couched  in  arrogant  language,  including  all  the  stipulations 
granted  at  Fort  Conception,  with  those  recently  demanded  by 
Koldan,  and  concluding  with  one,  more  insolent  than  all  the 
rest,  namely,  that  if  the  admiral  should  fail  in  the  fulfilment  of 
any  of  these  articles,  they  should  have  a  right  to  assemble 
together,  and  compel  his  performance  of  them  by  force,  or  by 
any  other  means  they  might  think  proper.2  The  conspirators 
thus  sought  not  merely  exculpation  of  the  past,  but  a  pretext 
for  future  rebellion. 

The  mind  grows  wearied  and  impatient  with  recording,  and 
the  heart  of  the  generous  reader  must  burn  with  indignation 
at  perusing,  this  protracted  and  ineffectual  struggle  of  a  man  of 
the  exalted  merits  and  matchless  services  of  Columbus,  in  the 
toils  of  such  miscreants.  Surrounded  by  doubt  and  danger  :  a 
foreigner  among  a  jealous  people  ;  an  unpopular  commander 
in  a  mutinous  island  ;  distrusted  and  slighted  by  the  govern- 
ment he  was  seeking  to  serve ;  and  creating  suspicion  by 
his  very  services ;  he  knew  not  where  to  look  for  faithful 
advice,  efficient  aid,  or  candid  judgment.  The  very  ground  on 
which  lie  stood  seemed  giving  way  under  him,  for  he  was  told 
of  seditious  symptoms  among  his  own  people.  Seeing  the 
impunity  with  which  the  rebels  rioted  in  the  possession  of  one 
of  the  finest  parts  of  the  island,  they  began  to  talk  among  them- 
selves of  following  their  example,  of  abandoning  the  standard 
of  the  admiral,  and  seizing  upon  the  province  of  Higuey,  at  the 
eastern  extremity  of  the  bland,  which  was  said  to  contain 
valuable  mines,  of  gold. 

Thus  critically  situated,  disregarding  every  consideration  of 
personal  pride  and  dignity,  and  determined,  at  an}-  individual 
sacrifice,  to  secure  the  interests  of  an  ungrateful  sovereign, 
Columbus  forced  himself  to  sign  this  most  humiliating  capitula- 
tion. He  trusted  that  afterward,  when  he  could  gain  quiet 

1  Herrera,  decad.  i.  lib.  iii.  cap.  16.         *  Ibid.    Hist,  del  Aluiiraute,  cap.  OS. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  423 

access  to  the  royal  ear,  he  should  be  able  to  convince  the  king 
and  queen  that  it  had  been  compulsory,  and  forced  from  him  by 
the  extraordinary  difficulties  in  which  he  had  been  placed,  anu 
the  imminent  perils  of  the  colony.  Before  signing  it,  however, 
he  inserted  a  stipulation,  that  the  commands  of  the  sovereigns, 
of  himself,  and  of  the  justices  appointed  by  him,  should  be 
punctually  obeyed.1 


CHAPTER    IV. 

GRANTS    MADE    TO    ROLDAN    AND    HIS    FOLLOWERS  —  DEPARTURE 
OF    SEVERAL    OF    THE    REBELS    FOR    SPAIN. 

[1J99.] 

WHEN  Roldan  resumed  his  office  of  alcalde  mayor,  or  chief 
judge,  he  displayed  all  the  arrogance  to  be  expected  from  one 
who  had  intruded  himself  into  power  by  profligate  means.  At 
the  city  of  San  Domingo  he  was  always  surrounded  by  his 
faction  ;  communed  only  with  the  dissolute  and  disaffected  ; 
and,  having  all  the  turbulent  and  desperate  men  of  the  com- 
munity at  his  beck,  was  enabled  to  intimidate  the  quiet  and 
loyal  by  his  frowns.  He  bore  an  impudent  front  against  the 
authority  even  of  Columbus  himself,  discharging  from  office 
one  Rodrigo  Perez,  a  lieutenant  of  the  admiral,  declaring  that 
none  but  such  as  he  appointed  should  bear  a  staff  of  office  in  the 
island.1  Columbus  had  a  difficult  and  painful  task  in  bearing 
with  the  insolence  of  this  man,  and  of  the  shameless  rabble 
which  had  returned,  under  his  auspices,  to  the  settlements. 
He  tacitly  permitted  many  abuses  ;  endeavoring  by  mildness 
and  indulgence  to  allay  the  jealousies  and  prejudices  awakened 
against  him,  and  by  various  concessions  to  lure  the  factious  to 
the  performance  of  their  duty.  To  such  of  the  colonists  gener- 
ally as  preferred  to  remain  in  the  island,  he  offered  a  choice  of 
either  royal  pay  or  portions  of  lands,  with  a  number  of  Indians, 
some  free,  others  as  slaves,  to  assist  in  the  cultivation.  The 
latter  was  generally  preferred  ;  and  grants  were  made  out,  in 
which  he  endeavored  as  much  as  possible  to  combine  the 
benefit  of  the  individual  with  the  interests  of  the  colony. 

Roldan  presented  a  memorial  signed  by  upward  of  one  hun- 
dred of  his  late  followers,  demanding  grants  of  lands  and 

i  Herrera,  Ili.st.  lud.,  decad.  i.  lib.  iii.  c»p.  16.  *  Ibid. 


424  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

licenses  to  settle,  and  choosing  Xaragua  for  their  place  of 
abode.  The  admiral  feared  to  trust  such  a  numerous  body  of 
factious  partisans  in  so  remote  a  province ;  he  contrived,  there- 
fore, to  distribute  them  in  various  parts  of  the  island,  some  at 
Bonao,  where  their  settlement  gave  origin  to  the  town  of  that 
name  ;  others  on  the  bank  of  the  Rio  Verde,  or  Green  River,  in 
the  Vega ;  others  about  six  leagues  thence,  at  St.  Jago.  He 
assigned  to  them  liberal  portions  of  land,  and  numerous  Indian 
slaves,  taken  in  the  wars.  He  made  an  arrangement,  also,  by 
which  the  caciques  in  their  vicinity,  instead  of  paying  tribute, 
should  furnish  parties  of  their  subjects,  free  Indians,  to  assist 
the  colonists  in  the  cultivation  of  their  lands  ;  a  kind  of  feudal 
service,  which  was  the  origin  of  the  repartimientos,  or  distribu- 
tions of  free  Indians  among  the  colonists,  afterward  generally 
adopted,  and  shamefully  abused,  throughout  the  Spanish 
colonies  ;  a  source  of  intolerable  hardships  and  oppressions  to 
the  unhappy  natives,  and  which  greatly  contributed  to  exter- 
minate them  from  the  island  of  Hispaniola.1  Columbus 
considered  the  island  in  the  light  of  a  conquered  country,  and 
arrogated  to  himself  all  the  rights  of  a  conqueror,  in  the  name 
of  the  sovereigns  for  whom  he  fought.  Of  course  all  his  com- 
panions in  the  enterprise  were  entitled  to  take  part  in  the 
acquired  territory,  and  to  establish  themselves  there  as  feudal 
lords  reducing  the  natives  to  the  condition  of  villains  or 
vassals.2  This  was  an  arrangement  widely  different  from  his 
original  intention  of  treating  the  natives  with  kindness,  as 
peaceful  subjects  of  the  crown.  But  all  his  plans  had  been 
subverted,  and  his  present  measures  forced  upon  him  by  the 
exigency  of  the  times  and  the  violence  of  lawless  men.  He  ap- 
pointed a  captain  with  an  armed  baud,  as  a  kind  of  police,  with 
orders  to  range  the  provinces ;  oblige  the  Indians  to  pay  their 
tributes  ;  watch  over  the  conduct  of  the  colonists  ;  and  check 
the  least  appearance  of  mutiny  or  insurrection.3 

Having  sought  and  obtained  such  ample  provisions  for  his 
followers,  Roldan  was  not  more  modest  in  making  demands  for 
himself.  He  claimed  certain  lands  in  the  vicinity  of  Isabella, 
as  having  belonged  to  him  before  his  rebellion  ;  also  a  royal 
farm,  called  La  Esperanza,  situated  on  the  Vega,  and  devoted 
to  the  rearing  of  poultry.  These  the  admiral  granted  him 
with  permission  to  employ,  in  the  cultivation  of  the  farm,  the 
subjects  of  the  cacique  whose  ears  had  been  cut  off  by  Alonzo 
de  Ojeda  in  his  first  military  expedition  into  the  Vega.  Roldan 

i  Herrera,  decad.  i.  lib.  iii.  cap.  16.  *  Muuoz,  Hist.  X.  Muudo,  lib.  vi.  §  50. 

*  Hist,  del  Almiraute,  cap.  i>4. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  425 

received  also  grants  of  land  in  Xaragua,  and  a  variety  of  live- 
stock from  the  cattle  and  other  animals  belonging  to  the  crown. 
These  grants  were  made  to  him  provisionally,  until  the  pleasure 
of  the  sovereigns  should  be  known  ; l  for  Columbus  yet  trusted 
that  when  they  should  understand  the  manner  in  which  these 
concessions  had  been  extorted  from  him,  the  ringleaders  of  the 
rebels  would  not  merely  be  stripped  of  their  ill-gotten  posses- 
sions, but  receive  well-merited  punishment. 

Koldan  having  now  enriched  himself  beyond  his  hopes, 
requested  permission  of  Columbus  to  visit  his  lands.  This  was 
granted  with  great  reluctance.  He  immediately  departed  for 
the  Vega,  and  stopping  at  Bonao,  his  late  headquarters,  made 
Pedro  Requelme  one  of  his  most  active  confederates,  alcalde, 
or  judge  of  the  place,  with  the  power  of  arresting  all  delin- 
quents, and  sending  them  prisoners  to  the  fortress  of  Concep- 
tion, where  he  reserved  to  himself  the  right  of  sentencing  them. 
This  was  an  assumption  of  powers  not  vested  in  his  oth'ce,  and 
gave  great  offence  to  Columbus.  Other  circumstances  created 
apprehensions  of  further  troubles  from  the  late  insurgents. 
Pedro  Requelme,  under  pretext  of  erecting  farming  buildings 
for  his  cattle,  began  to  construct  a  strong  edifice  on  a  hill, 
capable  of  being  converted  into  a  formidable  fortress.  This, 
it  was  whispered,  was  done  in  concert  with  Roldan,  by  way  of 
securing  a  stronghold  in  case  of  need.  Being  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  the  Vega,  where  so  man}-  of  their  late  partisans  were 
settled,  it  would  form  a  dangerous  rallying  place  for  any  new 
sedition.  The  designs  of  Requelme  were  suspected  and  his 
proceedings  opposed  by  Pedro  de  Arana,  a  loyal  and  honorable 
man,  who  was  on  the  spot.  Representations  were  made  by  both 
parties  to  the  admiral,  who  prohibited  Requelme  from  proceeding 
with  the  construction  of  his  edifice.* 

Columbus  had  prepared  to  return,  with  his  brother,  Don 
Bartholomew,  to  Spain,  where  he  felt  that  his  presence  was  of 
the  utmost  importance  to  place  the  late  events  of  the  island  in  a 
proper  light ;  having  found  that  his  letters  of  explanation  were 
liable  to  be  counteracted  by  the  misrepresentations  of  malevo- 
lent enemies.  The  island,  however,  was  still  in  a  feverish  state. 
He  was  not  well  assured  of  the  fidelity  of  the  late  rebels,  though 
so  dearly  purchased  ;  there  was  a  rumor  of  a  threatened  descent 
into  the  Vega,  by  the  mountain  tribes  of  Ciguay.  to  attempt  the 
rescue  of  their  cacique  Mayobanex,  still  detained  a  prisoner  in 
the  fortress  of  Conception.  Tidings  were  brought  about  the 

1  Herrera,  decad.  i.  lib.  iii.  cap.  16.        >  Ibid.    Hist,  del  Almirautc,  cap.  S3,  84. 


426  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

same  time  from  the  western  parts  of  the  island,  that  four  strange 
ships  had  arrived  at  the  coast,  under  suspicious  appearances. 
These  circumstances  obliged  him  to  postpone  his  departure, 
and  held  him  involved  in  the  affairs  of  this  favorite  but  fatal 
island. 

The  two  caravels  were  despatched  for  Spain  in' the  beginning 
of  October,  taking  such  of  the  colonists  as  chose  to  return,  and 
among  them  a  number  of  Roldan's  partisans.  Some  of  these 
took  with  them  slaves,  others  carried  away  the  daughters  of 
caciques,  whom  they  had  beguiled  from  their  families  and  homes. 
At  these  iniquities,  no  less  than  at  many  others  which  equally 
grieved  his  spirit,  the  admiral  was  obliged  to  connive.  He  was 
conscious,  at  the  same  time,  that  he  was  sending  home  a  re- 
enforcement  of  enemies  and  false  witnesses,  to  defame  his 
character  and  traduce  his  conduct,  but  he  had  no  alternative. 
To  counteract,  as  much  as  possible,  their  misrepresentations,  he 
sent  by  the  same  caravel  the  loyal  and  upright  veteran  Miguel 
Ballester,  together  with  Garcia  de  Barrantes,  empowered  to 
attend  to  his  affairs  at  court,  and  furnished  with  the  depositions 
taken  relative  to  the  conduct  of  Roldan  and  his  accomplices. 

In  his  letters  to  the  sovereigns  he  entreated  them  to  inquire 
into  the  truth  of  the  late  transactions.  He  stated  his  opinion 
that  his  capitulations  with  the  rebels  were  null  and  void,  for 
various  reasons  —  viz.,  they  had  been  extorted  from  him  by 
violence,  and  at  sea,  where  he  did  not  exercise  the  office  of 
viceroy;  there  had  been  two  trials  relative  to  the  insurrection 
and  the  insurgents  having  been  condemned  as  traitors,  it  was 
not  in  the  power  of  the  admiral  to  absolve  them  from  their 
criminality  ;  the  capitulations  treated  of  matters  touching  the 
royal  revenue,  over  which  he  had  no  control,  without  the 
intervention  of  the  proper  officers ;  lastly,  Francisco  Roldau  and 
his  companions,  on  leaving  Spain,  had  taken  an  oath  to  be 
faithful  to  the  sovereigns,  and  to  the  admiral  in  their  name, 
which  oath  they  had  violated.  For  these  and  similar  reasons, 
some  just,  others  rather  sophistical,  he  urged  the  sovereigns 
not  to  consider  themselves  bound  to  ratify  the  compulsory 
terms  ceded  to  these  profligate  men,  but  to  inquire  into  their 
offences,  and  treat  them  accordingly.1 

He  repeated  the  request  made  in  the  former  letter,  that  a 
learned  judge  might  be  sent  out  to  administer  the  laws  in  the 
island,  since  he  himself  had  been  charged  with  rigor,  although 
conscious  of  having  always  observed  a  guarded  clemency.  He 

i  Uerrera,  decad.  i.  lib.  iii.  cap.  16. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  427 

requested  also  that  discreet  persons  should  be  sent  out  to  form 
a  council,  and  others  for  certain  fiscal  employments,  entreat- 
ing, however,  that  their  powers  should  be  so  limited  and 
defined,  as  not  to  interfere  with  his  dignity  and  privileges. 
He  bore  strongly  on  this  point ;  as  his  prerogatives  on  former 
occasions  had  been  grievously  invaded.  It  appeared  to  him,  he 
said,  that  princes  ought  to  show  much  confidence  in  their  gov- 
ernors ;  for  without  the  royal  favor  to  give  them  strength  and 
consequence,  every  thing  went  to  ruin  under  their  command  ; 
a  sound  maxim,  forced  from  the  admiral  by  his  recent  experi- 
ence, in  which  much  of  his  own  perplexities,  and  the  triumph 
of  the  rebels,  had  been  caused  by  the  distrust  of  the  crown, 
and  its  inattention  to  his  remonstrances. 

Finding  age  and  infirmity  creeping  upon  him,  and  his  health 
much  impaired  by  his  last  voyage,  he  began  to  think  of  his  sou 
Diego,  as  an  active  coadjutor ;  who,  being  destined  as  his  suc- 
cessor, might  gain  experience  under  his  eye,  for  the  future 
discharge  of  his  high  duties.  Diego,  though  still  serving  as  a 
page  at  the  court,  was  grown  to  man's  estate,  and  capable  of 
entering  into  the  important  concerns  of  life.  Columbus  en- 
treated, therefore,  that  he  might  be  sent  out  to  assist  him,  as 
he  felt  himself  infirm  in  health  and  broken  in  constitution, 
and  less  capable  of  exertion  than  formerly.1 


CHAPTER  V. 

ARRIVAL    OF    OJEDA    WITH    A    SQUADRON    AT    THE   WESTERN    PART 
OF   THE    ISLAND ROLDAN    SENT   TO    MEET   HIM. 

[1499.] 

AMONG  the  causes  which  induced  Columbus  to  postpone  his 
departure  for  Spain,  has  been  mentioned  the  arrival  of  four 
ships  at  the  western  part  of  the  island.  These  had  anchored 
on  the  5th  of  September  in  a  harbor  a  little  below  Jacquemel, 
apparently  with  tne  design  of  cutting  dyewoods,  which  abound 
in  that  neighborhood,  and  of  carrying  off  the  natives  for  slaves. 
Further  reports  informed  him  that  they  were  commanded  by 
Alonso  de  Ojeda,  the  same  hot-heated  and  bold -hearted  cava- 
lier who  had  distinguished  himself  on  various  occasions  in  the 

1  Herrera,  decad.  i.  lib.  iii.  cap.  16. 


428  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

previous  voyages  of  discovery,  and  particularly  in  the  capture 
of  the  cacique  Caouabo.'  Knowing  the  daring  and  adventur- 
ous spirit  of  this  man,  Columbus  felt  much  disturbed  at  his 
visiting  the  island  in  this  clandestine  manner,  on  what  appeared 
to  be  little  better  than  a  freebooting  expedition.  To  call  him  to 
account,  and  oppose  his  aggressions,  required  an  agent  of  spirit 
and  address.  No  one  seemed  better  fitted  for  the  purpose  than 
Koldan.  He  was  as  daring  as  Ojeda,  and  of  a  more  crafty 
character.  An  expedition  of  the  kind  would  occupy  the  atten- 
tion of  himself  and  his  partisans,  and  divert  them  from  any 
schemes  of  mischief.  The  large  concessions  recently  made  to 
them  would,  he  trusted,  secure  their  present  fidelity,  rendering 
it  more  profitable  for  them  to  be  loyal  than  rebellious. 

Roldan  readily  undertook  the  enterprise.  He  had  nothing 
further  to  gain  by  sedition,  and  was  anxious  to  secure  his  ill- 
gotten  possessions  and  atone  for  past  offences  by  public  services. 
He  was  vain  as  well  as  active,  and  took  a  pride  in  acquitting 
himself  well  in  an  expedition  which  called  for  both  courage 
and  shrewdness.  Departing  from  San  Domingo  with  two  cara- 
vels, he  arrived  on  the  29th  of  September  within  two  leagues  of 
the  harbor  where  the  ships  of  Ojeda  were  anchored.  Here  he 
landed  with  five  and  twenty  resolute  followers,  well  armed, 
and  accustomed  to  range  the  forests.  He  sent  five  scouts  to 
reconnoitre.  They  brought  word  that  Ojeda  was  several  leagues 
distant  from  his  ships,  with  only  fifteen  men,  employed  in  mak- 
ing cassava  bread  in  an  Indian  village.  Roldan  threw  himself 
between  them  and  the  ships,  thinking  to  take  them  by  surprise. 
They  were  apprised,  however,  of  his  approach  by  the  Indians, 
•with  whom  the  very  name  of  Roldan  inspired  terror,  from  his 
late  excesses  in  Xaragua.  Ojeda  saw  his  danger  ;  he  supposed 
Roldan  had  been  sent  in  pursuit  of  him,  and  he  found  himself 
cut  off  from  his  ships.  With  his  usual  intrepidity  he  immedi- 
ately presented  himself  before  Roldan,  attended  merely  by  half 
a  dozen  followers.  The  latter  craftily  began  by  conversing  on 
general  topics.  He  then  inquired  into  his  motives  for  landing 
on  the  island,  particularly  on  that  remote  and  lonely  part,  with- 
out first  reporting  his  arrival  to  the  admiral.  Ojeda  replied  that 
he  had  been  on  a  voyage  of  discovery,  and  had  put  in  there  in 
distress,  to  repair  his  ships  and  procure  provisions.  Roldan 
then  demanded,  in  the  name  of  the  government,  a  sight  of  the 
license  under  which  he  sailed.  Ojeda,  who  knew  the  resolute 
character  of  the  man  he  had  to  deal  with,  restrained  his  natural 
impetuosity,  and  replied  that  his  papers  were  on  board  of  his 
ship.  He  declared  his  intention,  on  departing  thence,  to  go  to 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  429 

San  Domingo,  and  pay  his  homage  to  the  admiral,  having  many 
things  to  tell  him  which  were  for  his  private  ear  alone.  He 
intimated  to  Roldan  that  the  admiral  was  in  complete  disgrace 
at  court ;  that  there  was  a  talk  of  taking  from  him  his  command, 
and  that  the  queen,  his  patroness,  was  ill  beyond  all  hopes  of 
recovery.  This  intimation,  it  is  presumed,  was  referred  to  b}' 
Roldan  in  his  despatches  to  the  admiral,  wherein  he  mentioned 
that  certain  things  had  been  communicated  to  him  by  Ojeda, 
which  he  did  not  think  it  safe  to  confide  to  a  letter. 

Roldan  now  repaired  to  the  ships.  He  found  several  persons 
on  board  with  whom  he  was  acquainted,  and  who  had  already 
been  in  Hispaniola.  They  confirmed  the  truth  of  what  Ojeda 
had  said,  and  showed  a  license  signed  by  the  Bishop  of  Fonseca, 
as  superintendent  of  the  affairs  of  the  Indias,  authorizing  him 
to  sail  on  a  voyage  of  discovery.1 

It  appeared,  from  the  report  of  Ojeda  and  his  followers,  that 
the  glowing  accounts  sent  home  by  Columbus  of  his  late  dis- 
coveries on  the  coast  of  Paria,  his  magnificent  speculations  with 
respect  to  the  riches  of  the  newly-found  country,  and  the  speci- 
men of  pearls  transmitted  to  the  sovereigns,  had  inflamed  the 
cupidity  of  various  adventurers.  Ojeda  happened  to  be  at  that 
time  in  Spain.  He  was  a  favorite  of  the  Bishop  of  Fonseca, 
and  obtained  a  sight  of  the  letter  written  by  the  admiral  to  the 
sovereigns,  and  the  charts  and  maps  of  his  route  by  which  it 
was  accompanied.  Ojeda  knew  Columbus  to  be  embarrassed 
by  the  seditions  of  Hispaniola :  he  found,  by  his  conversations 
with  Fonseca  and  other  of  the  admiral's  enemies,  that  strong 
doubts  and  jealousies  existed  in  the  mind  of  the  king  with 
respect  to  his  conduct,  and  that  his  approaching  downfall  was 
confidently  predicted.  The  idea  of  taking  advantage  of  these 
circumstances  struck  Ojeda,  and,  by  a  private  enterprise,  he 
hoped  to  be  the  first  in  gathering  the  wealth  of  these  newly- 
discovered  regions.  He  communicated  his  project  to  his  patron. 
Fonseca.  The  latter  was  but  too  ready  for  any  thing  that  might 
defeat  the  plans  and  obscure  the  glory  of  Columbus ;  and  it 
may  be  added  that  he  always  showed  himself  more  disposed  to 
patronize  mercenary  adventurers  than  upright  and  high-minded 
men.  He  granted  Ojeda  every  facility;  furnishing  him  with 
copies  of  the  papers  and  charts  of  Columbus,  by  which  to  direct 
himself  in  his  course,  and  a  letter  of  license  signed  with  his 
own  name,  though  not  with  that  of  the  sovereigns.  In  this,  it 
was  stipulated  that  he  should  not  touch  at  any  land  belonging 

1  Hen-era,  cL-cad.  i.  lib.  iv.  cap.  3. 


430  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

to  the  King  of  Portugal,  nor  any  that  had  been  discovered  by 
Columbus  prior  to  14U5.  The  last  provision  shows  the  perfid- 
ious artifice  of  Fouseca,  as  it  left  Paria  and  the  Pearl  Islands 
free  to  the  visits  of  Ojeda,  they  having  been  discovered  by 
Columbus  subsequent  to  the  designated  year.  The  ships  were 
to  be  fitted  out  at  the  charges  of  the  adventurers,  and  a  certain 
proportion  of  the  products  of  the  voyage  were  to  be  rendered 
to  the  crown. 

Under  this  license  Ojeda  fitted  out  four  ships  at  Seville, 
assisted  by  many  eager  and  wealthy  speculators.  Among  the 
number  was  the  celebrated  Amerigo  Vespucci,  a  Florentine 
merchant,  well  acquainted  with  geography  and  navigation. 
The  principal  pilot  of  the  expedition  was  Juan  de  la  Cosa,  a 
mariner  of  great  repute,  a  disciple  of  the  admiral,  whom  he 
had  accompanied  in  his  first  voyage  of  discovery,  and  in  that 
along  the  southern  coast  of  Cuba,  and  round  the  island  of 
Jamaica.  There  were  several  also  of  the  mariners,  and  Bar- 
tholomew Roldan,  a  distinguished  pilot,  who  had  been  with 
Columbus  in  his  voyage  to  Paria.1  Such  was  the  expedition 
•which,  by  a  singular  train  of  circumstances,  eventually  gave 
the  name  of  this  Florentine  merchant  Amerigo  Vespucci,  to 
the  whole  of  the  New  World. 

This  expedition  had  sailed  in  May,  1499.  The  adventurers 
had  arrived  on  the  southern  continent,  and  ranged  along  its 
coast,  from  two  hundred  leagues  east  of  the  Oronoco,  to  the 
Gulf  of  Paria.  Guided  by  the  charts  of  Columbus,  they  had 
passed  through  this  gulf,  and  through  the  Boca  del  Dragon, 
and  had  kept  along  westward  to  Cape  de  la  Vela,  visiting  the 
island  of  Margarita  and  the  adjacent  continent,  and  discover- 
ing the  gulf  of  Venezuela.  They  had  subsequently  touched  at 
the  Caribbee  Islands,  where  they  had  fought  with  the  fierce 
natives,  and  made  many  captives,  with  the  intention  of  selling 
them  in  the  slave-markets  of  Spain.  Thence,  being  in  need 
of  supplies,  they  had  sailed  to  Hispaniola,  having  performed 
the  most  extensive  voyage  hitherto  made  along  the  shores  of  the 
New  World.2 

Having  collected  all  the  information  that  he  could  obtain 
concerning  these  voyagers,  their  adventures  and  designs,  and 
trusting  to  the  declaration  of  Ojeda,  that  he  should  proceed 
forthwith  to  present  himself  to  the  admiral,  Roldan  returned 
to  San  Domingo  to  render  a  report  of  his  mission. 

1  !„•»«  C'a«a«. 

1  Herrera,  Hist.  lud.,  clccacl.  i.  lib.  iv.  cap.  4.  Muuuz,  Hist.  X.  Muudo,  partiu  MS 
unpublished. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPUEB   COLUMBUS.  431 

CHAPTER  Vi. 

MANOEUVRES    OF    ROLDAN    AND    OJEDA. 
[1500.] 

WHEN  intelligence  was  brought  to  Columbus  of  the  nature  of 
the  expedition  of  Ojecla,  and  the  license  under  which  he  sailed, 
he  considered  himself  deeply  aggrieved,  it  being  a  direct  in- 
fraction of  his  most  important  prerogatives,  and  sanctioned  by 
authority  which  ought  to  have  held  them  sacred.  He  awaited 
patiently,  however,  the  promised  visit  of  Alonso  de  Ojeda  to 
obtain  further  explanations.  Nothing  was  farther  from  the  in- 
tention of  that  roving  commander  than  to  keep  such  promise  : 
he  had  made  it  merely  to  elude  the  vigilance  of  Roldan.  As 
soon  as  he  had  refitted  his  vessels  and  obtained  a  supply  of 
provisions,  he  sailed  round  to  the  coast  of  Xaragua,  where  he 
arrived  in  February.  Here  he  was  well  received  by  the  Span- 
iards resident  in  that  province,  who  supplied  all  his  wants. 
Among  them  were  many  of  the  late  comrades  of  Roldan  ;  loose, 
random  characters,  impatient  of  order  and  restraint,  and  burn- 
ing with  animosity  against  the  admiral,  for  having  again 
brought  them  under  the  wholesome  authority  of  the  laws. 

Knowing  the  rash  and  fearless  character  of  Ojeda,  and  find- 
ing that  there  were  jealousies  between  him  and  the  admiral, 
the}'  hailed  him  as  a  new  leader,  come  to  redress  their  fancied 
grievances,  in  place  of  Roldan,  whom  they  considered  as  hav- 
ing deserted  them.  They  made  clamorous  complaints  to  Ojeda 
of  the  injustice  of  the  admiral,  whom  they  charged  with  with- 
holding from  them  the  arrears  of  their  pay. 

Ojeda  was  a  hot-headed  man,  with  somewhat  of  a  vaunting 
spirit,  and  immediately  set  himself  up  for  a  redresser  of  griev- 
ances. It  is  said  also  that  he  gave  himself  out  as  authorized 
by  government,  in  conjunction  with  Carvajal,  to  act  as  counsel- 
lors, or  rather  supervisors  of  the  admiral ;  and  that  one  of  the 
first  measures  they  were  to  take,  was  to  enforce  the  payment 
of  all  salaries  due  to  the  servants  of  the  crown.1  It  is  question- 
able, however,  whether  Ojeda  made  any  pretension  of  the  kind, 
which  could  so  readily  be  disproved,  and  would  have  tended  to 
disgrace  him  with  the  government.  It  is  probable  that  he  was 

1  Hist,  del  Almiraate,  cap.  84. 


432  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER    COLUMBUS. 

encouraged  in  his  intermeddling,  chiefly  by  his  knowledge  of 
the  tottering  state  of  the  admiral's  favor  at  court,  and  of  his 
own  security  in  the  powerful  protection  of  Fouseca.  He  may 
have  imbibed  also  the  opinion  diligently  fostered  by  those  with 
whom  he  had  chiefly  communicated  in  Spain,  just  before  his 
departure,  that  these  people  had  been  driven  to  extremities  by 
the  oppression  of  the  admiral  and  his  brothers.  .Some  feeling 
of  generosity,  therefore,  may  have  mingled  with  his  usual  love 
of  action  and  enterprise,  when  he  proposed  to  redress  all  their 
wrongs,  put  himself  at  their  head,  march  at  once  to  San 
Domingo,  and  oblige  the  admiral  to  pay  them  on  the  spot, 
or  expel  him  from  the  island. 

The  proposition  of  Ojeda  was  received  with  acclamations  of 
transport  by  some  of  the  rebels ;  others  made  objections. 
Quarrels  arose  ;  a  ruffianly  scene  of  violence  and  brawl  ensued, 
iu  which  several  were  killed  and  wounded  on  both  sides  ;  but 
the  party  for  the  expedition  to  San  Domingo  remained  trium- 
phant. 

Fortunately  for  the  peace  and  safety  of  the  admiral,  Roldan 
arrived  in  the  neighborhood  just  at  this  critical  juncture,  at- 
tended by  a  crew  of  resolute  fellows.  He  had  been  despatched 
by  Columbus  to  watch  the  movements  of  Ojeda,  on  hearing  of 
his  arrival  on  the  coast  of  Xaragua.  Apprised  of  the  violent 
scenes  which  were  taking  place,  Roldan,  when  on  the  way,  sent 
to  his  old  confederate,  Diego  de  Escobar,  to  follow  him  with  all 
the  trusty  force  he  could  collect.  They  reached  Xaragua  within 
a  day  of  each  other.  An  instance  of  the  bad  faith  usual  between 
bad  men  was  now  evinced.  The  former  partisans  of  Roldan, 
finding  him  earnest  iu  his  intention  of  serving  the  government, 
and  that  there  was  no  hope  of  engaging  him  in  their  new  sedi- 
tion, sought  to  waylay  and  destroy  him  on  his  march,  but  his 
vigilance  and  celerity  prevented  them.1 

Ojeda,  when  he  heard  of  the  approach  of  Roldan  and  Escobar, 
retired  on  board  of  his  ships.  Though  of  a  daring  spirit,  he 
had  no  inclination,  in  the  present  instance,  to  come  to  blows, 
where  there  was  a  certainty  of  desperate  fighting,  and  no  gain  ; 
and  where  he  must  raise  his  arm  against  government.  Roldan 
now  issued  such  remonstrances  as  had  often  been  ineffectually 
addressed  to  himself.  He  wrote  to  Ojeda,  reasoning  with  him 
on  his  conduct,  and  the  confusion  he  was  producing  in  the 
island,  and  inviting  him  on  shore  to  an  amicable  arrangement 
of  all  alleged  grievances.  Ojeda,  knowing  the  crafty,  vio- 

1  Hist,  del  Almiraute,  ubi  sup. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  433 

lent  character  of  Roldan,  disregarded  his  repeated  messages, 
and  refused  to  venture  within  his  power.  He  even  seized  one 
of  his  messengers,  Diego  de  Truxillo,  and  landing  suddenly  at 
Xaragua,  carried  off  another  of  his  followers,  named  Toribio  de 
Lenares,  both  of  whom  he  retained  in  irons,  on  board  of  his 
vessel,  as  hostages  for  a  certain  Juan  Piutor,  a  one-armed  sailor, 
who  hud  deserted,  threatening  to  hang  them  if  the  deserter  was 
not  given  up.1 

Various  manoeuvres  took  place  between  these  two  well- 
matched  opponents  ;  each  wary  of  the  address  and  prowess  of 
the  other.  Ojeda  made  sail,  and  stood  twelve  leagues  to  the 
northward,  to  the  province  of  Cahay,  one  of  the  most  beautiful 
and  fertile  parts  of  the  country,  and  inhabited  by  a  kind  and 
gentle  people.  Here  he  landed  with  forty  men,  seizing  upon 
whatever  he  could  find  of  the  provisions  of  the  natives.  Rol- 
dan and  Escobar  followed  along  shore,  and  were  soon  at  his 
heels.  Roldan  then  despatched  Escobar  in  a  light  canoe,  pad- 
dled swiftly  by  Indians,  who  approaching  within  hail  of  the 
ship,  informed  Ojeda  that,  since  he  would  not  trust  himself  on 
shore,  Roldan  would  come  and  confer  with  him  on  board,  if  he 
would  send  a  boat  for  him. 

Ojeda  now  thought  himself  secure  of  his  enemy ;  he  immedi- 
ately despatched  a  boat  within  a  short  distance  of  the  shore, 
where  the  crew  lay  on  their  oars,  requiring  Roldan  to  come  to 
them.  "How  many  may  accompany  me?"  demanded  the 
latter.  "  Only  five  or  six,"  was  the  reply.  Upon  this  Diego 
de  Escobar  and  four  others  waded  to  the  boat.  The  crew  refused 
to  admit  more.  Roldan  then  ordered  one  man  to  carry  him  to 
the  barge,  and  another  to  walk  by  his  side  and  assist  him.  By 
this  stratagem,  his  party  was  eight  strong.  The  instant  he 
entered  the  boat  he  ordered  the  oarsmen  to  row  to  shore.  On 
their  refusing,  he  and  his  companions  attacked  them  sword  in 
hand,  wounded  several,  and  made  all  prisoners,  excepting  an 
Indian  archer,  who,  plunging  under  the  water,  escaped  by 
swimming. 

This  was  an  important  triumph  for  Roldan.  Ojeda,  anxious 
for  the  recover^'  of  his  boat,  which  was  indispensable  for  the 
service  of  the  ship,  now  made  overtures  of  peace.  He  ap- 
proached the  shore  in  his  remaining  boat  of  small  size,  taking 
with  him  his  principal  pilot,  an  arquebusier,  and  four  oarsmen. 
Roldan  entered  the  boat  he  had  just  captured,  with  seven  row- 
ers and  fifteen  fighting  men,  causing  fifteen  others  to  be  ready 

i  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.,  lib.  i.  cap.  169,  MS. 


434  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

on  shore  to  embark  in  a  large  canoe,  in  case  of  need.  A  char- 
acteristic interview  took  place  between  these  do  light}'  antago- 
nists, each  keeping  warily  on  his  guard.  Their  conference  was 
carried  on  at  a  distance.  Ojeda  justified  his  hostile  movements 
by  alleging  that  Koldan  had  come  with  an  armed  force  to  seize 
him.  This  the  latter  positively  denied,  promising  him  the  most 
amicable  reception  from  the  admiral,  in  case  he  would  repair 
to  San  Domingo.  An  arrangement  was  at  length  effected  ;  the 
boat  was  restored,  and  mutual  restitution  of  the  men  took 
place,  with  the  exception  of  Juan  Pintor,  the  one-armed  deserter, 
who  had  absconded  ;  and  on  the  following  day  Ojeda,  accord- 
ing to  agreement,  set  sail  to  leave  the  island,  threatening  how- 
ever, to  return  at  a  future  time  with  more  ships  and  men.1 

Roldan  waited  in  the  neighborhood,  doubting  the  truth  of 
his  departure.  In  the  course  of  a  few  days  word  was  brought 
that  Ojeda  had  landed  on  a  distant  part  of  the  coast.  He  im- 
mediately pursued  him  with  eighty  men,  in  canoes,  sending 
scouts  by  land.  Before  he  arrived  at  the  place  Ojeda  had  again 
made  sail,  and  Roldan  saw  and  heard  no  more  of  him.  Las 
Casas  asserts,  however,  that  Ojeda  departed  either  to  some  re- 
mote district  of  Hispaniola,  or  to  the  island  of  Porto  Rico, 
where  he  made  up  what  he  called  his  c<u:uly<ula,  or  drove  of 
slaves,  carrying  off  numbers  of  the  unhappy  natives,  whom  he 
sold  in  the  slave-market  of  Cadiz.2 


CHAPTER  VII. 

CONSPIRACY   OF   GUEVARA    AND    MOXICA. 
[1500.] 

WHEN  men  have  been  accustomed  to  act  falsely,  they  take 
great  merit  to  themselves  for  an  exertion  of  common  honesty. 
The  followers  of  Roldan  were  loud  in  trumpeting  forth  their 
unwonted  loyalty,  and  the  great  service  they  had  rendered  to 
government  in  driving  Ojeda  from  the  island.  Like  all  re- 
formed knaves,  they  expected  that  their  good  conduct  would 
be  amply  rewarded.  Looking  upon  their  leader  as  having 
every  thing  in  his  gift,  and  being  well  pleased  with  the  delight- 
ful province  of  Cahay,  they  requested  him  to  share  the  land 

1  Letter  of  Columbus  to  thu  Nurse  of  Prince  Juau.         *  Las  Casas,  lib.  i.  cap.  169. 


LIFE  OF  CHPISTOPnER   COLUMBUS.  435 

among  them,  that  they  might  settle  there.  Rolclan  would  have 
had  no  hesitation  in  granting  their  request  had  it  been  made 
during  his  freebooting  career;  but  he  was  now  anxious  to 
establish  a  character  for  adherence  to  the  laws.  He  declined, 
therefore,  acceding  to  their  wishes,  until  sanctioned  by  the  ad- 
miral. Knowing,  however,  that  he  had  fostered  a  spirit  among 
these  men  which  it  was  dangerous  to  contradict,  and  that  their 
rapacity,  by  long  indulgence,  did  not  admit  of  delay,  he  shared 
among  them  certain  lands  of  his  own,  in  the  territory  of  his 
ancient  host  Behechio,  cacique  of  Xaragua.  He  then  wrote  to 
the  admiral  for  permission  to  return  to  San  Domingo,  and 
received  a  letter  in  reply,  giving  him  many  thanks  and  commen- 
dations for  the  diligence  and  address  which  he  had  manifested, 
but  requesting  him  to  remain  for  a  time  in  Xaragua,  lest  Ojeda 
should  be  yet  hovering  about  the  coast,  and  disposed  to  make 
another  descent  in  that  province. 

The  troubles  of  the  island  were  not  }"et  at  an  end,  but  were 
destined  again  to  break  forth,  and  from  somewhat  of  a  roman- 
tic cause.  There  arrived  about  this  time,  at  Xaragua,  a  young 
cavalier  of  noble  family,  named  Don  Hernando  de  Guevara. 
He  possessed  an  agreeable  person  and  winning  manners,  but 
was  headstrong  in  his  passions  and  dissolute  in  his  principles. 
He  was  cousin  to  Adrian  de  Moxica,  one  of  the  most  active 
ringleaders  in  the  late  rebellion  of  Roldan,  and  had  conducted 
himself  with  such  licentiousness  at  San  Domingo  that  Colum- 
bus had  banished  him  from  the  island.  There  being  no  other 
opportunity  of  embarking,  he  had  been  sent  to  Xaragua,  to 
return  to  Spain  in  one  of  the  ships  of  Ojeda,  but  arrived  after 
their  departure.  Roldan  received  him  favorably,  on  account 
of  his  old  comrade,  Adrian  de  Moxica,  and  permitted  him  to 
choose  some  place  of  residence  until  further  orders  concerning 
him  should  arrive  from  the  admiral.  He  chose  the  province 
of  Cahay,  at  the  place  where  Roldan  had  captured  the  boat  of 
Ojeda.  It  was  a  delightful  part  of  that  beautiful  coast ;  but  the 
reason  why  Guevara  chose  it,  was  its  vicinity  to  Xaragua. 
While  at  the  latter  place,  in  consequence  of  the  indulgence  of 
Roldan,  he  was  favorably  received  at  the  house  of  Anacaona, 
the  widow  of  Caonabo,  and  sister  of  the  cacique  Behechio. 
That  remarkable  woman  still  retained  her  partiality  to  the 
Spaniards,  notwithstanding  the  disgraceful  scenes  which  had 
passed  before  her  63-68  ;  and  the  native  dignity  of  her  character 
had  commanded  the  respect  even  of  the  dissolute  rabble  which 
infested  her  province.  By  her  late  husband,  the  cacique  Cao- 
nobo,  she  had  a  daughter  named  Higueuamota,  just  grown  up, 


436  LIFE  OF  CnRISTOPUER   COLUMBUS. 

and  greatly  admired  for  her  beauty.  Guevara,  being  often  in 
company  with  her,  a  mutual  attachment  ensued.  Jt  was  to  be 
near  her  that  he  chose  Cahay  as  a  residence,  at  a  place  where 
his  cousin  Adrian  de  Moxica  kept  a  number  of  dogs  and  hawks, 
to  be  employed  in  the  chase.  Guevara  delayed  his  departure. 
Roldan  discovered  the  reason,  and  warued  him  to  desist  from 
his  pretensions  and  leave  the  province.  Las  Casas  intimates 
that  Roldan  was  himself  attached  to  the  young  Indian  beauty, 
and  jealous  of  her  preference  of  his  rival.  Anacaona,  the 
mother,  pleased  with  the  gallant  appearance  and  ingratiating 
manners  of  the  youthful  cavalier,  favored  his  attachment, 
especially  as  he  sought  her  daughter  in  marriage.  Notwith- 
standing the  orders  of  Roldan,  Guevara  still  lingered  in  Xaragua, 
in  the  house  of  Anacaoua  ;  and  sending  for  a  priest,  desired 
him  to  baptize  his  intended  bride. 

Hearing  of  this,  Roldan  sent  for  Guevara,  and  rebuked  him 
sharply  for  remaining  at  Xaragua,  and  attempting  to  deceive 
a  person  of  the  importance  of  Anacaona,  by  iusnariug  the 
affections  of  her  daughter.  Guevara  avowed  the  strength  of 
his  passion,  and  his  correct  intentions,  and  entreated  permission 
to  remain.  Roldan  was  inflexible.  He  alleged  that  some  evil 
construction  might  be  put  on  his  conduct  by  the  admiral ;  but 
it  is  probable  his  true  motive  was  a  desire  to  send  awa}-  a  rival, 
who  interfered  with  his  own  amorous  designs.  Guevara 
obeyed  ;  but  had  scarce  been  three  days  at  Cahay,  when  unable 
to  remain  longer  absent  from  the  object  of  his  passion,  he 
returned  to  Xaragua,  accompanied  by  four  or  five  friends,  and 
concealed  himself  in  the  dwelling  of  Anacaona.  Roldau,  who 
was  at  that  time  confined  by  a  malady  in  his  e3~es,  being 
apprised  of  his  return,  sent  orders  for  him  to  depart  instantly  to 
Cahay.  The  young  cavalier  assumed  a  tone  of  defiance.  He 
warned  Roldan  not  to  make  foes  when  he  had  such  great  need 
of  friends  ;  for  to  his  certain  knowledge,  the  admiral  intended 
to  behead  him.  Upon  this,  Roldan  commanded  him  to  quit 
that  part  of  the  island,  and  repair  to  San  Domingo,  to  present 
himself  before  the  admiral.  The  thoughts  of  being  banished 
entirely  from  the  vicinity  of  his  Indian  beauty  checked  the 
vehemence  of  the  youth.  He  changed  his  tone  of  haughty 
defiance  into  one  of  humble  supplication  ;  and  Roldan,  appeased 
b}-  this  submission,  permitted  him  to  remain  for  the  present  in 
the  neighborhood. 

Roldan  had  instilled  wilfulness  and  violence  into  the  hearts 
of  his  late  followers,  and  now  was  doomed  to  experience  the 
effects.  Guevara,  incensed  at  his  opposition  to  his  passion, 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  437 

meditated  revenge.  He  soon  made  a  party  among  the  old  com- 
rades of  Roldan,  who  detested,  as  a  magistrate,  the  man  they 
had  idolized  as  a  leader.  It  was  concerted  to  rise  suddenly 
upon  him,  and  either  to  kill  him  or  put  out  his  eyes.  Roldan 
was  apprised  of  the  plot,  and  proceeded  with  his  usual  prompt- 
ness. Guevara  was  seized  in  the  dwelling  of  Anacaona,  in  the 
presence  of  his  intended  bride  ;  seven  of  his  accomplices  were 
likewise  arrested.  Roldan  immediately  sent  an  account  of  the 
affair  to  the  admiral,  professing,  at  present,  to  do  nothing 
without  his  authority,  and  declaring  himself  not  competent  to 
judge  impartially  in  the  case.  Columbus,  who  was  at  that 
time  at  Fort  Conception,  in  the  Vega,  ordered  the  prisoner  to 
be  conducted  to  the  fortress  of  San  Domingo. 

The  vigorous  measures  of  Roldan  against  his  old  comrades 
produced  commotions  in  the  island.  When  Adrian  de  Moxica 
heard  that  his  cousin  Guevara  was  a  prisoner,  and  that,  too, 
by  command  of  his  former  confederate,  he  was  highly  exas- 
perated, and  resolved  on  vengeance.  Hastening  to  Bonao,  the 
old  haunt  of  rebellion,  he  obtained  the  co-operation  of  Pedro 
Requelme,  the  recently  appointed  alcalde.  They  went  round 
among  their  late  companions  in  rebellion,  who  had  received 
lauds  and  settled  in  various  parts  of  the  Vega,  working  upon 
their  ready  passions,  and  enlisting  their  feelings  in  the  cause 
of  an  old  comrade.  These  men  seemed  to  have  had  an  irresist- 
ible propensity  to  sedition.  Guevara  was  a  favorite  with  them 
all ;  the  charms  of  the  Indian  beauty  had  probably  their 
influence  ;  and  the  conduct  of  Roldan  was  pronounced  a  tyran- 
nical interference,  to  prevent  a  marriage  agreeable  to  all  par- 
ties, and  beneficial  to  the  colony.  There  is  no  being  so  odious 
to  his  former  associates  as  a  reformed  robber,  or  a  rebel, 
enlisted  in  the  service  of  justice.  The  old  scenes  of  faction  were 
renewed  ;  the  weapons  which  had  scarce  been  hung  up  from 
the  recent  rebellions,  were  again  snatched  down  from  the 
walls,  and  rash  preparations  were  made  for  action.  Moxica 
soon  saw  a  body  of  daring  and  reckless  men  ready,  with  horse 
and  weapon,  to  follow  him  on  any  desperate  enterprise.  Blinded 
by  the  impunity  which  had  attended  their  former  outrages,  he 
now  threatened  acts  of  greater  atrocity,  meditating,  not  merely 
the  rescue  of  his  cousin,  but  the  death  of  Roldau  and  the 
admiral. 

Columbus  was  at  Fort  Conception,  with  an  inconsiderable 
force,  when  this  dangerous  plot  was  concerted  in  his  very 
neighborhood.  Not  dreaming  of  any  further  hostilities  from 
men  on  whom  he  had  lavished  favors,  he  would  doubtless  have 


438  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPIIER   COLUMBUS. 

fallen  into  their  power,  had  not  intelligence  been  brought  him 
of  the  plot  by  a  deserter  from  the  conspirators.  He  saw  at  a 
glance  the  perils  by  which  he  was  surrounded,  and  the  storm 
about  to  burst  upon  the  island.  It  was  no  longer  a  time  for 
lenient  measures  ;  he  determined  to  strike  a  blow  which  should 
crush  the  very  head  of  the  rebellion. 

Taking  with  him  but  six  or  seven  trusty  servants,  and  three 
esquires,  all  well-armed,  he  set  out  in  the  night  for  the  place 
where  the  ringleaders  were  quartered.  Confiding  probably  in  the 
secrecy  of  their  plot,  and  the  late  passiveness  of  the  admiral, 
they  appeared  to  have  been  perfectly  unguarded.  Columbus 
came  upon  them  by  surprise,  seized  Moxica  and  several  of  his 
principal  confederates,  and  bore  them  off  to  Fort  Conception. 
The  moment  was  critical ;  the  Vega  was  ripe  for  a  revolt ;  he 
had  the  fomenter  of  the  conspiracy  in  his  power,  and  an  exam- 
ple was  called  for,  that  should  strike  terror  into  the  factious. 
He  ordered  Moxica  to  be  hanged  on  the  top  of  the  fortress. 
The  latter  entreated  to  be  allowed  to  confess  himself  previous 
to  execution.  A  priest  was  summoned.  The  miserable  Moxica, 
who  had  been  so  arrogant  in  rebellion,  lost  all  courage  at  the 
near  approach  of  death.  He  delayed  to  confess,  beginning  and 
pausing,  and  recommencing,  and  again  hesitating,  as  if  he 
hoped,  by  whiling  away  time,  to  give  a  chance  for  rescue. 
Instead  of  confessing  his  own  sins,  he  accused  others  of  crimi- 
nality, who  were  known  to  be  innocent ;  until  Columbus, 
incensed  at  this  falsehood  and  treachery,  and  losing  all 
paiieuce,  in  his  mingled  indignation  and  scorn,  ordered  the  das- 
tard wretch  to  be  swung  off  from  the  battlements.1 

This  sudden  act  of  severity  was  promptly  followed  up. 
Several  of  the  accomplices  of  Moxica  were  condemned  to  death 
and  thrown  in  irons  to  await  their  fate.  Before  the  conspira- 
tors had  time  to  recover  from  their  astonishment,  Pedro 
Requelme  was  taken,  with  several  of  his  compeers,  in  his  ruffian 
den  at  Bonao,  and  conveyed  to  the  fortress  of  San  Domingo ; 
where  was  also  confined  the  original  mover  of  this  second 
rebellion,  Hernando  de  Guevara,  the  lover  of  the  young  Indian 
princess.  These  unexpected  acts  of  rigor,  proceeding  from  a 
quarter  which  had  been  long  so  lenient,  had  the  desired  effect. 
The  conspirators  fled  for  the  most  part  to  Xaragua,  their  old 
and  favorite  retreat.  They  were  not  suffered  to  congregate 
there  again,  and  concert  new  seditions.  The  Adelantado, 
seconded  by  Roldau,  pursued  them  with  his  characteristic 

1  Herrera,  decad.  i.  lib.  iv.  cap.  5. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  439 

rapidity  of  movement  and  vigor  of  arm.  It  has  l>een  said  that 
he  carried  a  priest  with  him,  in  order  that,  as  lie  arrested 
delinquents,  they  might  be  confessed  and  hanged  upon'  the 
spot;  but  the  more  probable  account  is  that  he  transmitted 
them  prisoners  to  San  Domingo.  He  had  seventeen  of  them  at 
one  time  confined  in  one  common  dungeon,  awaiting  their  trial, 
while  he  continued  in  indefatigable  pursuit  of  the  remainder.1 

These  were  prompt  and  severe  measures  ;  but  when  we  con- 
sider how  long  Columbus  had  lx>rne  with  these  men  ;  how 
much  he  had  ceded  and  sacrificed  to  them  :  how  he  had  been 
interrupted  in  all  his  great  undertakings,  and  the  welfare  of  the 
colony  destroyed  b}*  their  contemptible  and  seditious  brawls  : 
how  they  had  abused  his  lenity,  defied  his  authority,  and  at 
length  attempted  his  life  —  we  cannot  wonder  that  he  should 
at  last  let  fall  the  sword  of  justice,  which  he  had  hitherto  held 
suspended. 

The  power  of  faction  was  now  completely  subdued,  and  the 
good  effects  of  the  various  measures  taken  by  Columbus,  since 
his  last  arrival,  for  the  benefit  of  the  island,  began  to  appear. 
The  Indians,  seeing  the  inetficacy  of  resistance,  submitted  to 
the  yoke.  Man}-  gave  signs  of  civilization,  having,  in  some 
instances,  adopted  clothing  and  embraced  Christianity.  Assisted 
by  their  labors  the  Spaniards  now  cultivated  their  lands  dili- 
gently, and  there  was  every  appearance  of  settled  and  regular 
prosperity. 

Columbus  considered  all  this  happy  change  as  brought  alx>ut 
by  the  especial  intervention  of  Heaven.  In  a  letter  to  Dona 
Juana  de  la  Torre,  a  lady  of  distinction,  aya  or  nurse  of  Prince 
Juan,  he  gives  an  instance  of  those  visionary  fancies  to  which 
he  wa-s  subject  in  times  of  illness  and  anxiety.  In  the  preced 
ing  winter,  he  says,  about  the  festival  of  Christmas,  when 
menaced  by  Indian  war  and  domestic  rebellion,  when  distrust- 
ful of  those  around  him  and  apprehensive  of  disgrace  at  court, 
he  sank  for  a  time  into  complete  despondency.  In  this  hour  of 
gloom,  when  abandoned  to  despair,  he  heard  in  the  night  a 
voice  addressing  him  in  words  of  comfort,  '•  Oh  man  of  little 
faith  !  why  art  thou  cast  .lown  ?  Fear  nothing,  I  will  provide 
forthee.  The  seven  years  of  the  term  of  gold  are  not  expired  ; 
in  that,  and  in  all  other  things,  I  will  take  care  of  thee." 

The  seven  years  term  of  gold  here  mentioned  alludes  to  a 
vow  made  by  Columbus  on  discovering  the  New  World,  and 
recorded  by  him  in  a  letter  to  the  sovereigns,  that  within  seven 

1  LasCasas,  Hist.  Ind.,  lib.  i.  cap.  170,  MS.    Derrera,  tlecad.  i.  lib.  Iv.  cap.  7. 


440  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

years  he  would  furnish,  from  the  profits  of  his  discoveries,  fifty 
thousand  foot  and  five  thousand  horse,  for  the  deliverance  of 
the'  holy  sepulchre,  and  an  additional  force  of  like  amount, 
within  five  years  afterward. 

The  comforting  assurance  given  him  by  the  voice  was  cor- 
roborated, he  says,  that  very  day,  by  intelligence  received  of 
the  discovery  of  a  large  tract  of  country  rich  in  mines.1  This 
imaginary  promise  of  divine  aid  thus  mysteriously  given, 
appeared  to  him  at  present  in  still  greater  progress  of  fulfil- 
ment. The  troubles  and  dangers  of  the  island  had  been  suc- 
ceeded by  tranquillity.  He  now  anticipated  the  prosperous 
prosecution  of  his  favorite  enterprise,  so  long  interrupted  —  the 
exploring  of  the  regions  of  Paria,  and  the  establishment  of  a 
fishery  in  the  Gulf  of  Pearls.  How  illusive  were  his  hopes ! 
At  this  moment  events  were  maturing  which  were  to  over- 
whelm him  with  distress,  strip  him  of  his  honors,  and  render 
him  comparatively  a  wreck  for  the  remainder  of  his  days ! 

*  Letter  of  Columbus  to  the  Xurse  of  Prince  Juan.    Hist,  del  Almirariie,  cap.  S4. 


BOOK   XIII. 


CHAPTER  I. 

REPRESENTATIONS      AT      COURT    AGAINST      COLUMBUS BOBADILLA 

EMPOWERED    TO    EXAMINE    INTO    HIS    CONDUCT. 

[1500.] 

WHILE  Columbus  was  involved  in  a  series  of  difficulties  in 
the  factious  island  of  Hispaniola,  his  enemies  were  but  too  suc- 
cessful in  undermining  his  reputation  in  the  court  of  Spain. 
The  report  brought  by  Ojeda  of  his  anticipated  disgrace  was  not 
entirely  unfounded  ;  the  event  was  considered  near  at  hand, 
and  every  perfidious  exertion  was  made  to  accelerate  it.  Every 
vessel  from  the  New  World  came  freighted  with  complaints, 
representing  Columbus  and  his  brothers  as  new  men,  unaccus- 
tomed to  command,  inflated  by  their  sudden  rise  from  obscurity  ; 
arrogant  and  insulting  toward  men  of  birth  and  lofty  spirit ; 
oppressive  of  the  common  people,  and  cruel  in  their  treatment 
of  the  natives.  The  insidious  and  illiberal  insinuation  was  con- 
tinually urged,  that  they  were  foreigners,  who  could  have  no 
interest  in  the  glory  of  Spain,  or  the  prosperity  of  Spaniards  ; 
and  contemptible  as  this  plea  may  seem,  it  had  a  powerful 
effect.  Columbus  was  even  accused  of  a  design  to  cast  off  all 
allegiance  to  Spain,  and  either  make  himself  sovereign  of  the 
countries  he  had  discovered,  or  yield  them  into  the  hands  of 
some  other  power  ;  a  slander,  which,  however  extravagant,  was 
calculated  to  startle  the  jealous  mind  of  Ferdinand. 

It  is  true  that  by  every  ship  Columbus  likewise  sent  home 
statements,  written  with  the  frankness  and  energy  of  truth, 
setting  forth  the  real  cause  and  nature  of  the  distractions  of 
the  island,  and  pointing  out  and  imploring  remedies,  which,  if 
properly  applied,  might  have  been  efficacious.  His  letters, 
however,  arriving  at  distant  intervals,  made  but  single  and 
transient  impressions  on  the  royal  mind,  which  were  speedily 

441 


442  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER    COLUMBUS. 

effaced  by  the  influence  of  daily  and  active  misrepresentation. 
His  enemies  at  court,  having  continual  access  to  the  sovereigns, 
were  enabled  to  place  every  thing  urged  against  him  in  the 
strongest  point  of  view,  while  they  secretly  neutralized  the  force 
of  his  vindications.  They  used  a  plausible  logic  to  prove  either 
bad  management  or  bad  faith  on  his  part.  There  was  an  in- 
cessant drain  upon  the  mother  country  for  the  support  of  the 
colony.  Was  this  compatible  with  the  extravagant  pictures  he 
had  drawn  of  the  wealth  of  the  island,  and  its  golden  mountains, 
in  which  he  had  pretended  to  find  the  Ophirof  ancient  days,  the 
source  of  all  the  riches  of  Solomon?  They  inferred  that  he  had 
either  deceived  the  sovereigns  by  designing  exaggerations,  or 
grossly  wronged  them  by  malpractices,  or  was  totally  incapable 
of  the  duties  of  government. 

The  disappointment  of  Ferdinand,  in  finding  his  newly- 
discovered  possessions  a  source  of  expense  instead  of  profit, 
was  known  to  press  sorely  on  his  mind.  The  wars,  dictated  by 
his  ambition,  had  straitened  his  resources,  and  involved  him  in 
perplexities.  He  had  looked  with  confidence  to  the  New  World 
for  relief,  and  for  ample  means  to  pursue  his  triumphs  ;  and 
grew  impatient  at  the  repeated  demands  which  it  occasioned  on 
his  scanty  treasury.  For  the  purpose  of  irritating  his  feelings 
and  heightening  his  resentment,  every  disappointed  and  repin- 
ing man  who  returned  from  the  colony  was  encouraged  by  the 
hostile  faction,  to  put  in  claims  for  pay  withheld  by  Columbus, 
or  losses  sustained  in  his  service.  This  was  especially  the  case 
with  the  disorderly  ruffians  shipped  off  to  free  the  island  from 
sedition.  Finding  their  way  to  the  court  at  Granada,  they  fol- 
lowed the  king  when  he  rode  out,  filling  the  air  with  their  com- 
plaints, and  clamoring  for  their  pay.  At  one  time  about  fifty 
of  these  vagabonds  found  their  way  into  the  inner  court  of  the 
Alhambra,  under  the  royal  apartments  ;  holding  up  bunches  of 
grapes  as  the  meagre  diet  left  them  by  their  poverty,  and  rail- 
ing aloud  at  the  deceits  of  Columbus  and  the  cruel  neglect  of 
government.  The  two  sons  of  Columbus,  who  were  pages  to 
the  queen,  happening  to  pass  by,  they  followed  them  with  im- 
precations, exclaiming,  "  There  go  the  sons  of  the  admiral,  the 
whelps  of  him  who  discovered  the  laud  of  vanity  and  delusion, 
the  grave  of  Spanish  hidalgos."  l 

The  incessant  repetition  of  falsehood  will  gradually  wear  its 
way  into  the  most  candid  mind.  Isabella  herself  began  to  enter- 
tain doubts  respecting  the  conduct  of  Columbus.  Where  there 

1  Hist,  del  Almiraute,  cap.  85. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER    COLUMBUS.  443 

was  such  universal  and  incessant  complaint,  it  seemed  reason- 
able to  conclude  that  there  must  exist  some  fault.  If  Colum- 
bus and  his  brothers  were  upright,  they  might  be  injudicious ; 
and,  in  government,  mischief  is  oftener  produced  through  error 
of  judgment  than  iniquity  of  design.  The  letters  written  by 
Columbus  himself  presented  a  lamentable  picture  of  the  con- 
fusion of  the  island.  Might  not  this  arise  from  the  weakness 
and  incapacity  of  the  rulers?  Even  granting  that  the  prevalent 
abuses  arose  in  a  great  measure  from  the  enmity  of  the  people 
to  the  admiral  and  his  brothers,  and  their  prejudices  against 
them  as  foreigners,  was  it  safe  to  intrust  so  important  and  dis- 
tant a  command  to  persons  so  unpopular  with  the  community? 

These  considerations  had  much  weight  in  the  candid  mind  of 
Isabella,  but  they  were  all-powerful  with  the  cautious  and  jeal- 
ous Ferdinand.  He  had  never  regarded  Columbus  with  real 
cordiality  ;  and  ever  since  he  had  ascertained  the  importance  of 
his  discoveries,  had  regretted  the  extensive  powers  vested  in 
his  hands.  The  excessive  clamors  which  had  arisen  during  the 
brief  administration  of  the  Adelantado  and  the  breaking  out  of 
the  faction  of  Roldan  at  length  determined  the  king  to  send  out 
some  person  of  consequence  and  ability  to  investigate  the  affairs 
of  the  colony,  and  if  necessary  for  its  safety,  to  take  upon  him- 
self the  command.  This  important  and  critical  measure  it 
appears  had  been  decided  upon,  and  the  papers  and  powers 
actually  drawn  out,  in  the  spring  of  1499.  It  was  not  carried 
into  effect,  however,  until  the  following  year.  Various  reasons 
have  been  assigned  for  this  delay.  The  important  services 
rendered  by  Columbus  in  the  discovery  of  Paria  and  the  Pearl 
Islands  may  have  had  some  effect  on  the  royal  mind.  The 
necessity  of  fitting  out  an  armament  just  at  that  moment,  to 
co-operate  with  the  Venetians  against  the  Turks  ;  the  menacing 
movements  of  the  new  king  of  France,  Louis  XII.  ;  the  rebellion 
of  the  Moors  of  the  Alpuxarra  mountains,  in  the  lately  con- 
quered kingdom  of  Granada  —  all  these  have  been  alleged  as 
reasons  for  postponing  a  measure  which  called  for  much  con- 
sideration, and  might  have  important  effects  upon  the  newly 
discovered  possessions.1  The  most  probable  reason,  however, 
was  strong  disinclination  of  Isabella  to  take  so  harsh  a  step 
against  a  man  for  whom  she  entertained  such  ardent  gratitude 
and  high  admiration. 

At  length  the  arrival  of  the  ships  with  the  late  followers  of 
Roldan,  according  to  their  capitulation,  brought  matters  to  a 

1  lluoCi;,  llit-t.  X.  Muuilo,  part  unpublished. 


444  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

crisis.  It  is  true  that  Ballester  and  Ban-antes  came  in  these 
ships,  to  place  the  affairs  of  the  island  in  a  proper  light ;  but 
they  brought  out  a  host  of  witnesses  in  favor  of  Roldan,  and 
letters  written  by  himself  and  his  confederates,  attributing  all 
their  late  conduct  to  the  tyranny  of  Columbus  and  his  brothers. 
Unfortunately  the  testimou}-  of  the  rebels  had  the  greatest 
weight  with  Ferdinand  ;  and  there  was  a  circumstance  in  the 
case  which  suspended  for  a  time  the  friendship  of  Isabella, 
hitherto  the  greatest  dependence  of  Columbus. 

Having  a  maternal  interest  in  the  welfare  of  the  natives,  the 
queen  had  been  repeatedly  offended  by  what  appeared  to  her 
pertinacity  on  the  part  of  Columbus,  in  continuing  to  make 
slaves  of  those  taken  in  warfare,  in  contradiction  to  her  known 
wishes.  The  same  ships  which  brought  home  the  companions 
of  Roldan,  brought  likewise  a  great  number  of  slaves.  Some, 
Columbus  had  been  obliged  to  grant  to  these  men  by  the  articles 
of  capitulation  ;  others  they  had  brought  away  clandestinely. 
Among  them  were  several  daughters  of  caciques,  seduced  away 
from  their  families  and  their  native  island  by  these  profligates. 
Some  of  these  were  in  a  state  of  pregnancy,  others  had  new- 
born infants.  The  gifts  and  transfers  of  these  unhappy  beings 
were  all  ascribed  to  the  will  of  Columbus,  and  represented  to 
Isabella  in  the  darkest  colors.  Her  sensibility  as  a  woman, 
and  her  dignity  as  a  queen,  were  instantly  in  arms.  "What 
power,"  exclaimed  she  indignantly,  "•  has  the  admiral  to  give 
away  my  vassals?  "  '  Determined,  by  one  decided  and  peremp- 
tory act,  to  show  her  abhorrence  of  these  outrages  upon  human- 
ity, she  ordered  all  the  Indians  to  be  restored  to  their  country 
and  friends.  Nay,  more  ;  her  measure  was  retrospective.  She 
commanded  that  those  formerly  sent  to  Spain  by  the  admiral 
should  be  sought  out  and  sent  back  to  Hispaniola.  Unfortu- 
nately for  Columbus,  at  this  very  juncture,  in  one  of  his  letters 
he  advised  the  continuance  of  Indian  slavery  for  some  time 
longer,  as  a  measure  important  for  the  welfare  of  the  colony. 
This  contributed  to  heighten  the  indignation  of  Isabella,  and 
induced  her  no  longer  to  oppose  the  sending  out  of  a  commis- 
sion to  investigate  his  conduct,  and,  it  necessary,  to  supersede 
him  in  command. 

Ferdinand  was  exceedingly  embarrassed  in  appointing  this 
commission,  between  his  sense  of  what  was  due  to  the  charac- 
ter and  services  oi  Columbus,  and  his  anxiety  to  retract  with 
delicacy  the  powers  vested  in  him.  A  pretext  at  length  was 

»  Las  Caeas.  lib.  1. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  445 

furnished  by  the  recent  request  of  the  admiral  that  a  person  of 
talents  and  probity,  learned  in  the  law,  might  be  sent  out  to 
act  as  chief  judge ;  and  that  an  impartial  umpire  might  be 
appointed,  to  decide  in  the  affair  between  himself  and  Roldan. 
Ferdinand  proposed  to  consult  his  wishes,  but  to  unite  those 
two  offices  in  one ;  and  as  the  person  he  appointed  would  have 
to  decide  in  matters  touching  the  highest  functions  of  the 
admiral  and  his  brothers,  he  was  empowered,  should  he  find 
them  culpable,  to  supersede  them  in  the  government;  a  singu- 
lar mode  of  insuring  partiality. 

The  person  chosen  for  this  momentous  and  delicate  office  was 
Don  Francisco  de  Bobadilla,  an  officer  of  the  royal  household, 
and  a  commander  of  the  military  and  religious  order  of  C'ala- 
trava.  Ovieda  pronounces  him  a  very  honest  and  religious 
man  ; 1  but  he  is  represented  by  others,  and  his  actions  corrobo- 
rate the  description,  as  needy,  passionate,  and  ambitious  — 
three  powerful  objections  to  his  exercising  the  rights  of  judica- 
ture in  a  case  requiring  the  utmost  patience,  candor,  and  cir- 
cumspection, and  where  the  judge  was  to  derive  wealth  and 
power  from  the  conviction  of  one  of  the  parties. 

The  authority  vested  in  Bobadilla  is  defined  in  letters  from 
the  sovereigns  still  extant,  and  which  deserve  to  be  noticed 
chronologically  ;  for  the  royal  intentions  appear  to  have  varied 
with  times  and  circumstances.  The  first  was  dated  on  the  21st 
of  March,  1499,  and  mentions  the  complaint  of  the  admiral  that 
an  alcalde,  and  certain  other  persons  had  risen  in  rebellion 
against  him.  "  Wherefore,"  adds  the  letter,  "  we  order  yon  to 
inform  yourself  of  the  truth  of  the  foregoing ;  to  ascertain  who 
and  what  persons  they  were  who  rose  against  the  said  admiral 
and  our  magistracy,  and  for  what  cause  ;  and  what  robberies 
and  other  injuries  they  have  committed  ;  and  furthermore,  to 
extend  your  inquiries  to  all  other  matters  relating  to  the  prem- 
ises :  and  the  information  obtained,  and  the  truth  known, 
whomsoever  you  find  culpable,  arrest  their  persons,  and 
sequestrate  their  effects ;  and  thus  taken,  proceed  against  them 
and  the  absent,  both  civilly  and  criminally,  and  impose  and 
inflict  such  fines  and  punishments  as  you  may  think  fit."  To 
carry  this  into  effect,  Bobadilla  was  authorized,  in  case  of 
necessity,  to  call  in  the  assistance  of  the  admiral,  and  of  all 
other  persons  in  authority. 

The  powers  here  given  are  manifestly  directed  merely 
against  the  rebels,  and  in  consequence  of  the  complaints  of  Co- 

1  Oriedo.  Cronicu.  lib.  ttl.  cap.  6. 


446  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

lumbus.  Another  letter,  dated  on  the  21st  of  May,  two  months 
subsequently,  is  of  quite  different  purport.  It  makes  no  men- 
tion of  Columbus,  but  is  addressed  to  the  various  function-ivies 
and  men  of  property  of  the  islands  and  Terra  Firma,  informing 
them  of  the  appointment  of  Bobadilla  to  the  government,  with 
full  civil  and  criminal  jurisdiction.  Among;  the  powers  speci- 
fied, is  the  following  :  k%  It  is  our  will,  that  if  the  said  command- 
er, Francisco  de  Bobadilla,  should  think  it  necessary  for  our 
service,  and  the  purposes  of  justice,  that  any  cavaliers,  or 
other  persons  who  are  at  present  in  those  islands,  or  may 
arrive  there,  should  leave  them,  and  not  return  and  reside  in 
them,  and  that  they  should  come  and  present  themselves  before 
us,  he  may  command  it  in  our  name,  and  oblige  them  to  depart ; 
and  whomsoever  he  thus  commands,  we  hereby  order,  that 
immediately,  without  waiting  to  inquire  or  consult  us,  or  to 
receive  from  us  any  other  letter  or  command,  and  without 
interposing  appeal  or  supplication,  they  obey  whatever  he  shall 
say  and  order,  under  the  penalties  which  he  shall  impose  on 
our  part,"  etc.,  etc. 

Another  letter,  dated  likewise  on  the  21st  of  Ma}',  in  which 
Columbus  is  styled  simply  "admiral  of  the  ocean  sea,"  orders 
him  and  his  brothers  to  surrender  the  fortress,  ships,  houses, 
arms,  ammunition,  cattle,  and  all  other  royal  property,  into  the 
hands  of  Bobadilla,  as  governor,  under  penalty  of  incurring 
the  punishments  to  which  those  subject  themselves  who  refuse 
to  surrender  fortresses  and  other  trusts,  when  commanded  by 
their  sovereigns. 

A  fourth  letter,  dated  on  the  26th  of  May,  and  addressed  to 
Columbus,  simply  by  the  title  of  admiral,  is  a  mere  letter  of 
credence,  ordering  him  to  give  faith  and  obedience  to  whatever 
Bobadilla  should  impart. 

The  second  and  third  of  these  letters  were  evidently  provision- 
al, and  only  to  be  produced,  if,  on  examination,  there  should 
appear  such  delinquency  on  the  part  of  Columbus  and  his 
brothers  as  to  warrant  their  being  divested  of  command. 

This  heavy  blow,  as  lias  been  shown,  remained  suspended  for 
a  year ;  yet,  that  it  was  whispered  about,  and  triumphantly 
anticipated  by  the  enemies  of  Columbus,  is  evident  from  the 
assertions  of  Ojeda,  who  sailed  from  Spain  about  the  time  of 
the  signature  of  these  letters,  and  had  intimate  communica- 
tions with  Bishop  Fonseca,  who  was  considered  instrumental 
in  producing  this  measure.  The  very  license  grantid  by  the 
bishop  to  Ojeda  to  sail  on  a  voyage  of  discovery  in  contraven- 
tion of  the  prerogatives  of  the  admiral,  has  the  air  of  being 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  447 

given  on  a  presumption  of  his  speedy  downfall ;  and  the  same 
presumption,  as  has  already  been  observed,  must  have  encour- 
aged Ojeda  in  his  turbulent  conduct  at  Xaragua. 

At  length  the  long  projected  measure  was  carried  into  effect. 
Bobadilla  set  sail  for  San  Domingo  about  the  middle  of  July, 
ir>00,  with  two  caravels,  in  which  were  twenty-five  men,  en- 
listed for  a  year,  to  serve  as  a  kind  of  guard.  There  were  six 
friars  likewise,  who  had  charge  of  a  number  of  Indians  sent 
back  to  their  country.  Besides  the  letters  patent,  Bobadilla 
was  authorized,  by  royal  order,  to  ascertain  and  discharge  all 
arrears  of  pay  due  to  persons  in  the  service  of  the  crown,  and 
to  oblige  the  admiral  to  pay  what  was  due  on  his  part,  "  so 
that  those  people  might  receive  what  was  owing  to  them,  and 
there  might  be  no  more  complaints."  In  addition  to  all  these 
powers,  Bobadilla  was  furnished  with  many  blank  letters  signed 
by  the  sovereigns,  to  be  tilled  up  by  him  in  such  manner,  and 
directed  to  such  persons,  as  he  might  think  advisable,  in  rela- 
tion to  the  mission  with  which  he  was  intrusted.1 


CHAPTER  II. 

ARRIVAL    OF    BOBADILLA    AT    SAN  DOMINGO  —  HIS  VIOLENT  ASSUMP- 
TION   OF   THE    COMMAND. 

[1500.] 

COLUMBUS  was  still  at  Fort  Conception,  regulating  the  affairs 
of  the  Vega,  after  the  catastrophe  of  the  sedition  of  Moxica  ;  his 
brother,  the  Adelautado,  accompanied  by  Roldan,  was  pursuing 
and  arresting  the  fugitive  rebels  in  Xaragua ;  and  Don  Diego 
Columbus  remained  in  temporary  command  at  San  Domingo. 
Faction  had  worn  itself  out ;  the  insurgents  had  brought  down 
ruin  upon  themselves ;  and  the  island  appeared  delivered  from 
the  domination  of  violent  and  lawless  men. 

Such  was  the  state  of  public  affairs,  when,  on  the  morning  of 
the  23d  of  August,  two  caravels  were  descried  off  the  harbor 
of  San  Domingo,  about  a  league  at  sea.  They  were  standing 
off  and  on,  waiting  until  the  sea  breeze,  which  generally  pre- 
vails about  ten  o'clock,  should  cany  them  into  port.  Don 
Diego  Columbus  supposed  them  to  be  ships  sent  from  Spain 

*  Kerrera,  decad.  i.  lib.  »v.  cap.  7. 


448  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

with  supplies,  and  hoped  to  find  on  board  his  nephew  Diego, 
whom  the  admiral  had  requested  might  be  sent  out  to  assist 
him  in  his  various  concerns.  A  canoe  was  immediately  de- 
spatched to  obtain  information  ;  which,  approaching  the  cara- 
vels, inquired  what  news  they  brought,  and  whether  Diego, 
the  sou  of  the  admiral,  was  on  board.  Bobadilla  himself  re- 
plied from  the  principal  vessel,  announcing  himself  as  a  commis- 
sioner sent  out  to  investigate  the  late  rebellion.  The  master  of 
the  caravel  then  inquired  about  the  news  of  the  island,  and  was 
informed  of  the  recent  transactions.  Seven  of  the  rebels,  he 
was  told,  had  been  hanged  that  week,  and  five  more  were  in  the 
fortress  of  San  Domingo,  condemned  to  suffer  the  same  fate. 
Among  these  were  Pedro  Requelrae  and  Fernando  de  Guevara, 
the  young  cavalier  whose  passion  for  the  daughter  of  Anacauna 
had  been  the  original  cause  of  the  rebellion.  Further  conversa- 
tion passed,  in  the  course  of  which  Bobadilla  ascertained  that 
the  admiral  and  the  Adelantado  were  absent,  and  Don  Diego 
Columbus  in  command. 

When  the  canoe  returned  to  the  city  with  the  news  that  a 
commissioner  had  arrived  to  make  inquisition  into  the  late 
troubles,  there  was  a  great  stir  and  agitation  throughout  the 
community.  Knots  of  whisperers  gathered  at  every  corner ; 
those  who  were  conscious  of  malpractices  were  filled  witli  con- 
sternation ;  while  those  who  had  grievances,  real  or  imaginary, 
to  complain  of,  especially  those  whose  pay  was  in  arrear, 
appeared  with  joyful  countenances.1 

As  the  vessels  entered  the  river,  Bobadilla  beheld  on  either 
bank  a  gibbet  with  a  body  of  a  Spaniard  hanging  on  it,  ap- 
parently but  lately  executed.  He  considered  these  as  conclusive 
proofs  of  the  alleged  cruelty  of  Columbus.  Many  boats  came 
off  to  the  ship,  every  one  being  anxious  to  pay  early  court  to 
this  public  censor.  Bobadilla  remained  on  board  all  day,  in 
the  course  of  which  he  collected  much  of  the  rumors  of  the 
place  ;  and  as  those  who  sought  to  secure  his  favor  were  those 
who  had  most  to  fear  from  his  investigations,  it  is  evident  that 
the  nature  of  the  rumors  must  generally  have  been  unfavor- 
able to  Columbus.  In  fact,  before  Bobadilla  landed,  if  not  be- 
fore he  arrived,  the  culpability  of  the  admiral  was  decided  in 
his  mind. 

The  next  morning  he  landed,  with  all  his  followers,  and  went 
to  the  church  to  attend  mass,  where  he  found  Don  Diego 
Columbus,  Rodrigo  Perez,  the  lieutenant  of  the  admiral,  and 

1  Las  Casas,  Hist.  lud.,  lib.  i.  cap.  169.     Hist.  Ind.,  decad.  i.  lib.  iv.  cap.  8. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  449 

other  persons  of  note.  Mass  being  ended,  and  those  persons, 
•with  a  multitude  of  the  populace,  being  assembled  at  the  door 
of  the  church,  Bobadilla  ordered  his  letters  patent  to  be  read, 
authorizing  him  to  investigate  the  rebellion,  seize  the  persons 
and  sequestrate  the  property  of  delinquents,  and  proceed 
against  them  with  the  utmost  rigor  of  the  law  ;  commanding 
also  the  admiral,  and  all  others  in  authority,  to  assist  him  in 
the  discharge  of  his  duties.  The  letter  being  read,  he  demanded 
of  Don  Diego  and  the  alcaldes  to  surrender  to  him  the  persons 
of  Fernando  Guevara,  Pedro  Requelrae,  and  the  other  prison- 
ers, with  the  depositions  taken  concerning  them  ;  and  ordered 
that  the  parties  by  whom  they  were  accused,  and  those  by 
whose  command  they  had  been  taken,  should  appear  before 
him. 

Don  Diego  replied,  that  the  proceedings  had  emanated  from 
the  orders  of  the  admiral,  who  held  superior  powers  to  any 
Bobadilla  could  possess,  and  without  whose  authority  he  could 
do  nothing.  He  requested,  at  the  same  time,  a  copy  of  the 
letter  patent,  that  he  might  send  it  to  his  brother,  to  whom 
alone  the  matter  appertained.  This  Bobadilla  refused,  observ- 
ing that,  if  Don  Diego  had  power  to  do  nothing,  it  was  useless 
to  give  him  a  copy.  He  added,  that  since  the  office  and  au- 
thority he  had  proclaimed  appeared  to  have  no  weight,  he 
would  try  what  power  and  consequence  there  was  in  the  name 
of  governor,  and  would  show  them  that  he  had  command,  not 
merely  over  them,  but  over  the  admiral  himself. 

The  little  community  remained  in  breathless  suspense,  wait- 
ing the  portentous  movements  of  Bobadilla.  The  next  morn- 
ing he  appeared  at  mass,  resolved  on  assuming  those  powers 
which  were  only  to  have  been  produced  after  full  investigation, 
and  ample  proof  of  the  mal-conduct  of  Columbus.  When  mass 
was  over,  and  the  eager  populace  had  gathered  round  the  door 
of  the  clMirch,  Bobadilla,  in  presence  of  Don  Diego  and  Rod- 
rigo  Perez,  ordered  his  other  royal  patent  to  be  read,  investing 
him  with  the  government  of  the  islands,  and  of  Terra  Firma. 

The  patent  being  read,  Bobadilla  took  the  customary  oath, 
and  then  claimed  the  obedience  of  Don  Diego,  Rodrigo  Perez, 
and  all  present,  to  this  royal  instrument ;  on  the  authority  of 
which  he  again  demanded  the  prisoners  confined  in  the  for- 
tress. In  reply,  they  professed  the  utmost  deference  to  the 
letter  of  the  sovereigns,  but  again  observed  that  they  held  the 
prisoners  in  obedience  to  the  admiral,  to  whom  the  sovereigns 
had  granted  letters  of  a  higher  nature. 

The  self-importance  of  Bobadilhi  was  incensed  at  this  non- 


450  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

compliance,  especially  as  he  saw  it  had  some  effect  upon  the 
populace,  who  appeared  to  doubt  his  authority.  He  now  pro- 
duced the  third  mandate  of  the  crown,  ordering  Columbus  and 
his  brothel's  to  deliver  up  all  fortresses,  ships,  and  other  royal 
property.  To  win  the  public  completely  to  his  side,  he  read 
also  the  additional  mandate,  issued  on  the  30th  of  May,  of  the 
same  year,  ordering  him  to  pay  the  arrears  of  wages  due  to  all 
persons  in  the  royal  service,  and  to  compel  the  admiral  to 
pay  the  arrears  of  those  to  whom  he  was  accountable. 

This  last  document  was  received  with  shouts  by  the  multi- 
tude, many  having  long  arrears  due  to  them  in  consequence  of 
the  poverty  of  the  treasury.  Flushed  with  his  growing  impor- 
tance. Bobadilla  again  demanded  the  prisoners  ;  threatening,  if 
refused,  to*take  them  by  force.  Meeting  with  the  same  reply, 
he  repaired  to  the  fortress  to  execute  his  threats.  This  post 
was  commanded  by  Miguel  Diaz,  the  same  Arragonian  cavalier 
who  had  once  taken  refuge  among  the  Indians  on  the  banks  of 
the  Ozema,  won  the  affections  of  the  female  cacique  Catalina, 
receiving  from  her  information  of  the  neighboring  gold  mines, 
and  induced  his  countrymen  to  remove  to  those  parts. 

When  Bobadilla  came  before  the  fortress,  he  found  the 
gates  closed  and  the  alcayde,  Miguel  Diaz,  upon  the  battle- 
ments. He  ordered  his  letters  patent  to  be  read  with  a  loud 
voice,  the  signatures  and  seals  to  be  held  up  to  view,  and  then 
demanded  the  surrender  of  the  prisoners.  Diaz  requested  a 
copy  of  the  letters ;  but  this  Bobadilla  refused,  alleging  that 
there  was  no  time  for  dela}-,  the  prisoners  being  under  sentence 
of  death,  and  liable  at  any  moment  to  be  executed.  He  threat- 
ened at  the  same  time,  that  if  they  were  not  given  up,  he  would 
proceed  to  extremities,  and  Diaz  should  be  answerable  for  the 
consequences.  The  wary  alcayde  again  required  time  to  reply, 
and  a  copy  of  the  letters,  saying  that  he  held  the  fortress  for 
the  king  by  the  command  of  the  admiral,  his  lord,  ,who  had 
gained  these  territories  and  islands,  and  that  when  the  latter 
arrived  he  should  obey  his  orders.1 

The  whole  spirit  of  Bobadilla  was  roused  within  him,  at  the 
refusal  of  the  alcayde.  Assembling  all  the  people  he  had 
brought  from  Spain,  together  with  the  sailors  of  the  ships  and 
the  rabble  of  the  place,  he  exhorted  them  to  aid  him  in  getting 
possession  of  the  prisoners,  but  to  harm  no  one  unless  in  case 
of  resistance.  The  mob  shouted  assent,  for  Bobadilla  was 
already  the  idol  of  the  multitude.  About  the  hour  of  vesi>ers 

1  Las  C'axuM,  !li-i.  Intl.,  lib.  i.  cap.  179. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  451 

he  set  out  at  the  head  of  this  motley  army,  to  storm  a  fortress 
destitute  of  a  garrison,  and  formidable  only  in  name,  being  cal- 
culated to  withstand  only  a  naked  and  slightly-armed  people. 
The  accounts  of  this  transaction  have  something  in  them  bor- 
dering on  the  ludicrous,  and  give  it  the  air  of  absurd  rhodo- 
montade.  Bobadilla  assailed  the  portal  with  great  impetuosity, 
the  frail  bolts  and  locks  of  which  gave  way  at  the  first  shock, 
and  allowed  him  easy  admission.  In  the  mean  time,  however, 
his  zealous  myrmidons  applied  ladders  to  the  walls,  as  if  about 
to  carry  the  place  by  assault,  and  to  experience  a  desperate 
defence.  The  alcayde,  Miguel  Diaz,  and  Don  Diego  de  Alva- 
rado,  alone  appeared  on  the  battlements ;  they  had  drawn 
swords,  but  offered  no  resistance.  Bobadilla  entered  the  for- 
tress in  triumph,  and  without  molestation.  The  prisoners  were 
found  in  a  chamber  in  irons.  He  ordered  that  they  should  be 
brought  up  to  him  to  the  top  of  the  fortress,  where,  having  put 
a  few  questions  to  them,  as  a  matter  of  form,  he  gave  them  in 
charge  to  an  alguazil  named  Juan  de  Espinosa.1 

Such  was  the  arrogant  and  precipitate  entrance  into  office  of 
Francisco  de  Bobadilla.  He  had  reversed  the  order  of  his 
written  instructions,  having  seized  upon  the  government  before 
he  had  investigated  the  conduct  of  Columbus.  He  continued 
his  career  in  the  same  spirit,  acting  as  if  the  case  had  been  pre- 
judged in  Spain,  and  he  had  been  sent  out  merely  to  degrade 
the  admiral  from  his  employments,  not  to  ascertain  the  manner 
in  which  he  had  fulfilled  them.  He  took  up  his  residence  in  the 
house  of  Columbus,  seized  upon  his  arms,  gold,  plate,  jewels, 
horses,  together  with  his  letters,  and  various  manuscripts, 
both  public  and  private,  even  to  his  most  secret  papers.  He 
gave  no  account  of  the  property  thus  seized,  and  which  he  no 
doubt  considered  already  confiscated  to  the  crown,  excepting 
that  he  paid  out  of  it  the  wages  of  those  to  whom  the  admiral 
was  in  arrears.*  To  increase  his  favor  with  the  people,  he 
proclaimed,  on  the  second  day  of  his  assumption  of  power,  a 
general  license  for  the  term  of  twenty  years,  to  seek  for  gold, 
paying  merely  one-eleventh  to  government,  instead  of  a  third 
as  heretofore.  At  the  same  time  he  spoke  in  the  most  disre- 
spectful and  unqualified  terms  of  Columbus,  saying  that  he  was 
empowered  to  send  him  home  in  chains,  and  that  neither  he 
nor  any  of  his  lineage  would  ever  again  be  permitted  to  govern 
in  the  inland.3 

1  Las  Oasas,  nbi.  sup.     Ilerrera,  ubi  sup. 

1  Hi*!,  ilel  Alminuile,  cap.  8~>.     Las  ( ';is;is.     Herrera,  ubi  sup. 

*  Letters  of  Columbus  to  the  Xurse  of  i'riuce  Juau. 


452  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

CHAPTER  III. 

COLUMBUS    SUMMONED   TO   APPEAR   BEFORE    BOBADILLA. 

[1500.] 

WHEN  the  tidings  reached  Columbus  at  Fort  Conception  of 
the  high-handed  proceedings  of  Bobadilla,  he  considered  them 
the  unauthorized  acts  of  some  rash  adventurer  like  Ojeda. 
Since  government  had  apparently  thrown  open  the  door  to  pri- 
vate enterprise,  he  might  expect  to  have  his  path  continually 
crossed,  and  his  jurisdiction  infringed  by  bold  intermeddlers, 
feigning  or  fancying  themselves  authorized  to  interfere  in  the 
affairs  of  the  colony.  Since  the  departure  of  Ojeda  another 
squadron  had  touched  upon  the  coast,  and  produced  a  transient 
alarm,  being  an  expedition  under  one  of  the  Pinzons,  licensed 
by  the  sovereigns  to  make  discoveries.  There  had  also  been 
a  rumor  of  another  squadron  hovering  about  the  island,  which 
proved,  however,  to  be  unfounded.1 

The  conduct  of  Bobadilla  bore  all  the  appearance  of  a  law- 
less usurpation  of  some  intruder  of  the  kind.  He  had  possessed 
himself  forcibly  of  the  fortress,  and  consequently  of  the  town. 
He  had  issued  extravagant  licenses  injurious  to  the  govern- 
ment, and  apparently  intended  only  to  make  partisans  among 
the  people,  and  had  threatened  to  throw  Columbus  himself  in 
irons.  That  this  man  could  really  be  sanctioned  by  govern- 
ment in  such  intemperate  measures  was  repugnant  to  belief. 
The  admiral's  consciousness  of  his  own  services,  the  repeated 
assurances  lie  had  received  of  high  consideration  on  the  part  of 
the  sovereigns,  and  the  perpetual  prerogatives  granted  to  him 
under  their  hand  and  seal,  with  all  the  solemnity  that  a  compact 
could  possess,  all  forbade  him  to  consider  the  transactions  at 
San  Domingo  otherwise  than  as  outrages  on  his  authority  by 
some  daring  or  misguided  individuol. 

To  be  nearer  to  San  Domingo,  and  obtain  more  correct  infor- 
mation, he  proceeded  to  Bonao,  which  was  now  beginning  to 
assume  the  appearance  of  a  settlement,  several  Spaniards  having 
erected  houses  there,  and  cultivated  the  adjacent  country.  He 
had  scarcely  reached  the  place  when  an  alcalde,  bearing  a  staff 
of  oflice,  arrived  there  from  San  Domingo,  proclaiming  the  ap- 

1  Letters  of  Columbus  to  the  Nunse  of  Prince  Juan. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  453 

pointment  of  Bobaclilla  to  the  government,  and  bearing  copies 
of  his  letters-patent.  There  was  no  especial  letter  or  message 
sent  to  the  admiral,  nor  were  any  of  the  common  forms  of 
courtesy  and  ceremony  observed  in  superseding  him  in  the  com- 
mand ;  all  the  proceedings  of  Bobadilla  toward  him  were  abrupt 
and  insulting. 

Columbus  was  exceedingly  embarrassed  how  to  act.  It  was 
evident  that  Bobadilla  was  intrusted  with  extensive  powers  by 
the  sovereigns,  but  that  they  could  have  exercised  such  a  sud- 
den, unmerited,  and  apparently  capricious  act  of  severity,  as 
that  of  divesting  him  of  all  his  commands,  he  could  not  believe. 
He  endeavored  to  persuade  himself  that  Bobadilla  was  some 
person  sent  out  to  exercise  the  functions  of  chief  judge,  accord- 
ing to  the  request  he  had  written  home  to  the  sovereigns,  and 
that  they  had  intrusted  him  likewise  with  provisional  powers 
to  make  an  inquest  into  the  late  troubles  of  the  island.  All 
beyond  these  powers  he  tried  to  believe  were  mere  assumptions 
and  exaggerations  of  authority,  as  in  the  case  of  Aguado.  At 
all  events,  he  was  determined  to  act  upon  such  presumption, 
and  to  endeavor  to  gain  time.  If  the  monarchs  had  really 
taken  any  harsh  measures  with  respect  to  him,  it  must  have 
been  in  consequence  of  misrepresentations.  The  least  delay 
might  give  them  an  opportunity  of  ascertaining  their  error,  and 
making  the  necessary  amends. 

He  wrote  to  Bobadilla,  therefore,  in  guarded  terms,  welcom- 
ing him  to  the  island  ;  cautioning  him  against  precipitate  meas- 
ures, especially  in  granting  licenses  to  collect  gold  ;  informing 
him  that  he  was  on  the  point  of  going  to  Spain,  and  in  a  little 
time  would  leave  him  in  command,  with  every  thing  fully  and 
clearly  explained.  He  wrote  at  the  same  time  to  the  like  pur- 
port to  certain  monks  who  had  come  out  with  Bobadilla,  though 
he  observes  that  these  letters  were  only  written  to  gain  time.1 
He  received  no  replies ;  but  while  an  insulting  silence  was  ob- 
served toward  him,  Bobadilla  filled  up  several  of  the  blank  let- 
ters, of  which  he  had  a  number  signed  by  the  sovereigns,  and 
sent  them  to  Roldan,  and  other  of  the  admiral's  enemies,  the 
very  men  whom  he  had  been  sent  out  to  judge.  These  letters 
were  full  of  civilities  and  promises  of  favor.2 

To  prevent  any  mischief  which  might  arise  from  the  licenses 
and  indulgences  so  prodigally  granted  by  Bobadilla,  Columbus 
published  by  word  and  letter  that  the  powers  assumed  by  him 
could  not  be  valid,  nor  his  licenses  availing,  as  he  himself  held 

1  Letter  of  Columbus  to  the  Nurse  of  Prince  Juau.    >  Ibid.    Ilerrera,  decacl.  i.  lib. 


454  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

superior  powers  granted  to  him  in  perpetuity  by  the  crown, 
which  could  no  more  be  superseded  iu  this  instance  than  they 
had  been  in  that  of  Aguado. 

For  some  time  Columbus  remained  in  this  anxious  and  per- 
plexed  state  of  mind,  uncertain  what  line  of  conduct  to  pursue 
in  so  singular  and  unlooked-for  a  conjuncture.  He  was  soon 
brought  to  a  decision.  Francisco  Velasquez,  deputy  treasurer, 
and  Juan  de  Trasierra,  a  Franciscan  friar,  arrived  at  Bonao, 
and  delivered  to  him  the  royal  letter  of  credence,  signed  by  the 
sovereigns  on  the  26th  of  May,  1499,  commanding  him  to  give 
implicit  faith  and  obedience  to  Bobadilla ;  and  they  delivered, 
at  the  same  time,  a  summons  from  the  latter  to  appear  immedi- 
ately before  him. 

This  laconic  letter  from  the  sovereigns  struck  at  once  at  the 
root  of  all  his  dignity  and  power.  He  no  longer  made  hesi- 
tation or  demur,  but  complying  with  the  peremptory  summons 
of  Bobadilla,  departed,  almost  alone  aiid  unattended,  for  San 
Domingo.1 


CHAPTER  IV. 

COLUMBUS    AND    HIS   BROTHERS   ARRESTED   AND    SENT  TO   SPAIN   IN 

CHAINS. 

[1500.] 

THE  tidings  that  a  new  governor  had  arrived,  and  that  Co- 
lumbus was  in  disgrace,  and  to  be  sent  home  in  chains,  circu- 
lated rapidly  through  the  Vega,  and  the  colonists  hastened 
from  all  parts  to  San  Domingo  to  make  interest  with  Bobadilla. 
It  was  soon  perceived  that  there  was  no  surer  wa}'  than  that  of 
vilifying  his  predecessor.  Bobadilla  felt  that  he  had  taken  a 
rash  step  in  seizing  upon  the  government,  and  thai  his  own 
safety  required  the  conviction  of  Columbus.  He  listened  eager- 
ly, therefore,  to  all  accusations,  public  or  private  :  and  welcome 
was  he  who  could  bring  am"  charge,  however  extravagant, 
against  the  admiral  and  his  brothers. 

Hearing  that  the  admiral  was  on  his  way  to  the  city,  he  made 
a  bustle  of  preparation,  and  armed  the  troops,  affecting  to  be- 
lieve a  rumor  that  Columbus  had  called  upon  the  caciques  of 
the  Vega  to  aid  him  with  their  subjects  in  a  resistance  to  the 

1  Herrera,  decad.  i.  lib.  iv.  cap.  9.    Letter  to  the  Nurse  of  Prince  Juan. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  455 

commands  of  government.  No  grounds  appear  for  this  absurd 
report,  which  was  probably  invented  to  give  a  coloring  of  pre- 
caution to  subsequent  measures  of  violence  and  insult.  The 
admiral's  brother,  Don  Diego,  was  seized,  thrown  in  irons,  and 
confined  on  board  of  a  caravel,  without  any  reason  being  as- 
signed for  his  imprisonment. 

In  the  mean  time  Columbus  pursued  his  journey  to  San  Do- 
mingo, travelling  in  a  lonely  manner,  without  guards  or  retinue. 
Most  of  his  people  were  with  the  Adelantado,  and  he  had  de- 
clined being  attended  by  the  remainder.  He  had  heard  of  the 
rumors  of  the  hostile  intentions  of  Bobadilla;  and  although  he 
knew  that  violence  was  threatened  to  his  person,  he  came  in 
this  unpretending  manner  to  manifest  his  pacific  feelings,  and 
to  remove  all  suspicion.1 

No  sooner  did  Bobadilla  hear  of  his  arrival  than  he  gave 
orders  to  put  him  in  irons,  and  confine  him  in  the  fortress. 
This  outrage  to  a  person  of  such  dignified  and  venerable  ap- 
pearance and  such  eminent  merit,  seemed  for  the  time  to  shock 
even  his  enemies.  When  the  irons  were  brought,  every  one 
present  shrank  from  the  task  of  putting  them  on  him,  either 
from  a  sentiment  of  compassion  at  so  great  a  reverse  of  fortune, 
or  out  of  habitual  reverence  for  his  person.  To  fill  the  measure 
of  ingratitude  meted  out  to  him,  it  was  one  of  his  own  domes- 
tics, "  a  graceless  and  shameless  cook,"  says  Las  Casas,  "  who, 
with  unwashed  front,  riveted  the  fetters  with  as  much  readi- 
ness and  alacrity  as  though  he  were  serving  him  with  choice 
and  savory  viands.  I  knew  the  fellow,"  adds  the  venerable 
historian,  "  and  I  think  his  name  was  Espinosa."  2 

Columbus  conducted  himself  with  characteristic  magnanim- 
ity under  the  injuries  heaped  upon  him.  There  is  a  noble  scorn 
which  swells  and  supports  the  heart,  and  silences  the  tongue  of 
the  truly  great,  when  enduring  the  insults  of  the  unworthy. 
Columbus  could  not  stoop  to  deprecate  the  arrogance  of  a  weak 
and  violent  man  like  Bobadilla.  He  looked  beyond  this  shal- 
low agent  and  all  his  petty  tyranny  to  the  sovereigns  who  had 
employed  him.  Their  injustice  or  ingratitude  alone  could  wound 
his  spirit ;  and  he  felt  assured  that  when  the  truth  came  to  be 
known,  they  would  blush  to  find  how  greatly  they  had  wronged 
him.  With  this  proud  assurance  he  bore  all  present  indignities 
in  silence. 

Bobadilla,  although  he  had  the  admiral  and  Don  Diego  in  his 
power,  and  had  secured  the  venal  populace,  felt  anxious  and  ill 

i  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.,  lib.  i.  cap.  180.  2  Ibid. 


456  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

at  ease.  The  Adelantado,  with  an  armed  force  under  his  com- 
mand, was  still  in  the  distant  province  of  Xaragua,  in  pursuit 
of  the  rebels.  Knowing  his  soldier-like  and  determined  spirit, 
he  feared  he  might  take  some  violent  measure  when  he  should 
hear  of  the  ignominious  treatment  and  imprisonment  of  his 
brothel's.  He  doubted  whether  any  order  from  himself  would 
have  any  effect,  except  to  exasperate  the  stern  Don  Bartholo- 
mew. He  sent  a  demand,  therefore,  to  Columbus,  to  write  to 
his  brothei1,  requesting  him  to  repair  peaceably  to  San  Domingo, 
and  forbidding  him  to  execute  the  persons  he  held  in  confine- 
ment; Columbus  readily  complied.  He  exhorted  his  brother  to 
submit  quietly  to  the  authority  of  his  sovereigns,  and  to  endure 
all  present  wrongs  and  indignities,  under  the  confidence  that 
when  they  arrived  at  Castile,  every  thing  would  be  explained 
and  redressed.1 

On  receiving  this  letter,  Don  Bartholomew  immediately  com- 
plied. Relinquishing  Ins  command,  he  hastened  peacefully  to 
San  Domingo,  and  on  arriving  experienced  the  same  treatment 
with  his  brothers,  being  put  in  irons  and  confined  on  board  of 
a  caravel.  They  were  kept  separate  from  each  other,  and  no 
communication  permitted  between  them.  Bobadilla  did  not  see 
them  himself,  nor  did  he  allow  others  to  visit  them,  but  kept 
them  in  ignorance  of  the  cause  of  their  imprisonment,  the 
crimes  with  which  they  were  charged,  and  the  process  that  was 
going  on  against  them.2 

It  has  been  questioned  whether  Bobadilla  really  had  authority 
for  the  arrest  and  imprisonment  of  the  admiral  and  his  brothers,3 
and  whether  such  violence  and  indignity  was  in  any  case  con- 
templated by  the  sovereigns.  He  may  have  fancied  himself 
empowered  by  the  clause  in  the  letter  of  instructions,  dated 


1  Peter  Martyr  mentions  a  vulgar  rumor  of  the  day,  that  the  admiral,  not  knowing 
what  might  happen,  wrote  a  letter  in  cipher  to  the  Adelantado,  urging  him  to  come  with 
arms  in  his  hands  to  prevent  any  violence  that  might  be  contrived  against  him  ;  that  the 
Adelantado   advanced,  in    effect,  with   his  armed  force,  but  having  the  imprudence  to 
proceed  some  distance  ahead  of  it,  was  surprised  by  the  governor,  before  his  men  could 
come  to  his  succor,  and  that  the  letter  in  cipher  had  been  sent  to  Spain.    This  must  have 
been  one  of  the  groundless  rumors  of  the  day,  circulated  to  prejudice  the  public  mind. 
Nothing  of  the  kind  appears  among  the  charges  in  the  inquest  made  by  Bobadilla,  and 
which  was  seen,  and  extracts  made  from  it,  by  Las  Casas,  for  his  history.     It  is,  in  fact, 
in  total  contradiction  to  the  statements  of  Las  Casas,  Ilerrera,  and  Fernando  Columbus. 

2  Charlevoix,  in  his  History  of  San  Domingo  (lib.  ill.  p.  199),  states,  that  the  suit 
against  Columbus  was  conducted  in  writing;  that  written  charges  were  sent  to  him,  to 
which  he  replied  in  the  same  way.     This  is  contrary  to  the  statements  of  Las  Casas, 
Ilerrera,  and  Fernando  Columbus.     The  admiral  himself,  in  his  letter  to  the  Nurse  of 
I'rince  Juan,  after  relating  the  manner  in  which  he  and  his  brothers  had  been  thrown 
Into  irons,  and  confined  separately,  without  being  visited  by  Bobadilla,  or  permitted  to 
see  any  other  persons,  expressly  adds,  "  I  make  oath  that  I  do  not  know  for  what  1  am 
imprisoned."     Again,  in  a  letter  written  some  time  afterward  from  Jamaica,  he  says, 
"  I  was  t;iketi  and  thrown   with  two  of  my  brothers  in  a  ship,  loaded  with  irons,  with 
little  clothing  and  much  ill-treatment,  without  being  summoned  or  convicted  by  justice." 

3  ELerrara,  decad.  i.  lib.  iv.  cap.  10.     Oviedo,  Cronica,  lib.  iii.  cap.  6. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  457 

March  21st,  1499,  in  which,  speaking  of  the  rebellion  of  Roldan, 
"  lie  is  authorized  to  seize  the  persons  and  sequestrate  the  prop- 
erty of  those  who  appeared  to  be  culpable,  and  then  to  proceed 
against  them  and  against  the  absent,  with  the  highest  civil  and 
criminal  penalties."  This  evidently  had  reference  to  the  per- 
sons of  Roldan  and  his  followers,  who  were  then  in  arms,  and 
against  whom  Columbus  had  sent  home  complaints  ;  and  this, 
by  a  violent  construction,  Bobadilla  seems  to  have  wrested  into 
an  authority  for  seizing  the  person  of  the  admiral  himself.  In 
fact,  in  the  whole  course  of  his  proceedings,  he  reversed  and 
confounded  the  order  of  his  instructions.  His  first  step  should 
have-  been  to  proceed  against  the  rebels ;  this  he  made  the  last. 
His  last  step  should  have  been,  in  case  of  ample  evidence 
against  the  admiral,  to  have  superseded  him  in  office  ;  and  this 
he  made  the  first,  without  waiting  for  evidence.  Having  pre- 
determined, from  the  very  outset,  that  Columbus  was  in  the 
wrong,  by  the  same  rule  he  had  to  presume  that  all  the  oppo- 
site parties  were  in  the  right.  It  became  indispensable  to  his 
own  justification  to  inculpate  the  admiral  and  his  brothers  ;  and 
the  rebels  he  had  been  sent  to  judge  became,  by  this  singular 
perversion  of  rule,  necessaiy  and  cherished  evidences,  to  crim- 
inate those  against  whom  they  had  rebelled. 

The  intentions  of  the  crown,  however,  are  not  to  be  vindi- 
cated at  the  expense  of  its  miserable  agent.  If  proper  respect 
had  been  felt  for  the  rights  and  dignities  of  Columbus,  Boba- 
dilla would  never  have  been  intrusted  with  powers  so  extensive, 
undefined,  and  discretionary ;  nor  would  he  have  dared  to  pro- 
ceed to  such  lengths,  with  such  rudeness  and  precipitation,  had 
he  not  felt  assured  that  it  would  not  be  displeasing  to  the 
jealous-minded  Ferdinand. 

The  old  scenes  of  the  time  of  Aguado  were  now  renewed  with 
tenfold  virulence,  and  the  old  charges  revived,  with  others  still 
more  extravagant.  From  the  early  and  never-to-be-forgotten 
outrage  upon  Castilian  pride,  of  compelling  hidalgos,  in  time 
of  emergency,  to  labor  in  the  construction  of  works  necessary 
to  the  public  safet\%  down  to  the  recent  charge  of  levying  war 
against  the  government,  there  was  not  a  hardship,  abuse,  nor 
sedition  in  the  island,  that  was  not  imputed  to  the  misdeeds  of 
Columbus  and  his  brothers.  Besides  the  usual  accusations  of 
inflicting  oppressive  labor,  unnecessary  tasks,  painful  restric- 
tions, short  allowances  of  food,  and  cruel  punishments  upon 
the  Spaniards,  and  waging  unjust  wars  against  the  natives,  they 
were  now  charged  with  preventing  the  conversion  of  the  latter, 
that  they  might  send  them  slaves  to  Spain,  and  profit  by  their 


458  LIFE   OF  CIJRISTOPIIEIt   COLUMBUS. 

sale.  This  last  charge,  so  contrary  to  the  pious  feelings  of  the 
admiral,  was  founded  on  his  having  objected  to  the  baptism  of 
certain  Indians  of  mature  age,  until  they  could  be  instructed  in 
the  doctrines  of  Christianity  :  justly  considering  it  an  abuse  of 
that  holy  sacrament  to  administer  it  thus  blindly.1 

Columbus  was  charged,  also,  with  having  secreted  pearls,  and 
other  precious  articles,  collected  in  his  voyage  along  the  coast 
of  Paria,  and  with  keeping  the  sovereigns  in  ignorance  of  the 
nature  of  his  discoveries  there,  in  order  to  exact  new  privileges 
from  them  ;  yet  it  was  notorious  that  he  had  sent  home  speci- 
mens of  the  pearls  and  journals  and  charts  of  his  voyage,  by 
which  others  had  been  enabled  to  pursue  his  track. 

Even  the  late  tumults,  now  that  the  rebels  were  admitted  as 
evidence,  were  all  turned  into  matters  of  accusation.  They 
were  represented  as  spirited  and  loyal  resistances  to  tyranny 
exercised  upon  the  colonists  and  the  natives.  The  well-merited 
punishments  inflicted  upon  certain  of  the  ringleaders  were  cited 
as  proofs  of  a  cruel  and  revengeful  disposition,  and  a  secret 
hatred  of  Spaniards.  Bobadilla  believed,  or  affected  to  believe, 
all  these  charges.  He  had,  in  a  manner,  made  the  rebels  his 
confederates  in  the  ruin  of  Columbus.  It  was  become  a  com- 
mon cause  with  them.  He  could  no  longer,  therefore,  conduct 
himself  toward  them  as  a  judge.  Guevara,  Requelme,  and 
their  fellow-convicts,  were  discharged  almost  without  the  form 
of  a  trial,  and  it  is  even  said  were  received  into  favor  and 
countenance.  Roldan,  from  the  very  first,  had  been  treated 
with  confidence  by  Bobadilla,  and  honored  with  his  correspond- 
ence. All  the  others,  whose  conduct  had  rendered  them  liable 
to  justice,  received  either  a  special  acquittal  or  a  general  par- 
don. It  was  enough  to  have  been  opposed  in  any  way  to  Co- 
lumbus, to  obtain  full  justification  in  the  eyes  of  Bobadilla. 

The  latter  had  now  collected  a  weight  of  testimony,  and  pro- 
duced a  crowd  of  witnesses,  sufficient,  as  he  conceived,  to  in- 
sure the  condemnation  of  the  prisoners,  and  his  own  continuance 
in  command.  He  determined,  therefore,  to  send  the  admiral 
and  his  brothers  home  in  chains,  in  the  vessels  ready  for  sea, 
transmitting  at  the  same  time  the  inquest  taken  in  their  case, 
and  writing  private  letters,  enforcing  the  charges  made  against 
them,  and  advising  that  Columbus  should  on  no  account  be 
restored  to  the  command,  which  he  had  so  shamefully  abused. 

San  Domingo  now  swarmed  with  miscreants  just  delivered 
from  the  dungeon  and  the  gibbet.  It  was  a  perfect  jubilee  of 

1  Munoz,  Ilist.  N.  MunJo,  part  unpublished. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  459 

triumphant  villany  and  dastard  malice.  Every  base  spirit, 
which  had  been  awed  into  obsequiousness  by  Columbus  and  his 
brothers  when  in  power,  now  started  up  to  revenge  itself  upon 
them  when  in  chains.  The  most  injurious  slanders  were  loudly 
proclaimed  in  the  streets ;  insulting  pasquinades  and  inflamma- 
tory libels  were  posted  up  at  every  corner ;  and  horns  were 
blown  in  the  neighborhood  of  their  prisons,  to  taunt  them  with 
the  exultings  of  the  rabble.1  When  these  rejoicings  of  his  ene- 
mies reached  him  in  his  dungeon,  and  Columbus  reflected  on 
the  inconsiderate  violence  already  exhibited  by  Bobadilla,  he 
knew  not  how  far  his  rashness  and  confidence  might  carry  him, 
and  began  to  entertain  apprehensions  for  his  life. 

The  vessels  being  ready  to  make  sail,  Alonzo  de  Yillejo  was 
appointed  to  take  charge  of  the  prisoners,  and  cany  them  to 
Spain.  This  officer  had  been  brought  up  by  an  uncle  of  Fon- 
secu,  was  in  the  employ  of  that  bishop,  and  had  come  out  with 
Bobadilla.  The  latter  instructed  him,  on  arriving  at  Cadiz,  to 
deliver  his  prisoners  into  the  hands  of  Fonseca,  or  of  his  uncle, 
thinking  thereby  to  give  the  malignant  prelate  a  triumphant 
gratification.  This  circumstance  gave  weight  with  many  to  a 
report  that  Bobadilla  was  secretly  instigated  and  encouraged  in 
his  violent  measures  by  Fonseca,  and  was  promised  his  protec- 
tion and  influence  at  court,  in  case  of  any  complaints  of  his 
conduct.2 

Villejo  undertook  the  office  assigned  him,  but  he  discharged 
it  in  a  more  generous  manner  than  was  intended.  "  This 
Alonzo  de  Villejo,"  says  the  worthy  Las  Casas,  "  was  a  hidalgo 
of  honorable  character,  and  my  particular  friend."  He  cer- 
tainly showed  himself  superior  to  the  low  malignity  of  his 
patrons.  When  he  arrived  with  a  guard  to  conduct  the  admiral 
from  the  prison  to  the  ship,  he  found  him  in  chains  in  a  state 
of  silent  despondency.  80  violently  had  he  been  treated,  and 
so  savage  were  the  passions  let  loose  against  him,  that  he 
feared  he  should  be  sacrificed  without  an  opportunity  of  being 
heard,  and  his  name  go  down  sullied  and  dishonored  to  pos- 
terity. When  he  beheld  the  officer  enter  with  the  guard,  he 
thought  it  was  to  conduct  him  to  the  scaffold.  "  Villejo,"  said 
he,  mournfully,  "whither  are  you  taking  me?"  "  To  the 
ship,  your  Excellency,  to  embark,"  replied  the  other.  "To 
embark  !"  repeated  the  admiral,  earnestly  ;  "  Villejo,  do  you 
speak  the  truth?  "  '•  By  the  life  of  your  Excellency,"  replied 
the  honest  officer,  "  it  is  true  !  "  With  these  words  the  admiral 

>  Hist,  del  Almirante,  cap.  86.         *  Las  Casas,  Hist.  lud.,  lib.  i.  cap.  180,  MS. 


460  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

was  comforted,  and  felt  as  one  restored  from  death  to  life. 
Nothing  can  be  more  touching  and  expressive  than  this  little 
colloquy,  recorded  by  the  venerable  Las  Casas,  who  doubtless 
had  it  from  the  lips  of  his  friend  Villejo. 

The  caravels  set  sail  early  in  October,  bearing  off  Columbus 
shackled  like  the  vilest  of  culprits,  amid  the  scoffs  and  shouts  of 
a  miscreant  rabble,  who  took  a  brutal  joy  in  heaping  insults  on 
his  venerable  head,  and  sent  curses  after  him  from  the  shores 
of  the  island  he  had  so  recently  added  to  the  civilized  world. 
Fortunately  the  voyage  was  favorable,  and  of  but  moderate 
duration,  and  was  rendered  less  disagreeable  by  the  conduct  of 
those  to  whom  he  was  given  in  custody.  The  worthy  Villejo, 
though  in  the  service  of  Fonseca,  felt  deeply  moved  at  the 
treatment  of  Columbus.  The  master  of  the  caravel,  Andreas 
Martin,  was  equally  grieved  :  they  both  treated  the  admiral 
with  profound  respect  and  assiduous  attention.  They  would 
have  taken  off  his  irons,  but  to  this  he  would  not  consent. 
''No,"  said  he  proudly,  "their  majesties  commanded  me  by 
letter  to  submit  to  whatever  Bobadilla  should  order  in  their 
name  ;  by  their  authority  he  has  put  upon  me  these  chains  ;  I 
will  wear  them  until  they  shall  order  them  to  be  taken  off,  and 
I  will  preserve  them  afterward  as  relics  and  memorials  of  the 
reward  of  my  services."  1 

"  He  did  so,"  adds  his  son  Fernando  ;  "  I  saw  them  always 
hanging  in  his  cabinet,  and  he  requested  that  when  he  died 
they  might  be  buried  with  him  !  "  2 

i  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Iiid.,  lib.  i.  cap.  180,  MS.         *  Hist,  del  Altniraute,  cap.  86. 


BOOK    XIY. 


CHAPTER   T. 

SENSATION    IN    SPAIN   ON   THE    ARRIVAL   OF    COLUMBUS    IN    IRONS  — 
HIS    APPEARANCE    AT   COURT. 

[1500.] 

THE  arrival  of  Columbus  at  Cadiz,  a  prisoner  and  in  chains, 
produced  almost  as  great  a  sensation  as  his  triumphant  return 
from  his  first  vo}'age.  It  was  one  of  those  striking  and  obvious 
facts  which  speak  to  the  feelings  of  the  multitude,  and  preclude 
the  necessity  of  reflection.  No  one  stopped  to  inquire  into  the 
case.  It  was  sufficient  to  be  told  that  Columbus  was  brought 
home  in  irons  from  the  world  he  had  discovered.  There  was  a 
general  burst  of  indignation  in  Cadiz,  and  in  the  powerful  and 
opulent  Seville,  which  was  echoed  throughout  all  .Spain.  If  the 
ruin  of  Columbus  had  been  the  intention  of  his  enemies,  they 
had  defeated  their  object  by  their  own  violence.  One  of  those 
re-actions  took  place,  so  frequent  in  the  public  mind,  when 
persecution  is  pushed  to  an  unguarded  length.  Those  of  the 
populace  who  had  recently  been  loud  in  their  clamor  against 
Columbus  were  now  as  loud  in  their  reprobation  of  his  treat- 
ment, and  a  strong  sympathy  was  expressed,  against  which  it 
would  have  been  odious  for  the  government  to  contend. 

The  tidings  of  his  arrival,  and  of  the  ignominious  manner  in 
which  he  had  been  brought,  reached  the  court  at  Granada,  and 
filled  the  halls  of  the  Alhambra  with  murmurs  of  astonishment. 
Columbus,  full  of  his  wrongs,  but  ignorant  how  far  they  had 
been  authorized  by  the  sovereigns,  had  forborne  to  write  to 
them.  In  the  course  of  his  voyage,  however,  he  had  penned  a 
long  letter  to  Doiia  Juana  de  la  Torre,  the  aya  of  Prince  Juan, 
a  lady  high  in  favor  with  Queen  Isabella.  This  letter,  on  his 
arrival  at  Cadiz,  Andreas  Martin,  the  captain  of  the  caravel, 
permitted  him  to  send  off  privately  by  express.  It  arrived,  there- 

461 


462  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

fore,  before  the  protocol  of  the  proceedings  instituted  by  Boba- 
dilla.  and  from  this  document  the  sovereigns  derived  their  first 
intimation  of  his  treatment.1  It  contained  a  statement  of  the 
late  transactions  of  the  island,  and  of  the  wrongs  he  had 
suffered,  written  with  his  usual  artlessness  and  energy.  To 
specify  the  contents  would  be  but  to  recapitulate  circum- 
stances already  recorded.  Some  expressions,  however,  which 
burst  from  him  in  the  warmth  of  his  feelings,  are  worthy  of 
being  noted.  "•  The  slanders  of  worthless  men/'  says  he, 
4t  have  done  me  more  injury  than  all  my  services  have  profited 
me."  Speaking  of  the  misrepresentations  to  which  he  was 
subjected,  he  observes:  ''Such  is  the  evil  name  which  I  have 
acquired,  that  if  I  were  to  build  hospitals  and  churches, 
they  would  be  called  dens  of  robbers."  After  relating  in 
indignant  terms  the  conduct  of  Bobadilla,  in  seeking  testimony 
respecting  his  administration  from  the  very  men  who  had 
rebelled  against  him,  and  throwing  himself  and  his  brothers 
in  irons,  without  letting  them  know  the  offences  with  which 
they  were  charged,  "  I  have  been  much  aggrieved,"  he  adds, 
**  in  that  a  person  should  be  sent  out  to  investigate  my  con- 
duct, who  knew  that  if  the  evidence  which  he  could  send 
home  should  appear  to  be  of  a  serious  nature,  he  would 
remain  in  the  government."  He  complains  that,  in  forming 
an  opinion  of  his  administration,  allowances  had  not  been 
made  for  the  extraordinary  difficulties  with  which  he  had 
to  contend,  and  the  wild  state  of  the  country  over  which  he 
had  to  rule.  '•  I  was  judged,"  he  observes,  "as  a  governor  who 
bad  been  sent  to  take  charge  of  a  well-regulated  city,  under  the 
dominion  of  well-established  laws,  where  there  was  no  danger 
of  every  thing  running  to  disorder  and  ruin  ;  but  I  ought  to  be 
judged  as  a  captain,  sent  to  subdue  a  numerous  and  hostile 
people,  of  manners  and  religion  opposite  to  ours,  living  not  in 
regular  towns,  but  in  forests  and  mountains.  It  ought  to  be 
considered  that  I  have  brought  all  these  under  subjection  to 
their  majesties,  giving  them  dominion  over  another  world,  by 
which  Spain,  heretofore  poor,  has  suddenly  become  rich. 
Whatever  errors  I  ma}'  have  fallen  into,  they  were  not  with  an 
evil  intention  ;  and  I  believe  their  majesties  will  credit  what  I 
say.  I  have  known  them  to  be  merciful  to  those  who  have  wil- 
fully done  them  disservice ;  I  am  convinced  that  they  will 
have  still  more  indulgence  for  me  who  have  erred  innocently, 
or  by  compulsion,  as  they  will  hereafter  be  more  fully  in- 

i  Lae  Casas,  Hist,  lud.,  lib.  i.  cap.  1S2. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  463 

formed ;  and  I  trust  they  will  consider  my  great  services,  the 
advantages  of  which  are  every  day  more  and  more  apparent." 

When  this  letter  was  read  to  the  noble-minded  Isabella,  and 
she  found  how  grossly  Columbus  had  been  wronged  and  the 
royal  authority  abused,  her  heart  was  filled  with  mingled  sym- 
pathy and  indignation.  The  tidings  were  confirmed  by  a  letter 
from  the  alcalde  or  corregidor  of  Cadiz,  into  whose  hands 
Columbus  and  his  brothers  had  been  delivered,  until  the  pleas- 
ure of  the  sovereigns  should  be  known  ;'  and  by  another  letter 
from  Alonzo  de  Villejo,  expressed  in  terms  accordant  with  his 
humane  and  honorable  conduct  toward  his  illustrious  prisoner. 

However  Ferdinand  might  have  secretly  felt  disposed  against 
Columbus,  the  momentary  tide  of  public  feeling  was  not  to  be 
resisted.  He  joined  with  his  generous  queen  in  her  reprobation 
of  the  treatment  of  the  admiral,  and  both  sovereigns  hastened 
to  give  evidence  to  the  world  that  his  imprisonment  had  been 
without  their  authority,  and  contrary  to  their  wishes.  With- 
out waiting  to  receive  any  documents  that  might  arrive  from 
Bobadilla,  they  sent  orders  to  Cadiz  that  the  prisoners  should 
be  instantly  set  at  liberty,  and  treated  with  all  distinction. 
They  wrote  a  letter  to  Columbus,  couched  in  terms  of  grati- 
tude and  affection,  expressing  their  grief  at  all  that  he  had 
suffered,  and  inviting  him  to  court.  Thej*  ordered,  at  the  same 
time,  that  two  thousand  ducats  should  be  advanced  to  defray 
his  expenses.2 

The  loyal  heart  of  Columbus  was  again  cheered  by  this  dec- 
laration of  his  sovereigns.  He  felt  conscious  of  his  integrity, 
and  anticipated  an  immediate  restitution  of  all  his  rights  and 
dignities.  He  appeared  at  court  in  Granada  on  the  17th  of 
December,  not  as  a  man  ruined  and  disgraced,  but  richly 
dressed,  and  attended  by  an  honorable  retinue.  He  was  re- 
ceived by  the  sovereigns  with  unqualified  favor  and  distinction. 
When  the  queen  beheld  this  venerable  man  approach,  and 
thought  on  all  he  had  deserved  and  all  he  had  suffered,  she  was 
moved  to  tears.  Columbus  had  borne  up  firmly  against  the 
rude  conflicts  of  the  world  —  he  had  endured  with  lofty  scorn 
the  injuries  and  insults  of  ignoble  men  ;  but  he  possessed  strong 
and  quick  sensibility.  \Vhen  he  found  himself  thus  kindly 
received  by  his  sovereigns,  and  beheld  tears  in  the  benign  eyes 
of  Isabella,  his  long-suppressed  feelings  burst  forth :  he  threw 

1  Oviedo,  Cronica,  lib.  iii.  cap.  6. 

2  I.an  Gawiw,  lib.  i.  cap.  182.    Two  thousand  ducats,  or  two  thousand  eight  hundred 
and  forty  -fix  dollars,  equivalent  to  eight  thousand  live  hundred  uud  thirty -fight  dollars 
ol  the  i>ieneal  day. 


464  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

himself  on  his  knees,  and  for  some  time  could  not  utter  a  word 
for  the  violence  of  his  tears  and  sobbings.1 

Ferdinand  and  Isabella  raised  him  from  the  ground,  and  en- 
deavored to  encourage  him  by  the  most  gracious  expressions. 
As  soon  as  he  regained  self-possession  he  entered  into  an  elo- 
quent and  high-minded  vindication  of  his  loyalty,  and  the  zeal 
he  had  ever  felt  for  the  glory  and  advantage  of  the  Spanish 
crown,  declaring  that  if  at  any  time  he  had  erred,  it  had  been 
through  inexperience  in  government,  and  the  extraordinary 
difficulties  by  which  he  had  been  surrounded. 

There  needed  no  vindication  on  his  part.  The  intemperance 
of  his  enemies  had  been  his  best  advocate.  He  stood  in  the 
presence  of  his  sovereigns  a  deeply-injured  man,  and  it  remained 
for  them  to  vindicate  themselves  to  the  world  from  the  charge 
of  ingratitude  toward  their  most  deserving  subject.  They 
expressed  their  indignation  at  the  proceedings  of  Bobadilla, 
which  the}'  disavowed,  as  contrary  to  their  instructions,  and 
declared  that  he  should  be  immediately  dismissed  from  his 
command. 

In  fact,  no  public  notice  was  taken  of  the  charges  sent  home 
by  Bobadilla,  nor  of  the  letters  written  in  support  of  them. 
The  sovereigns  took  every  occasion  to  treat  Columbus  with 
favor  and  distinction,  assuring  him  that  his  grievances  should 
be  redressed,  his  property  restored,  and  he  reinstated  in  all  his 
privileges  and  dignities. 

It  was  on  the  latter  point  that  Columbus  was  chiefly  solici- 
tous. Mercenary  considerations  had  scarcely  any  weight  in  his 
mind.  Glory  had  been  the  great  object  of  his  ambition,  and 
he  felt  that,  as  long  as  he  remained  suspended  from  his  em- 
ployments, a  tacit  censure  rested  on  his  name.  He  expected, 
therefore,  that  the  moment  the  sovereigns  should  be  satisfied  of 
the  rectitude  of  his  conduct,  they  would  be  eager  to  make  him 
amends  ;  that  a  restitution  of  his  viceroyalty  would  immediately 
take  place,  and  he  should  return  in  triumph  to  San  Domingo. 
Here,  however,  he  was  doomed  to  experience  a  disappointment 
which  threw  a  gloom  over  the  remainder  of  his  days.  To 
account  for  this  flagrant  want  of  justice  and  gratitude  in  the 
crown,  it  is  expedient  to  notice  a  variety  of  events  which  had 
materially  affected  the  interests  of  Columbus  in  the  eyes  of  the 
politic  Ferdinand. 

1  Uerrera,  decad-  i.  lib.  iv.  cap,  10. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  465 

CHAPTER  II. 

CONTEMPORARY   VOYAGES    OF    DISCOVERY. 

THE  general  license  granted  by  the  Spanish  sovereigns  in 
1495,  to  undertake  voyages  of  discovery,  had  given  rise  to 
various  expeditions  by  enterprising  individuals,  chiefly  persons 
who  had  sailed  with  Columbus  in  his  first  voyages.  The  gov- 
ernment, unable  to  fit  out  many  armaments  itself,  was  pleased 
to  have  its  territories  thus  extended,  free  of  cost,  and  its  treas- 
ury at  the  same  time  benefited  by  the  share  of  the  proceeds  of 
these  voyages,  reserved  as  a  kind  of  duty  to  the  crown.  These 
expeditions  had  chiefly  taken  place  while  Columbus  was  in  par- 
tial disgrace  with  the  sovereigns.  His  own  charts  and  journal 
served  as  guides  to  the  adventurers ;  and  his  magnificent 
accounts  of  Paria  and  the  adjacent  coasts  had  chiefly  excited 
their  cupidity. 

Besides  the  expedition  of  Ojeda,  already  noticed,  in  the  course 
of  which  he  touched  at  Xaragua,  one  had  been  undertaken  at 
the  same  time  by  Pedro  Alonzo  Nino,  native  of  Moguer,  an 
able  pilot,  who  had  been  with  Columbus  in  the  voyages  to  Cuba 
and  Paria.  Having  obtained  a  license,  he  interested  a  rich 
merchant  of  Seville  in  the  undertaking,  who  fitted  out  a  cara- 
vel of  fifty  tons  burden,  under  condition  that  his  brother  Chris- 
toval  Guevra  should  have  the  command.  They  sailed  from  the 
bar  of  Saltes,  a  few  days  after  Ojeda  had  sailed  from  Cadiz,  in 
the  spring  of  1490,  and  arriving  on  the  coast  of  Terra  Firma, 
to  the  south  of  Paria,  ran  along  it  for  some  distance,  passed 
through  the  Gulf,  and  thence  went  one  hundred  and  thirty 
leagues  along  the  shore  of  the  present  republic  of  Colombia, 
visiting  what  was  afterward  called  the  Pearl  Coast.  They 
landed  in  various  places  ;  disposed  of  their  European  trifles  to 
immense  profit,  and  returned  with  a  large  store  of  gold  and 
pearls  ;  having  made,  in  their  diminutive  bark,  one  of  the  most 
extensive  and  lucrative  voyages  yet  accomplished. 

About  the  same  time  the  Pinzons,  that  family  of  bold  and 
opulent  navigators,  fitted  out  an  armament  of  four  caravels  at 
Palos,  manned  in  a  great  measure  by  their  own  relations  and 
friends.  Several  experienced  pilots  embarked  in  it  who  had 
been  with  Columbus  to  Paria,  and  it  was  commanded  b}7  Vicente 
Yafiez  Pinzon,  who  had  been  captain  of  a  caravel  in  the  squad- 
ron of  the  admiral  on  his  first  voyage. 


466  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

Pinzon  was  a  hardy  and  experienced  seaman,  and  did  not,  like 
the  others,  follow  closely  in  the  track  of  Columbus.  Sailing  in 
December,  1499,  he  passed  the  Canary  and  Cape  de  Verde 
Islands,  standing  south-west  until  he  lost  sight  of  the  polar  star. 
Here  he  encountered  a  terrible  storm,  and  was  exceedingly  per- 
plexed and  confounded  by  the  new  aspect  of  the  heavens.  Noth- 
ing was  yet  known  of  the  southern  hemisphere,  nor  of  the 
beautiful  constellation  of  the  cross,  which  in  those  regions  has 
since  supplied  to  mariners  the  place  of  the  north  star.  The 
voyagers  had  expected  to  find  at' the  south  pole  a  star  corre- 
sponding to  that  of  the  north.  They  were  dismayed  at  behold- 
ing no  guide  of  the  kind,  and  thought  there  must  be  some 
prominent  swelling  of  the  earth,  which  hid  the  pole  from  their 
view.1 

Piuzon  continued  on,  however,  with  great  intrepidity.  On 
the  26th  of  January,  1500,  he  saw,  at  a  distance,  a  great  head- 
land, which  he  called  Cape  Santa  Maria  de  la  Consolacion,  but 
which  has  since  been  named  Cape  St.  Augustine.  He  landed 
and  took  possession  of  the  countr}7  in  the  name  of  their  Catho- 
lic majesties ;  being  a  part  of  the  territories  since  called  the 
Brazils.  Standing  thence  westward,  he  discovered  the  Marag- 
non,  since  called  the  River  of  the  Amazons  ;  traversed  the  Gulf  of 
Paria,  and  continued  across  the  Caribbean  Sea  and  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico,  until  he  found  himself  among  the  Bahamas,  where  lie 
lost  two  of  his  vessels  on  the  rocks,  near  the  island  of  Jumeto. 
He  returned  to  Palos  in  September,  having  added  to  his  former 
glory  that  of  being  the  first  European  who  had  crossed  the 
equinoctial  line  in  the  western  ocean,  and  of  having  discovered 
the  famous  kingdom  of  Brazil,  from  its  commencement  at  the 
River  Maraguon  to  its  most  eastern  point.  As  a  reward  for  his 
achievements,  power  was  granted  to  him  to  colonize  and  govern 
the  lands  which  he  had  discovered,  and  which  extended  south- 
ward from  a  little  beyond  the  River  of  Maraguon  to  Cape  St. 
Augustine.2 

The  little  port  of  Palos,  which  had  been  so  slow  in  furnishing 
the  first  squadron  for  Columbus,  was  now  continually  agitated 
by  the  passion  for  discovery.  Shortly  after  the  sailing  of  Pin- 
zon, another  expedition  was  fitted  out  there,  by  Diego  Lepe,  a 
native  of  the  place,  and  manned  by  his  adventurous  townsmen. 
He  sailed  in  the  same  direction  with  Pinzon,  but  discovered 
more  of  the  southern  continent  than  any  other  voyager  of  the 
day,  or  for  twelve  years  afterward.  He  doubled  Cape  St.  Au- 

1  Peter  Martyr,  decad.  i.  lib.  1x. 

*  Herrera,  decu  j.  i.  lib.  iv.  cap.  12.    Munoz,  Hist.  X.  Mundo,  part  unpublished. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  407 

gnstine,  and  ascertained  that  the  coast  beyond  ran  to  the 
south-west.  He  landed  and  performed  the  usual  ceremonies  of 
taking  possession  in  the  name  of  the  Spanish  sovereigns,  and 
in  one  place  carved  their  names  on  a  magnificent  tree,  of  such 
enormous  magnitude  that  seventeen  men  with  their  hands  joined 
could  not  embrace  the  trunk.  What  enhanced  the  merit  of  his 
discoveries  was,  that  he  had  never  sailed  with  Columbus.  He 
had  with  him,  however,  several  skilful  pilots  who  had  accom- 
panied the  admiral  in  his  voyage.1 

Another  expedition  of  two  vessels  sailed  from  Cadiz,  in 
October,  1500,  under  the  command  of  Rodrigo  Bastides  of 
Seville.  He  explored  the  coast  of  Terra  Firma,  passing  Cape 
de  la  Vela,  the  western  limits  of  the  previous  discoveries  on 
the  main-land,  continuing  on  to  a  port  since  called  The  Retreat, 
where  afterward  was  founded  the  seaport  of  Nombre  de  Dios. 
His  vessels  being  nearly  destroyed  by  the  teredo,  or  worm  which 
abounds  in  those  seas,  he  had  great  difficulty  in  reaching 
Xaragna  in  Ilispaniola,  where  he  lost  his  two  caravels,  and 
proceeded  with  his  crew  by  land  to  San  Domingo.  Here  he  was 
seized  and  imprisoned  by  Bobadilla,  under  pretext  that  he  had 
treated  for  gold  with  the  natives  of  Xaragua.2 

Such  was  the  swarm  of  Spanish  expeditions  immediately 
resulting  from  the  enterprises  of  Columbus ;  but  others  v;ere 
also  undertaken  by  foreign  nations.  In  the  year  14!»7.  Sebastian 
Cabot,  son  of  a  Venetian  merchant  resident  in  Bristol,  sailing 
in  the  service  of  Henry  VII.  of  England,  navigated  to  the 
northern  seas  of  the  New  World.  Adopting  the  idea  of  Colum- 
bus, he  sailed  in  quest  of  the  shores  of  Cathay,  and  hoped  to 
find  a  north-west  passage  to  India.  In  this  voyage  he  discov- 
ered Newfoundland,  coasted  Labrador  to  the  fifty-sixth  degree 
of  north  latitude,  and  then  returning,  ran  down  south-west  to 
the  Floridas.  when,  his  provisions  beginning  to  fail,  he  returned 
to  England.8  But  vague  and  scanty  accounts  of  this  voyage 
exist,  which  was  important,  as  including  the  first  discovery  of 
the  northern  continent  of  the  New  World. 

The  discoveries  of  rival  nations,  however,  which  most  excited 
the  attention  and  jealousy  of  the  Spanish  crown,  were  those  of 
the  Portuguese.  Vasco  de  Gama,  a  man  of  rank  and  consum- 
mate talent  and  intrepidit}*,  had,  at  length,  accomplished  the 
great  design  of  the  late  Prince  Henry  of  Portugal,  and  by 
doubling  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  in  the  year  1497,  had  opened 
the  long-sought- for  route  to  India. 

1  !.!«-  Casas,  l!i-t.  Iml  ,  lib.  ii.  cap.  2.     Munoz,  part  unpublished.         *  Ibid. 
*  Hakluyt'a  Collection  of  Voyages,  vol.  iii.  p.  7. 


468  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

Immediately  after  Gama's  return  a  fleet  of  thirteen  sail  was 
fitted  out  to  visit  the  magnificent  countries  of  which  he  brought 
accounts.  This  expedition  sailed  on  the  9th  of  March,  loOO, 
for  Calicut,  under  the  command  of  Pedro  Alvarez  de  Cabral. 
Having  passed  the  Cape  de  Verde  Islands,  he  sought  to  avoid 
the  calms  prevalent  on  the  coast  of  Guinea,  by  stretching  far 
to  the  west.  Suddenly,  on  the  2oth  of  April,  he  came  in  sight 
of  land  unknown  to  any  one  in  his  squadron  ;  for,  as  yet,  they 
had  not  heard  of  the  discoveries  of  Pinzon_  and  Lepe.  He  at 
first  supposed  it  to  be  some  great  island  ;  but  after  coasting  it 
for  some  time  he  became  persuaded  that  it  must  be  part  of  a 
continent.  Having  ranged  along  it  somewhat  beyond  the  fif- 
teenth degree  of  southern  latitude,  he  landed  at  a  harbor  which 
he  called  Porto  Secnro,  and  taking  possession  of  the  country 
for  the  crown  of  Portugal,  despatched  a  ship  to  Lisbon  with 
the  important  tidings.1  In  this  way  did  the  Brazils  come  into 
the  possession  of  Portugal,  being  to  the  eastward  of  the  con- 
ventional line  settled  with  Spain  as  the  boundaries  of  their 
respective  territories.  Dr.  Robertson,  in  recording  this  voyage 
of  Cabral,  concludes  with  one  of  his  just  and  elegant  remarks : 

"  Columbus's  discovery  of  the  New  World  was,"  he  observes, 
"the  effect  of  an  active  genius,  guided  by  experience,  and 
acting  upon  a  regular  plan,  executed  with  no  less  courage  than 
perseverance.  But  from  this  adventure  of  the  Portuguese,  it 
appears  that  chance  might  have  accomplished  that  great  design, 
which  it  is  now  the  pride  of  human  reason  to  have  formed  and 
perfected.  If  the  sagacity  of  Columbus  had  not  conducted 
mankind  to  America,  Cabral,  by  a  fortunate  accident,  might 
have  led  them,  a  few  years  later,  to  the  knowledge  of  that 
extensive  continent."  2 


CHAPTER  III. 

NICHOLAS    DE   OVANDO    APPOINTED   TO    SUPERSEDE    BOBADILLA. 

[1501.] 

THE  numerous  discoveries  briefly  noticed  in  the  preceding 
chapter  had  produced  a  powerful  effect  upon  the  mind  of  Ferdi- 
nand. His  ambition,  his  avarice,  and  his  jealousy  were  equally 

1  Lafiteau,  Conquetes  des  Portugais,  lib.  ii. 

2  Kobertsou,  Ili.-t.  America,  book  ii. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  469 

inflamed.  He  beheld  boundless  regions,  teeming  with  all  kinds 
of  riches,  daily  opening  before  the  enterprises  of  his  subjects ; 
but  he  beheld  at  the  same  time  other  nations  launching  forth  into 
competition,  emulous  for  a  share  of  the  golden  world  which  he 
was  eager  to  monopolize.  The  expeditions  of  the  English  and 
the  accidental  discovery  of  the  Brazils  by  the  Portuguese 
caused  him  much  uneasiness.  To  secure  his  possession  of  the 
continent,  he  determined"  to  establish  local  governments  or 
commands  in  the  most  important  places,  all  to  be  subject  to  a 
general  government,  established  at  San  Domingo,  which  was  to 
be  the  metropolis. 

With  these  considerations,  the  government,  heretofore  granted 
to  Columbus,  had  risen  vastly  in  importance ;  and  while  the 
restitution  of  it  was  the  more  desirable  in  his  eyes,  it  became 
more  and  more  a  matter  of  repugnance  to  the  selfish  and  jealous 
monarch.  He  had  long  repented  having  vested  such  great 
powers  and  prerogatives  in  any  subject,  particularly  in  a  for- 
eigner. At  the  time  of  granting  them  he  had  no  anticipation 
of  such  boundless  countries  to  be  placed  under  his  command. 
He  appeared  almost  to  consider  himself  outwitted  by  Columbus 
in  the  arrangement ;  and  every  succeeding  discovery,  instead  of 
increasing  his  grateful  sense  of  the  obligation,  only  made  him 
repine  the  more  at  the  growing  magnitude  of  the  reward.  At 
length,  however,  the  affair  of  Bobadilla  had  effected  a  tempo- 
rary exclusion  of  Columbus  from  his  high  office,  and  that  with- 
out any  odium  to  the  crown,  and  the  wary  monarch  secretly 
determined  that  the  door  thus  closed  between  him  and  his 
dignities  should  never  again  be  opened. 

Perhaps  Ferdinand  may  really  have  entertained  doubts  as  to 
the  innocence  of  Columbus  with  respect  to  the  various  charges 
made  against  him.  He  may  have  doubted  also  the  sincerity  of 
his  loyalty,  being  a  stranger,  when  he  should  find  himself  strong 
in  his  command,  at  a  great  distance  from  the  parent  country, 
with  immense  and  opulent  regions  under  his  control.  Colum- 
bus himself,  in  his  letters,  alludes  to  reports  circulated  by  his 
enemies,  that  he  intended  either  to  set  up  an  independent 
sovereignty,  or  to  deliver  his  discoveries  into  the  hands  of 
other  potentates  ;  and  he  appears  to  fear  that  these  slanders 
might  have  made  some  impression  on  the  mind  of  Ferdinand, 
lint  there  was  one  other  consideration  which  had  no  less  force 
witli  the  monarch  in  withholding  this  great  act  of  justice  — 
Columbus  was  no  longer  indispensable  to  him.  He  had  made 
his  great  discovery  ;  he  had  struck  out  the  route  to  the  New 
World,  and  now  any  one  could  follow  it.  A  number  of  able 


470  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

navigators  had  sprung  up  under  his  auspices,  and  acquired 
experience  in  his  vc^'ages.  They  were  daily  besieging  the 
throne  with  offers  to  fit  out  expeditions  at  their  own  cost,  and 
to  yield  a  share  of  the  profits  to  the  crown.  Why  should  he, 
therefore,  confer  princely  dignities  and  prerogatives  for  that 
which  men  were  daily  offering  to  perform  gratuitously? 

.Such,  from  his  after  conduct,  appears  to  have  been  the 
jealous  and  selfish  policy  which  actuated  Ferdinand  in  for- 
bearing to  reinstate  Columbus  in  those  dignities  and  privileges 
so  solemnly  granted  to  him  by  treaty,  and  which  it  was  ac- 
knowledged he  had  never  forfeited  by  misconduct. 

This  deprivation,  however,  was  declared  to  be  but  temporary ; 
and  plausible  reasons  were  given  for  the  dela}'  in  his  re-appoint- 
ment. It  was  observed  that  the  elements  of  those  violent 
factions,  recently  in  arms  against  him,  yet  existed  in  the 
island  ;  his  immediate  return  might  produce  fresh  exasperation  ; 
his  personal  safety  might  be  endangered,  and  the  island  again 
thrown  into  confusion.  Though  Bobadilla,  therefore,  was  to 
be  immediately  dismissed  from  command,  it  was  deemed  advis- 
able to  send  out  some  officer  of  talent  and  discretion  to  super- 
sede him,  who  might  dispassionately  investigate  the  recent 
disorders,  remedy  the  abuses  which  had  arisen,  and  expel  all 
dissolute  and  factious  persons  from  the  colony.  He  should  hold 
the  government  for  two  years,  by  which  time  it  was  trusted  that 
all  angry  passions  would  be  allayed,  and  turbulent  individuals 
removed ;  Columbus  might  then  resume  the  command  with 
comfort  to  himself  and  advantage  to  the  crown.  With  these 
reasons,  and  the  promise  which  accompanied  them,  Columbus 
was  obliged  to  content  himself.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that 
they  were  sincere  on  the  part  of  Isabella,  and  that  it  was  her 
intention  to  reinstate  him  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  his  rights 
and  dignities,  after  his  apparently  necessary  suspension.  Fer- 
dinand, however,  by  his  subsequent  conduct,  has  forfeited  all 
claim  to  any  favorable  opinion  of  the  kind. 

The  person  chosen  to  supersede  Bobadilla  was  Don  Nicholas 
de  Ovando,  commander  of  Lares,  of  the  order  of  Alcantara. 
He  is  described  as  of  the  middle  size,  fair  complexion,  with  a 
red  beard,  and  a  modest  look,  yet  a  tone  of  authority.  He  was 
fluent  in  speech,  and  gracious  and  courteous  in  his  manners. 
A  man  of  great  prudence,  says  Las  Casas,  and  capable  of 
governing  many  people,  but  not  of  governing  the  Indians,  on 
whom  he  inflicted  incalculable  injuries.  He  possessed  great 
veneration  for  justice,  was  an  enemy  to  avarice,  sober  in  his 
mode  of  living,  and  of  such  humility  that  when  he  rose  after- 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  471 

ward  to  bo  grand  commander  of  the  order  of  Alcantara,  he 
would  never  allow  himself  to  be  addressed  by  the  title  of 
respect  attached  to  it.1  Such  is  the  picture  drawn  of  him  by 
historians  ;  but  his  conduct  in  several  important  instances  is  in 
direct  contradiction  to  it.  He  appears  to  have  been  plausible 
and  subtle,  as  well  as  fluent  and  courteous ;  his  humility  con- 
cealed a  great  love  of  command,  and  in  his  transactions  with 
Columbus  he  was  both  ungenerous  and  unjust. 

The  various  arrangements  to  be  made,  according  to  the  new 
plan  of  colonial  government,  delayed  for  some  time  the  depart- 
ure of  Ovando.  In  the  mean  time  every  arrival  brought 
intelligence  of  the  disastrous  state  of  the  island  under  the  mal- 
administration of  Bobadilla.  He  had  commenced  his  career  by 
an  opposite  policy  to  that  of  Columbus.  Imagining  that  rigor- 
ous rule  had  been  the  rock  on  which  his  predecessors  had  split, 
he  sought  to  conciliate  the  public  by  all  kinds  of  indulgence. 
Having  at  the  very  outset  relaxed  the  reins  of  justice  and 
morality,  he  lost  all  command  over  the  community  ;  and  such 
disorder  and  licentiousness  ensued  that  many,  even  of  the 
opponents  of  Columbus,  looked  back  with  regret  upon  the 
strict  but  wholesome  rule  of  himself  and  the  Adelantado. 

Bobadilla  was  not  so  much  a  bad  as  an  imprudent  and  a  weak 
man.  He  had  not  considered  the  dangerous  excesses  to  which 
his  policy  would  lead.  Hash  in  grasping  authority,  he  was 
feeble  and  temporizing  in  the  exercise  of  it ;  he  could  not 
look  beyond  the  present  exigency.  One  dangerous  indulgence 
granted  to  the  colonists  called  for  another;  each  was  ceded  in 
its  turn,  and  thus  he  went  on  from  error  to  error  —  showing 
that  in  government  there  is  as  much  danger  to  be  apprehended 
from  a  weak  as  from  a  bad  man. 

He  had  sold  the  farms  and  estates  of  the  crown  at  low  prices, 
observing  that  it  was  not  the  wish  of  the  monarchs  to  enrich 
themselves  by  them,  but  that  they  should  redound  to  the  profit 
of  their  subjects.  He  granted  universal  permission  to  work  the 
mines,  exacting  only  an  eleventh  of  the  produce  for  the  crown. 
To  prevent  any  diminution  in  the  revenue,  it  became  necessary, 
of  course,  to  increase  the  quantity  of  gold  collected.  He  obliged 
the  caciques,  therefore,  to  furnish  each  Spaniard  with  Indians, 
to  assist  him  both  in  the  labors  of  the  field  and  of  the  mine. 
To  carry  this  into  more  complete  effect,  he  made  an  enumera- 
tion of  the  natives  of  the  island,  reduced  them  into  classes,  and 
distributed  them,  according  to  his  favor  or  caprice,  among  the 

1  Las  Ca*as,  Hist.  lud.,  lib.  ii.  cap.  3. 


472  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

colonists.  The  latter,  at  his  suggestion,  associated  themselves 
in  partnerships  of  two  persons  each,  who  were  to  assist  one 
another  with  their  respective  capitals  and  Indians,  one  superin- 
tending the  labors  of  the  field,  and  the  other  the  search  for 
gold.  The  only  injunction  of  Bobadilla  was  to  produce  large 
quantities  of  ore.  He  had  one  saying  continually  in  his  mouth, 
which  shows  the  pernicious  and  temporizing  principle  upon 
which  he  acted  :  "  Make  the  most  of  your  time,"  he  would  say  ; 
"there  is  no  knowing  how  long  it  will  last,"  alluding  to  the 
possibility  of  his  being  speedily  recalled.  The  colonists  acted 
up  to  his  advice,  and  so  hard  did  they  drive  the  poor  natives 
that  the  eleventh  yielded  more  revenue  to  the  crown  than  had 
ever  been  produced  by  the  third  under  the  government  of  Co- 
lumbus. In  the  mean  time  the  unhappy  natives  suffered  under 
nil  kinds  of  cruelties  from  their  inhuman  taskmasters.  Little 
used  to  labor,  feeble  of  constitution,  and  accustomed  in  their 
beautiful  and  luxurious  island  to  a  life  of  ease  and  freedom, 
they  sank  under  the  toils  imposed  upon  them,  and  the  severities 
by  which  they  were  enforced.  Las  Casas  gives  an  indignant 
picture  of  the  capricious  tyranny  exercised  over  the  Indians  by 
worthless  Spaniards,  many  of  whom  had  been  transported  con- 
victs from  the  dungeons  of  Castile.  These  wretches,  who  in 
their  own  countries  had  been  the  vilest  among  the  vile,  here 
assumed  the  tone  of  grand  cavaliers.  They  insisted  upon  being 
attended  by  trains  of  servants.  They  took  the  daughters  and 
female  relations  of  caciques  for  their  domestics,  or  rather  for 
their  concubines,  nor  did  they  limit  themselves  in  number. 
"When  they  travelled,  instead  of  using  horses  and  mules  with 
which  they  were  provided,  they  obliged  the  natives  to  transport 
them  upon  their  shoulders  in  litters,  or  hammocks,  with  others 
attending  to  hold  umbrellas  of  palm-leaves  over  their  heads  to 
keep  off  the  sun,  and  fans  of  feathers  to  cool  them  ;  and  Las 
Casas  affirms  that  he  has  seen  the  backs  and  shoulders  of  the 
unfortunate  Indians  who  bore  these  litters,  raw  and  bleeding 
from  the  task.  When  these  arrogant  upstarts  arrived  at  an 
Indian  village  the}*  consumed  and  lavished  away  the  provisions 
of  the  inhabitants,  seizing  upon  whatever  pleased  their  caprice, 
and  obliging  the  cacique  and  his  subjects  to  dance  before  them 
for  their  amusement.  Their  very  pleasures  were  attended  with 
cruelty.  They  never  addressed  the  natives  but  in  the  most  de- 
grading terms,  and  on  the  least  offence,  or  the  least  freak  of 
ill-humor,  indicted  blows  and  lashes,  and  even  death  itself.1 

»  Las  Casas,  liist.  lud.,  lib.  ii.  cap.  1,  MS. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  473 

Such  is  but  a  faint  picture  of  the  evils  which  sprang  up  under 
the  feeble  rule  of  Bobadilla,  and  are  sorrowfully  described  by 
Las  Casas,  from  actual  observation,  as  he  visited  the  island  just 
at  the  close  of  his  administration.  Bobadilla  had  trusted  to 
the  immense  amount  of  gold,  wrung  from  the  miseries  of  the 
natives,  to  atone  for  all  errors,  and  secure  favor  with  the  sove- 
reigns ;  but  he  had  totally  mistaken  his  course.  The  abuses  of 
his  government  soon  reached  the  royal  ear,  and  alx>ve  all,  the 
wrongs  of  the  natives  reached  the  benevolent  heart  of  Isabella. 
Nothing  was  more  calculated  to  arouse  her  indignation,  and  she 
urged  the  speedy  departure  of  Ovaudo,  to  put  a  stop  to  these 
enormities. 

In  conformity  to  the  plan  already  mentioned,  the  government 
of  Ovando  extended  over  the  islands  and  Terra  Firma,  of  which 
Hispaniohi  was  to  be  the  metropolis.  He  was  to  enter  upon 
the  exercise  of  his  powers  immediately  upon  his  arrival,  by 
procuration,  sending  home  Bobadilla  by  the  return  of  the  fleet, 
lie  was  instructed  to  inquire  diligently  into  the  late  abuses, 
punishing  the  delinquents  without  favor  or  partiality,  and  re- 
moving all  worthless  persons  from  the  island.  He  was  to 
revoke  immediately  the  license  granted  by  Bobadilla  for  the 
general  search  after  gold,  it  having  been  given  without  royal 
authority.  He  was  to  require,  for  the  crown,  a  third  of  what 
was  already  collected,  and  one-half  of  all  that  should  be  col- 
lected in  future.  He  was  empowered  to  build  towns,  granting 
them  the  privileges  enjoyed  by  municipal  corporations  of  Spain, 
and  obliging  the  Spaniards,  and  particularly  the  soldiers,  to  re- 
side in  them,  instead  of  scattering  themselves  over  the  island. 
Among  many  sage  provisions  there  were  others  injurious  and 
illiberal,  characteristic  of  an  age  when  the  principles  of  com- 
merce were  but  little  understood,  but  which  were  continued  by 
Spain  long  after  the  rest  of  the  world  had  discarded  them  as  the 
errors  of  dark  and  unenlightened  times.  The  crown  monoi>- 
olizcd  the  trade  of  the  colonies.  No  one  could  carry  merchan- 
dise there  on  his  own  account.  A  royal  factor  was  appointed, 
through  whom  alone  were  to  be  obtained  supplies  of  European 
articles.  The  crown  reserved  to  itself  not  only  exclusive  prop- 
erty in  the  mines,  but  in  precious  stones,  and  like  objects  of 
extraordinary  value,  and  also  in  dyewoods.  No  strangers,  and 
above  all  no  Moors  nor  Jews,  were  permitted  to  establish  them- 
selves in  the  island,  nor  to  go  upon  voyages  of  discover}-.  Such 
were  some  of  the  restrictions  upon  trade  which  Spain  imposed 
upon  her  colonies,  and  which  were  followed  up  by  others  equally 
illiberal.  Her  commercial  policy  has  beeu  the  scoff  of  modern 


474  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

times ;  but  may  not  the  present  restrictions  on  trade,  imposed 
by  the  most  intelligent  nations,  be  equally  the  wonder  and  the 
jest  of  future  ages  ? 

Isabella  was  particularly  careful  in  providing  for  the  kind 
treatment  of  the  Indians.  Ovando  was  ordered  to  assemble  the 
caciques,  and  declare  to  them  that  the  sovereigns  took  them  and 
their  people  under  their  special  protection.  They  were  merely 
to  pay  tribute  like  other  subjects  of  the  crown,  and  it  was  to  be 
collected  with  the  utmost  mildness  and  gentleness.  Great  pains 
were  to  be  taken  in  their  religious  instruction  ;  for  which  pur- 
pose twelve  Franciscan  friars  were  sent  out,  with  a  prelate 
named  Antonio  de  Espinal,  a  venerable  and  pious  man.  This 
was  the  first  formal  introduction  of  the  Franciscan  order  into 
the  New  World.1 

All  these  precautions  with  respect  to  the  natives  were  de- 
feated by  one  unwary  provision.  It  was  permitted  that  the 
Indians  might  be  compelled  to  work  in  the  mines,  and  iu  other 
employments  ;  but  this  was  limited  to  the  royal  service.  They 
were  to  be  engaged  as  hired  laborers,  and  punctually  paid. 
This  provision  led  to  great  abuses  and  oppressions,  and  was 
ultimately  as  fatal  to  the  natives  as  could  have  been  the  most 
absolute  slavery. 

But,  with  that  inconsistency  frequent  in  human  conduct,  while 
the  sovereigns  were  making  regulations  for  the  relief  of  the  In- 
dians, they  encouraged  a  gross  invasion  of  the  rights  and  welfare 
of  another  race  of  human  beings.  Among  their  various  decrees 
on  this  occasion,  we  find  the  first  trace  of  negro  slavery  in  the 
New  World.  It  was  permitted  to  carry  to  the  colony  negro 
slaves  born  among  Christians  ; 2  that  is  to  say,  slaves  born  in 
Seville  and  other  pails  of  Spain,  the  children  and  descendants 
of  natives  brought  from  the  Atlantic  coast  of  Africa,  where 
such  traffic  had  for  some  time  been  carried  on  b}'  the  Spaniards 
and  Portuguese.  There  are  signal  events  iu  the  course  of  his- 
tory, which  sometimes  bear  the  appearance  of  temporal  judg- 
ments. It  is  a  fact  worthy  of  observation  that  Hispauiola,  the 
place  where  this  flagrant  sin  against  nature  and  humanity  was 
first  introduced  into  the  New  World,  has  been  the  first  to  ex- 
hibit an  awful  retribution. 

Amid  the  various  concerns  which  claimed  the  attention  of 
the  sovereigns,  the  interests  of  Columbus  were  not  forgotten. 
Ovando  was  ordered  to  examine  into  all  his  accounts,  without 
undertaking  to  pay  them  off.  He  was  to  ascertain  the  damages 

'  T.as  Ca«w,  Hist.  Tnd.,  lib.  ii.  cap.  3,  MS. 

*  Hun-era,  Hist,  luil.,  ilecud.  i.  lib.  iv.  cap.  12. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  475 

he  had  sustained  by  his  imprisonment,  the  interruption  of  his 
privileges,  and  the  confiscation  of  his  effects.  All  the  property 
confiscated  by  Bobadilla  was  to  be  restored;  or  if  it  had  been 
sold,  to  be  made  good.  If  it  had  been  employed  in  the  royal 
service,  Columbus  was  to  be  indemnified  out  of  the  treasury  ;  if 
Bobadilla  had  appropriated  it  to  his  own  use,  he  was  to  account 
for  it  out  of  his  private  puree.  Equal  care  was  to  be  taken  to 
indemnify  the  brothers  of  the  admiral  for  the  losses  they  had 
wrongfully  suffered  by  their  arrest. 

Columbus  was  likewise  to  receive  the  arrears  of  his  revenues, 
and  the  same  were  to  be  punctually  paid  to  him  in  future.  He 
was  permitted  to  have  a  factor  resident  in  the  island,  to  be 
present  at  the  melting  and  marking  of  the  gold,  to  collect  his 
dues,  and  in  short  to  attend  to  all  his  affairs.  To  this  office  he 
appointed  Alonzo  Sanchez  de  Carvajal ;  and  the  sovereigns  com- 
manded that  his  agent  should  be  treated  with  great  respect. 

The  fleet  appointed  to  convey  Ovando  to  his  government  was 
the  largest  that  had  yet  sailed  to  the  New  World.  It  consisted 
of  thirty  sail,  five  of  them  from  ninety  to  one  hundred  and  fifty 
tons  burden,  twenty-four  caravels  from  thirty  to  ninety,  and 
one  bark  of  twenty-five  tons.1  The  number  of  souls  embarked 
in  this  fleet  was  about  twenty-five  hundred  ;  many  of  them 
persons  of  rank  and  distinction,  with  their  families. 

That  Ovando  might  appear  with  dignity  in  his  new  office,  he 
was  allowed  to  use  silks,  brocades,  precious  stones,  and  other 
articles  of  sumptuous  attire,  prohibited  at  that  time  in  Spain, 
in  consequence  of  the  ruinous  ostentation  of  the  nobility.  He 
was  permitted  to  have  seventy-two  esquires  as  his  body-guard, 
ten  of  whom  were  horsemen.  With  this  expedition  sailed  Don. 
Alonzo  Maldoundo,  appointed  as  alguazil  mayor,  or  chief 
justice,  in  place  of  Roldan.  who  was  to  be  sent  to  Spain.  There 
were  artisans  of  various  kinds  :  to  these  were  added  a  physi- 
cian, surgeon,  and  apothecary  ;  and  seventy-three  married  men2 
with  their  families,  all  of  respectable  character,  destined  to  be 
distributed  in  four  towns,  and  to  enjoy  peculiar  privileges,  that 
they  might  form  the  basis  of  a  sound  and  useful  population. 
They  were  to  displace  an  equal  number  of  the  idle  and  dissolute 
who  were  to  be  sent  from  the  island  :  this  excellent  measure  had 
been  especially  urged  and  entreated  by  Columbus.  There  was 
also  live  stock,  artillery,  arms,  munitions  of  all  kinds  ;  every 
thing,  in  short,  that  was  required  for»the  supply  of  the  island. 

1  Muiioz,  part  inodit.    La*  Casas  says  the  Meet  consisted  of  thirty-two  sail,    lie  states 
from  memory,  however:  Mufi  >x  from  documents. 

2  Mu;iu/;,'ll.  >i.  Muudo,  jjait  iiietlit. 


476  LIFE  OF  cnitisTornER  COLUMBUS. 

Such  was  the  style  in  which  Ovando,  a  favorite  of  Ferdinand, 
and  a  native  subject  of  rank,  was  fitted  out  to  enter  upon  the 
government  withheld  from  Columbus.  The  fleet  put  to  sea 
on  the  thirteenth  of  February,  1502.  In  the  early  part  of 
the  voyage  it  was  encountered  by  a  terrible  storm  ;  one  of  the 
ships  foundered,  with  one  hundred  and  twenty  passengers;  the 
others  were  obliged  to  throw  overboard  every  thing  on  deck, 
and  were  completely  scattered.  The  shores  of  Spain  were 
strewn  with  articles  from  the  fleet,  and  a  rumor  spread  that  all 
the  ships  had  perished.  When  this  reached  the  sovereigns, 
they  were  so  overcome  with  grief  that  they  shut  themselves  up 
for  eight  days,  and  admitted  no  one  to  their  presence.  The 
rumor  proved  to  be  incorrect ;  but  one  ship  was  lost.  The 
others  assembled  again  at  the  island  of  Gomera  in  the  Canaries, 
and  pursuing  their  voyage,  arrived  at  San  Domingo  on  the  15th 
of  April.1 


CHAPTER  IV. 

PROPOSITION  OF  COLUMBUS  RELATIVE  TO  THE  RECOVERY  OF  THE 
HOLY  SEPULCHRE. 

[1500-1501.] 

COLUMBUS  remained  in  the  city  of  Granada  upward  of  nine 
months,  endeavoring  to  extricate  his  affairs  from  the  confusion 
into  which  they  had  been  thrown  by  the  rash  conduct  of  Boba- 
dilla,  and  soliciting  the  restoration  of  his  offices  and  dignities. 
During  this  time  he  constantly  experienced  the  smiles  and  at- 
tentions of  the  sovereigns,  and  promises  were  repeatedly  made 
him  that  he  should  ultimately  be  reinstated  in  all  his  honors 
He  had  long  since,  however,  ascertained  the  great  interval  that 
may  exist  between  promise  and  performance  in  a  court.  Had 
he  been  of  a  morbid  and  repining  spirit,  he  had  ample  food  for 
misanthropy.  He  beheld  the  career  of  glory  which  he  had 
opened,  thronged  by  favored  adventurers  ;  he  witnessed  prepa- 
rations making  to  convey  with  unusual  pomp  a  successor  to 
that  government  from  which  he  had  been  so  wrongfully  and 
rudely  ejected ;  in  the  mean  while  his  own  career  was  inter- 
rupted, and  as  far  as  public  employ  is  a  gauge  of  royal  favor, 
he  remained  apparently  i»  disgrace. 

His  sanguine  temperament  was  not  long  to  be  depressed  ;  if 
checked  in  one  direction  it  broke  forth  in  another.     His  vision- 

»  Las  Casas,  Ilist.  lud.,  lib.  ii.  cap.  3,  MS. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  477 

ary  imagination  was  an  internal  light,  which,  in  the  darkest 
times,  repelled  all  outward  gloom,  and  filled  his  mind  with 
splendid  images  and  glorious  speculations.  In  this  time  of  evil, 
his  vow  to  furnish,  within  seven  years  from  the  time  of  his  dis- 
cover}7, fifty  thousand  foot  soldiers,  .and  five  thousand  horse, 
for  the  recovery  of  the  holy  sepulchre,  recurred  to  his  memory 
with  peculiar  force.  The  time  had  elapsed,  but  the  vow  re- 
mained unfulfilled,  and  the  means  to  perform  it  had  failed  him. 
The  New  World,  with  all  its  treasures,  had  as  3'et  produced  ex- 
pense instead  of  profit ;  and  so  far  from  being  in  a  situation  to 
set  armies  on  foot  by  his  own  contributions,  he  found  himself 
without  property,  without  power,  and  without  employ. 

Destitute  of  the  means  of  accomplishing  his  pious  intentions, 
he  considered  it  his  duty  to  incite  the  sovereigns  to  the  enter- 
prise ;  and  he  felt  emlx>ldened  to  do  so,  from  having  originally 
proposed  it  as  the  great  object  to  which  the  profits  of  his  dis- 
coveries should  be  dedicated.  He  set  to  work,  therefore,  with 
his  accustomed  zeal,  to  prepare  arguments  for  the  purpose. 
During  the  intervals  of  business,  he  sought  into  the  prophecies 
of  the  holy  Scriptures,  the  writings  of  the  fathers,  and  all  kinds 
of  sacred  and  speculative  sources,  for  mystic  portents  and  reve- 
lations which  might  be  construed  to  bear  upon  the  discovery  of 
the  New  World,  the  conversion  of  the  Gentiles,  and  the  recov- 
ery of  the  holy  sepulchre  :  three  great  events  which  he  supposed 
to  be  predestined  to  succeed  each  other.  These  passages,  with 
the  assistance  of  a  Carthusian  friar,  he  arranged  in  order,  illus- 
trated by  poetry,  and  collected  into  a  manuscript  volume,  to  be 
delivered  to  the  sovereigns.  He  prepared,  at  the  same  time,  a 
long  letter,  written  with  his  usual  fervor  of  spirit  and  sim- 
plicity of  heart.  It  is  one  of  those  singular  comix>sitions  which 
lay  open  the  visionary  pait  of  his  character,  and  show  the 
mystic  and  speculative  reading  with  which  he  was  accustomed 
to  nurture  his  solemn  and  soaring  imagination. 

In  this  letter  he  urged  the  sovereigns  to  set  on  foot  a  crusade 
for  the  deliverance  of  Jerusalem  from  the  power  of  the  unbe- 
lievers. He  entreated  them  not  to  reject  his  present  advice  as 
extravagant  and  impracticable,  nor  to  heed  the  discredit  that 
might  be  cast  upon  it  by  others ;  reminding  them  that  his  great 
scheme  of  discovery  had  originally  been  treated  with  similar 
contempt.  He  avowed  in  the  fullest  manner  his  persuasion, 
that,  from  his  earliest  infancy,  he  had  been  chosen  by  Heaven 
for  the  accomplishment  of  those  two  great  designs,  the  discov- 
ery of  the  New  World,  and  the  rescue  of  the  holy  sepulchre. 
For  this  purpose,  in  his  tender  years,  he  had  been  guided  by  a 


478  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

divine  impulse  to  embrace  the  profession  of  the  sea,  a  mode  of 
life,  he  observes,  which  produces  an  inclination  to  inquire  into 
the  mysteries  of  nature  ;  and  he  had  been  gifted  with  a  curious 
spirit,  to  read  all  kinds  of  chronicles,  geographical  treatises, 
and  works  of  philosoph\".  In  meditating  upon  these,  his  un- 
derstanding had  been  opened  by  the  Deity,  "•  as  with  a  palpable 
hand,"  so  as  to  discover  the  navigation  to  the  Indies,  and  he 
had  been  inflamed  with  ardor  to  undertake  the  enterprise. 
''Animated  as  by  a  heavenly  fire,"  he  adds,  "  I  came  to  your 
highnesses :  all  who  heard  of  my  enterprise  mocked  at  it ;  all 
the  sciences  I  had  acquired  profited  me  nothing ;  seven  years 
did  I  pass  in  your  royal  court,  disputing  the  case  with  persons 
of  great  authority  and  learned  in  all  the  arts,  and  in  the  end 
they  decided  that  all  was  vain.  In  your  highnesses  alone  re- 
mained faith  and  constancy.  Who  will  doubt  that  this  light 
was  from  the  holy  Scriptures,  illumining  you  as  well  as  myself 
with  rays  of  marvellous  brightness?" 

These  ideas,  so  repeatedly,  and  solemnly,  and  artlessly  ex- 
pressed, by  a  man  of  the  fervent  piet\'  of  Columbus,  show  how 
truly  his  discovery  arose  from  the  working  of  his  own  mind, 
and  not  from  information  furnished  by  others.  lie  considered 
it  a  divine  intimation,  a  light  from  Heaven,  and  the  fulfilment 
of  what  had  been  foretold  by  our  Saviour  and  the  prophets. 
Still  he  regarded  it  but  as  a  minor  event,  preparatory  to  the 
great  enterprise,  the  recover}'  of  the  holy  sepulchre.  He  pro- 
nounced it  a  miracle  effected  by  Heaven  to  animate  himself 
and  others  to  that  holy  undertaking ;  and  he  assured  the  sov- 
ereigns that,  if  they  had  faith  in  his  present  as  in  his  former 
proposition,  they  would  assuredly  be  rewarded  with  equally 
triumphant  success.  He  conjured  them  not  to  heed  the  sneers 
of  such  as  might  scoff  at  him  as  one  unlearned,  as  an  ignorant 
mariner,  a  worldly  man  ;  reminding  them  that  the  Holy  Spirit 
works  not  merely  in  the  learned,  but  also  in  the  ignorant ;  nay, 
that  it  reveals  things  to  come,  not  merely  by  rational  beings, 
but  by  prodigies  in  animals,  and  by  mystic  signs  in  the  air  and 
in  the  heavens. 

The  enterprise  here  suggested  by  Columbus,  however  idle  and 
extravagant  it  may  appear  in  the  present  day,  was  in  unison 
with  the  temper  of  the  times,  and  of  the  court  to  which  it  was 
proposed.  The  vein  of  mystic  erudition  by  which  it  was  en- 
forced, likewise,  was  suited  to  an  age  when  the  reveries  of 
the  cloister  still  controlled  the  operations  of  the  cabinet  and  the 
camp.  The  spirit  of  the  crusades  had  not  yet  passed  away. 
In  the  cause  of  the  church,  and  at  the  instigation  of  its  digui- 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  479 

taries,  every  cavalier  was  ready  to  draw  his  sword  ;  and  religion 
mingled  a  glowing  and  devoted  enthusiasm  with  the  ordinary 
excitement  of  warfare.  Ferdinand  was  a  religious  bigot ;  and 
the  devotion  of  Isabella  went  as  near  to  bigotry  as  her  liberal 
mind  and  magnanimous  spirit  would  permit.  Both  the  sover- 
eigns were  under  the  influence  of  ecclesiastical  politicians  con- 
stantly guiding  their  enterprises  in  a  direction  to  redound  to 
the  temporal  power  and  glory  of  the  church.  The  recent  con- 
quest of  Granada  had  been  considered  a  European  crusade,  and 
had  gained  to  the  sovereigns  the  epithet  of  Catholic.  It  was 
natural  to  think  of  extending  their  sacred  victories  still  farther, 
and  retaliating  upon  the  infidels  their  domination  of  Spain, 
and  their  long  triumphs  over  the  cross.  In  fact,  the  Duke  of 
Medina  Sidouia  had  made  a  recent  inroad  into  Harbary,  in  the 
course  of  which  he  had  taken  the  city  of  Melilla,  and  his  expe- 
dition had  been  pronounced  a  renewal  of  the  holy  wars  against 
the  infidels  in  Africa.1 

There  was  nothing,  therefore,  in  the  proposition  of  Columbus 
that  could  be  regarded  as  preposterous,  considering  the  period 
and  circumstances  in  which  it  was  made,  though  it  strongly 
illustrates  his  own  enthusiastic  and  visionary  character.  It 
must  be  recollected  that  it  was  meditated  in  the  courts  of  the 
Alhambra,  among  the  splendid  remains  of  Moorish  grandeur, 
where,  but  a  few  years  before,  he  had  beheld  the  standard  of 
the  faith  elevated  in  triumph  above  the  symbols  of  infidelity. 
It  appears  to  have  been  the  offspring  of  one  of  those  moods  of 
high  excitement,  when,  as  has  been  observed,  his  soul  was 
elevated  by  the  contemplation  of  his  great  and  glorious  office  ; 
when  he  considered  himself  under  divine  inspiration,  imparting 
the  will  of  Heaven,  and  fulfilling  the  high  and  holy  purposes 
for  which  he  had  been  predestined.2 

1  Garibay,  Hist.  Espana,  lib.  xix.  cap.  6.  Among  the  collections  existing  in  the 
library  of  the  late  Prince  Sebastian,  there  is  a  folio  which,  among  other  t  hi  new,  con- 
tain* a  paper  or  letter,  in  which  is  a  calculation  of  the  probable  expenses  of  an  army 
of  twenty  thousand  men,  for  the  conquest  of  the  Holy  Land.  It  is  dated  1509  or 
1510,  and  the  handwriting  appears  to  be  of  the  same  time. 

*  CohiiniJiis  wad  not  singular  in  this  belief;  it  was  entertained  by  many  of  his 
zealous  and  learned  admirers.  The  erudite  lapidary,  Jayme  Ferrer,  in  the  letter 
written  to  Columbus  in  1495,  at  the  command  of  the  sovereigns,  observer :  "I  fee  in 
this  a  great  mystery-  the  divine  and  infallible  Providence  sent  the  great  St.  Thomas 
from  the  west  into  the  east,  to  manifest  in  India  our  holy  and  Catholic  faith;  and 
you,  Senor,  he  sent  in  an  opposite  direction,  from  the  east  into  the  west,  until  you 
have  arrived  in  the  Orient,  into  the  extreme  part  of  Upper  India,  that  the  people 
may  hear  that  which  their  ancestors  neglected  of  the  preaching  of  St.  Thomas. 
Thus  shall  be  accomplished  what  was  written,  in  onuifti  trrrani  triUt  aonim  eo~ 
rniii."  .  .  .  And  again,  "The  office  which  you  hold,  Senor,  places  you  in  the 
light  of  an  apostle  and  ambassador  of  God,  sent  by  his  divine  judgment,  to  make 
known  his  holy  name  in  unknown  lands."  —  Lelra  de  Mossen  Jayme  Ferrer,  Navar- 
rete  Coleccion,  torn.  ii.  decad.  68.  See  also  the  opiuiou  expressed  by  Agostiuo 
Oiuustiuiaui,  his  contemporary,  in  hia  Polyglot  Psalter. 


480  LIFE  OF  CnHISTOPUER   COLUMBUS. 


CHAPTER  V. 

PREPARATIONS    OF    COLUMBUS     FOR    A    FOURTH     VOYAGE    OF 
DISCOVERY. 

[1501-1502.] 

THE  speculation  relative  to  the  recovery  of  the  holy  sepulchre 
held  but  a  temporary  sway  over  the  miud  of  Columbus.  His 
thoughts  soon  returned,  with  renewed  ardor,  to  their  wonted 
channel.  He  became  impatient  of  inaction,  and  soon  conceived 
a  leading  object  for  another  enterprise  of  discovery.  The 
achievement  of  Vasco  de  Gama,  of  the  long-attempted  naviga- 
tion to  India  by  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  was  one  of  the  signal 
events  of  the  da}T.  Pedro  Alvarez  Cabral,  following  in  his 
track,  had  made  a  most  successful  voyage,  and  returned  with 
his  vessels  laden  witli  the  precious  commodities  of  the  East. 
The  riches  of  Calicut  were  now  the  theme  of  every  tongue,  and 
the  splendid  trade  now  opened  in  diamonds  and  precious  stones 
from  the  mines  of  Hindostan  ;  in  pearls,  gold,  silver,  amber, 
ivory,  and  porcelain  ;  in  silken  stuffs,  costly  woods,  gums,  aro- 
matics,  and  spices  of  all  kinds.  The  discoveries  of  the  savage 
regions  of  the  New  World,  as  yet,  brought  little  revenue  to 
.Spain ;  but  this  route,  suddenly  opened  to  the  luxurious 
countries  of  the  East,  was  pouring  immediate  wealth  into 
Portugal. 

Columbus  was  roused  to  emulation  by  these  accounts.  He 
now  conceived  the  idea  of  a  voyage,  in  which,  with  his  usual 
enthusiasm,  he  hoped  to  surpass  not  merely  the  discovery  of 
Vasco  de  Gama,  but  even  those  of  his  own  previous  expedi- 
tions. According  to  his  own  observations  in  his  voyage  to 
Paria,  and  the  reports  of  other  navigators,  who  had  pursued 
the  same  route  to  a  greater  distance,  it  appeared  that  the  coast 
of  Terra  Firma  stretched  far  to  the  west.  The  southern  coast 
of  Cuba,  which  he  considered  a  part  of  the  Asiatic  continent, 
stretched  onward  toward  the  same  point.  The  currents  of  the 
Caribbean  Sea  must  pass  between  those  lands.  He  was  per- 
suaded, therefore,  that  there  must  be  a  strait  existing  some- 
where thereabout,  opening  into  the  Indian  sea.  The  situation 
in  which  he  placed  his  conjectural  strait  was  somewhere  about 
what  at  present  is  called  the  Isthmus  of  Darien.1  Could  he 

1  Las  <  'asa.-,  lib.  ii.  cap.  4.  Las  Casas  specifies  the  viciuity  of  Nooibre  Ue  IMos  aa 
the  place. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  481 

but  discover  such  a  passage,  and  thus  link  the  New  iVorld  lie 
had  discovered,  with  the  opulent  Oriental  regions  of  the  Old, 
he  felt  that  he  should  make  a  magnificent  close  to  his  labors, 
and  consummate  this  great  object  of  his  existence. 

When  he  unfolded  his  plan  to  the  sovereigns,  it  was  listened 
to  with  great  attention.  Certain  of  the  royal  council,  it  is  said, 
endeavored  to  throw  difficulties  in  the  way,  observing  that  the 
various  exigencies  of  the  times,  and  the  low  state  of  the  royal 
treasury,  rendered  any  new  expedition  highly  inexpedient. 
They  intimated  also  that  Columbus  ought  not  to  be  employed 
until  his  good  conduct  in  Hispaniola  was  satisfactorily  estab- 
lished by  letters  from  Ovando.  These  narrow-minded  sugges- 
tions failed  in  their  aim  ;  Isabella  had  implicit  confidence  in  the 
integrity  of  Columbus.  As  to  the  expense,  she  felt  that  while 
furnishing  so  powerful  a  fleet  and  splendid  retinue  to  Ovando, 
to  take  possession  of  his  government,  it  would  be  ungenerous 
and  ungrateful  to  refuse  a  few  ships  to  the  discoverer  of  the 
New  World,  to  enable  him  to  prosecute  his  illustrious  enter- 
prises. As  to  Ferdinand,  his  cupidity  was  roused  at  the  idea 
of  being  soon  put  in  possession  of  a  more  direct  and  safe  route 
to  those  countries  with  which  the  crown  of  Portugal  was  open- 
ing so  lucrative  a  trade.  The  project  also  would  occupy  the 
admiral  for  a  considerable  time,  and,  while  it  diverted  him 
from  claims  of  an  inconvenient  nature,  would  employ  his 
talents  in  a  way  most  beneficial  to  the  crown.  However  the 
king  might  doubt  his  abilities  as  a  legislator,  he  had  the  high- 
est opinion  of  his  skill  and  judgment  as  a  navigator.  If  such, 
a  strait  as  the  one  supposed  were  really  in  existence,  Columbus 
was,  of  all  men  in  the  world,  the  one  to  discover  it.  His  prop- 
osition, therefore,  was  promptly  acceded  to  ;  he  was  author- 
ized to  fit  out  an  armament  immediately ;  and  repaired  to 
Seville  in  the  autumn  of  1001,  to  make  the  necessary  prepara- 
tions. 

Though  this  substantial  enterprise  diverted  his  attention  from 
his  romantic  expedition  for  the  recover}7  of  the  holy  sepulchre, 
it  still  continued  to  haunt  his  mind.  He  left  his  manuscript 
collection  of  researches  among  the  prophecies,  in  the  hands  of 
a  devout  friar  of  the  name  of  Gasper  Gorricio,  who  assisted 
to  complete  it.  In  February,  also,  he  wrote  a  letter  to  Pope 
Alexander  VII.,  in  which  he  apologizes  on  account  of  indispen- 
sable occupations,  for  not  having  repaired  to  Rome,  according 
to  his  original  intention,  to  give  an  account  of  his  grand  discov- 
eries. After  briefly  relating  them,  he  adds  that  his  enterprises 
had  been  undertakeu  with  intent  of  dedicating  the  sains  to  the 


482  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

recovery  of  the  holy  sepulchre.  He  mentions  his  vow  to  fur- 
nish, within  seven  years,  fifty  thousand  foot  and  five  thousand 
horse  for  the  purpose,  and  another  of  like  force  within  five  suc- 
ceeding years.  This  pious  intention,  he  laments,  had  been  im- 
peded by  the  arts  of  the  devil,  and  he  feared,  without  divine 
aid,  would  be  entirely  frustrated,  as  the  government  which 
had  been  granted  to  him  in  perpetuity  had  been  taken  from  him. 
He  informs  his  Holiness  of  his  being  about  to  embark  on  an- 
other voyage,  and  promises  solemnly,  on  his  return,  to  repair 
to  Rome  without  delay,  to  relate  every  thing  by  word  of  mouth, 
as  well  as  to  present  him  with  an  account  of  his  voyages,  which 
he  had  kept  from  the  commencement  to  the  present  time,  in  the 
style  of  the  Commentaries  of  Caesar.1 

It  was  about  this  time,  also,  that  he  sent  his  letter  on  the 
subject  of  the  sepulchre  to  the  sovereigns,  together  with  the 
collection  of  prophecies.2  We  have  no  account  of  the  manner 
in  which  the  proposition  was  received.  Ferdinand,  with  all  his 
.bigotry,  was  a  shrewd  and  worldly  prince.  Instead  of  a  chival- 
rous crusade  against  Jerusalem,  he  preferred  making  a  pacific 
arrangement  with  the  Grand  JSoldan  of  Egypt,  who  had  men- 
aced the  destruction  of  the  sacred  edifice.  He  despatched, 
therefore,  the  learned  Peter  Martyr,  so  distinguished  for  his 
historical  writings,  as  ambassador  to  the  Soldan,  by  whom  all 
ancient  grievances  between  the  two  powers  were  satisfactorily 
adjusted,  and  arrangements  made  for  the  conservation  of  the 
holy  sepulchre,  and  the  protection  of  all  Christian  pilgrims  re- 
sorting to  it. 

In  the  mean  time  Columbus  went  on  with  the  preparations  for 
his  contemplated  voyage,  though  but  slowly,  owing,  as  Charle- 
voix  intimates,  to  the  artifices  and  delays  of  Fouseca  and  his 

1  Navarrete,  Colec.  Viag.,  torn.  ii.  p.  145. 

z  A  manuscript  volume  containing  a  copy  of  this  letter  and  of  the  collection  of 
prophecies,  is  in  the  Columbian  Library,  in  the  Cathedral  of  Seville,  where  the  author 
of  this  work  had  seen  and  examined  it,  since  publishing  the  first  edition.  The 
title  and  some  of  the  early  pages  of  the  work  are  in  the  handwriting  of  Fernando 
Columbus,  the  main  body  or  the  work  is  by  a  strange  hand,  probably  by  the  Friar 
Gaspar  Gorricio,  or  some  brother  of  his  Convent.  There  are  trifling  marginal  notes 
or  corrections,  and  one  or  two  trivial  additions  in  the  handwriting  of  Columbus, 
especially  a  passage  added  after  his  return  from  his  fourth  voyage  and  shortly  before 
his  death,  alluding  to  an  eclipse  of  the  moon  which  took  place  during  his  sojourn  in 
the  island  of  Jamaica.  The  handwriting  of  this  last  passage,  like  most  of  the  manu- 
script of  Columbus  which  the  author  has  seen,  is  small  and  delicate,  bnt  wants  the  lirm- 
11  ess  and  distinctness  of  his  earlier  writing,  his  hand  having  doubtless  become  unsteady 
by  age  and  infirmity. 

This  document  is  extremely  curious  as  containing  all  the  passages  of  Scripture  and 
of  the  works  of  the  fathers  which  had  so  powerful  an  influence  on  the  ciiihu^iai-iic 
mind  of  Columbus,  and  were  construed  by  him  into  mysterious  prophecies  ai.d  reve- 
lations. The  volume  is  in  good  preservation,  excepting  that  a  few  pages  have  bee'i  cut 
out.  The  writing,  though  of  the  beginning  of  the  filtccnlh  century,  is  very  distinct 
mid  legible.  Tbu  library  mark  of  the  Unik  i«*  KsUulu  Z,  Tub.  1&>,  No.  '25. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER    COLUMBUS.  483 

agents.  He  craved  permission  to  touch  at  the  island  of  Ilis- 
paniola  for  supplies  on  his  outward  voyage.  This,  however, 
the  sovereigns  forbade,  knowing  that  lie  had  many  enemies 
in  the  island,  and  that  the  place  would  be  in  great  agitation  from 
the  arrival  of  Ovando  and  the  removal  of  Bobadilla.  They 
consented,  however,  that  he  should  touch  there  briefly  on  his 
return,  by  which  time  they  hoped  the  island  would  be  restored 
to  tranquillity.  He  was  permitted  to  take  with  him  in  this  expe- 
dition his  brother  the  Atlelantado,  and  his  son  Fernando,  then 
in  his  fourteenth  year ;  also  two  or  three  persons  learned  in 
Arabic,  to  serve  as  interpreters,  in  case  he  should  arrive  at  the 
dominions  of  the  Grand  Khan,  or  of  any  other  eastern  prince 
where  that  language  might  be  spoken,  or  partially  known.  In 
reply  to  letters  relative  to  the  ultimate  restoration  of  his  rights, 
and  to  matters  concerning  his  family,  the  sovereigns  wrote  him 
a  letter,  dated  March  14th,  1502,  from  Valencia  de  Torre,  in 
which  they  again  solemnly  assured  him  that  their  capitulations 
with  him  should  be  fulfilled  to  the  letter,  and  the  dignities 
therein  ceded  enjoyed  by  him,  and  his  children  after  him  ;  and 
if  it  should  be  necessary  to  confirm  them  anew,  they  would  do 
so.  and  secure  them  to  his  son.  Besides  which,  they  expressed 
their  disposition  to  bestow  further  honors  and  rewards  upon 
himself,  his  brothers,  and  his  children.  They  entreated  him, 
therefore,  to  depart  in  peace  and  confidence,  and  to  leave  all 
his  concerns  in  Spain  to  the  management  of  his  son  Diego.1 

This  was  the  last  letter  that  Columbus  received  from  the 
sovereigns,  and  the  assurances  it  contained  were  as  ample  and 
absolute  as  he  could  desire.  Recent  circumstances,  however, 
had  apparently  rendered  him  dubious  of  the  future.  During 
the  time  that  he  passed  in  Seville,  previous  to  his  departure, 
he  took  measures  to  secure  his  fame,  and  preserve  the  claims 
of  his  family,  by  placing  them  under  the  guardianship  of  his 
native  country.  He  had  copies  of  all  the  letters,  grants,  and 
privileges  from  the  sovereigns,  appointing  him  admiral,  vice- 
roy, and  governor  of  the  Indies,  copied  and  authenticated  be- 
fore the  alcaldes  of  Seville.  Two  sets  of  these  were  transcribed, 
together  with  his  letter  to  the  nurse  of  Prince  Juan,  contain- 
ing a  circumstantial  and  eloquent  vindication  of  his  rights ;  and 
two  letters  to  the  Bank  of  St.  George,  at  Genoa,  assigning  to  it 
the  tenth  of  his  revenues,  to  be  employed  in  diminishing  the 
duties  on  corn  and  other  provisions  —  a  truly  benevolent  and 
patriotic  donation,  intended  for  the  relief  of  the  poor  of  his 

1  Laa  Casas,  Ilist.  lud.,  lib.  ii.  cap.  4. 


484  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

native  city.  These  two  sets  of  documents  he  sent  by  different 
individuals  to  his  friend.  Doctor  Nicola  Oderigo,  formerly  am- 
bassador from  Genoa  to  the  court  of  Spain,  requesting  him  to 
preserve  them  in  some  safe  deposit,  and  to  apprise  his  sou 
Diego  of  the  same.  His  dissatisfaction  at  the  conduct  of  the 
Spanish  court  may  have  been  the  cause  of  this  precautionary 
measure,  that  an  appeal  to  the  world,  or  to  posterity,  might  be 
in  the  power  of  his  descendants,  in  case  he  should  perish  in  the 
course  of  his  voyage.1 

1  These  documents  lay  unknown  in  the  Oderigo  family  until  1670,  when  Lorenzo 
Oderigo  presented  them  to  the  government  of  Genoa,  and  they  were  deposited  in  the 
archives.  In  the  disturbances  and  revolutions  of  after  times,  one  of  these  copies  was 
taken  to  Paris,  and  the  other  disappeared.  In  1816  the  latter  was  discovered  in  the 
library  of  the  deceased  Count  Michel  Angelo  Cambiaso,  a  senator  of  Genoa.  It  was 
procured  by  the  King  of  Sardinia,  then  sovereign  of  Genoa,  and  given  up  by  him  to  the 
city  of  Genoa  in  1821.  A  custodia,  or  monument,  was  erected  in  that  city  for  its  pres- 
ervation, consisting  of  a  marble  column  supporting  an  urn,  surmounted  by  a  bust  of 
Columbus.  The  documents  were  deposited  in  the  urn.  These  papers  have  beeu  pub- 
lished, together  with  an  historical  memoir  of  Columbus,  by  D.  Gio.  BattitU  Spotorno, 
Professor  of  Eloquence,  etc.,  iu  the  University  of  Geuoa. 


BOOK    XV. 


CHAPTER  I. 

DEPARTURE  OF  COLUMBUS  ON  HIS  FOURTH  VOYAGE  —  REFUSED 
ADMISSION  TO  THE  HARBOR  OF  SAN  DOMINGO  —  EXPOSED  TO  A 
VIOLENT  TEMPEST. 

[1502.] 

AGE  was  rapidly  making  its  advances  upon  Columbus  when 
he  undertook  his  fourth  and  last  voyage  of  discovery.  He  had 
already  numbered  sixty-six  yeai-s,  and  they  were  years  tilled 
with  care  and  trouble,  in  which  age  outstrips  the  march  of 
time.  His  constitution,  originally  vigorous  in  the  extreme,  had 
been  impaired  by  hardships  and  exposures  in  every  clime,  and 
silently  preyed  upon  by  the  sufferings  of  the  mind.  His  frame, 
once  powerful  and  commanding,  and  retaining  a  semblance  of 
strength  and  majesty  even  in  its  decay,  was  yet  crazed  by  in- 
firmities and  subject  to  paroxysms  of  excruciating  pain.  His 
intellectual  forces  alone  retained  their  wonted  health  and  en- 
ergy, prompting  him,  at  a  period  in  life  when  most  men  seek 
repose,  to  sally  forth  with  youthful  ardor,  on  the  most  toilsome 
and  adventurous  of  expeditions. 

His  squadron  for  the  present  voyage  consisted  of  four  cara- 
vels, the  smallest  of  fifty  tons  burden,  the  largest  not  exceed- 
ing seventy,  and  the  crews  amounting  in  all  to  one  hundred 
and  fifty  men.  With  this  little  armament  and  these  slender 
barks  did  the  venerable  discoverer  undertake  the  search  after 
a  strait,  which,  if  found,  must  conduct  him  into  the  most 
remote  seas,  and  lead  to  a  complete  circumnavigation  of  the 
globe. 

In  this  arduous  voyage,  however,  he  had  a  faithful  counsel- 
lor, and  an  intrepid  and  vigorous  coadjutor,  in  his  brother  Don 
Bartholomew,  while  his  younger  son  Fernando  cheered  him 
with  his  affectionate  sympathy.  He  had  learned  to  appreciate 
such  comforts,  from  being  too  often  an  isolated  stranger,  sur- 
rounded by  false  friends  and  perfidious  enemies. 

485 


486  LIFE  OF  CIIRI  STOP  HER   COLUMBUS. 

The  squadron  sailed  from  Cadiz  on  the  9th  of  May,  and 
passed  over  to  Ercilla,  on  the  coast  of  Morocco,  where  it  an- 
chored on  the  13th.  Understanding  that  the  Portuguese  garri- 
son was  closely  besieged  in  the  fortress  by  the  Moore,  and  ex- 
]>osed  to  great  peril,  Columbus  was  ordered  to  touch  there,  and 
render  all  the  assistance  in  his  power.  Before  his  arrival  the 
siege  had  been  raised,  but  the  governor  lay  ill,  having  been 
wounded  in  an  assault.  Columbus  sent  his  brother,  the  Ade- 
lantado,  his  son  Fernando,  and  the  captains  of  the  caravels  on 
shore,  to  wait  upon  the  governor,  with  expressions  of  friend- 
ship and  civility,  and  offers  of  the  services  of  his  squadron. 
Their  visit  and  message  gave  high  satisfaction,  and  several 
cavaliers  were  sent  to  wait  upon  the  admiral  in  return,  some  of 
whom  were  relatives  of  his  deceased  wife,  Dona  Felippa  Munoz. 
After  this  exchange  of  civilities,  the  admiral  made  sail  on  the 
same  day,  and  continued  his  voyage.1  On  the  2oth  of  May, 
he  arrived  at  the  Grand  Canary,  and  remained  at  that  and  the 
adjacent  islands  for  a  few  days,  taking  in  wood  and  water. 
On  the  evening  of  the  25th  he  took  his  departure  for  the  New 
World.  The  trade-winds  were  so  favorable  that  the  little 
squadron  swept  gently  on  its  course,  without  shifting  a  sail, 
and  arrived  on  the  15th  of  June  at  one  of  the  Caribbee  Islands, 
called  by  the  natives  Mantinino.2  After  stopping  here  for  three 
days,  to  take  in  wood  and  water,  and  allow  the  seamen  time  to 
wash  their  clothes,  the  squadron  passed  to  the  west  of  the 
island,  and  sailed  to  Dominica,  about  ten  leagues  distant.3 
Columbus  continued  hence  along  the  inside  of  the  Antilles,  to 
Santa  Cruz,  then  along  the  south  side  of  Porto  Rico,  and 
steered  for  San  Domingo.  This  was  contrary  to  the  original 
plan  of  the  admiral,  who  had  intended  to  steer  to  Jamaica,4 
and  thence  to  take  a  departure  for  the  continent,  and  explore 
its  coasts  in  search  of  the  supposed  strait.  It  was  contrary  to 
the  orders  of  the  sovereigns  also,  prohibiting  him  on  his  outward 
voyage  to  touch  at  Hispaniola.  His  excuse  was  that  his  prin- 
cipal vessel  sailed  extremely  ill,  could  not  carry  any  canvas, 
and  continually  embarrassed  and  delayed  the  rest  of  the 
squadron.5  He  wished,  therefore,  to  exchange  it  for  one  of  the 
fleet  which  had  recently  conveyed  Ovando  to  his  government, 


>  Hi*t.  del.  Alrairante,  cap.  88. 

1  fSeiior  Xavarrele  supposes  this  island  to  be  the  came  at  present  called  Santa  Lucia. 
From  the  distance  between  it  and  Dominica,  as  slated  by  Fernando  Columbus,  it  was 
more  probably  the  present  Martinlca. 

»  Hist  del.  Almirame,  cap.  88. 

4  Ix-tter  of  Columbus  from  Jamaica.    Journal  of  Porras,  Xavarrete,  torn.  i. 

*  Hist.  del.  Aluiirauu,  cap.  8S.    La*  Ctutas,  lib.  ii.  cap.  5. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  487 

or  to  purchase  some  other  vessel  at  San  Domingo  ;  and  he  was 
persuaded  that  he  would  not  be  blamed  for  departing  from  his 
orders,  in  a  case  of  such  importance  to  the  safety  and  success 
of  his  expedition. 

It  is  necessary  to  state  the  situation  of  the  island  at  this 
moment.  Ovando  had  reached  San  Domingo  on  the  15th  of 
April.  He  had  been  received  with  the  accustomed  ceremony  on 
the  shore,  by  Bobadilla,  accompanied  by  the  principal  inhabit- 
ants of  the  town.  He  was  escorted  to  the  fortress,  where  his 
commission  was  read  in  form,  in  presence  of  all  the  authorities. 
The  usual  oaths  were  taken,  and  ceremonials  observed  ;  and  the 
new  governor  was  hailed  with  great  demonstrations  of  obedi- 
ence and  satisfaction.  Ovando  entered  upon  the  duties  of  his 
office  with  coolness  and  prudence,  and  treated  Bobadilla  with 
a  courtesy  totally  opposite  to  the  rudeness  with  which  the  latter 
had  superseded  Columbus.  The  emptiness  of  mere  official 
rank,  when  unstistained  by  merit,  was  shown  in  the  case  of 
Bohadilla.  The  moment  his  authority  was  at  an  end  all  his  im- 
portance vanished.  He  found  himself  a  solitary  and  neglected 
man,  deserted  by  those  whom  he  had  most  favored,  and  he 
experienced  the  worthlessness  of  the  popularity  gained  by 
courting  the  prejudices  and  passions  of  the  multitude.  Still 
there  is  no  record  of  any  suit  having  been  instituted  against 
him  ;  and  Las  Casas,  who  was  on  the  spot,  declares  that  he 
never  heard  any  harsh  thing  spoken  of  him  by  the  colonists.1 

The  conduct  of  Koldan  and  his  accomplices,  however,  under- 
went a  strict  investigation,  and  many  were  arrested  to  be  sent 
to  Spain  for  trial.  They  appeared  undismayed,  trusting  to  the 
influence  of  their  friends  in  Spain  to  protect  them,  and  many 
relying  on  the  well-known  disposition  of  the  Bishop  of  Fouseca 
to  favor  all  who  had  been  opposed  to  Columbus. 

The  fleet  which  had  brought  out  Ovando  was  now  read}'  for 
sea  ;  and  was  to  take  out  a  number  of  the  principal  delinquents, 
and  many  of  the  idlers  and  profligates  of  the  island.  Bobadilla 
was  to  embark  on  the  principal  ship,  on  board  of  which  he  put 
an  immense  amount  of  gold,  the  revenue  collected  for  the 
crown  during  his  government,  and  which  he  confidently  ex- 
pected would  atone  for  all  his  faults.  There  was  one  solid  mass 
of  virgin  gold  on  board  of  this  ship,  which  is  famous  in  the  old 
Spanish  chronicles.  It  had  been  found  by  a  female  Indian  in  a 
brook,  on  the  estate  of  Francisco  de  Garay  and  Miguel  Diaz, 
and  had  been  taken  by  Bobadilla  to  send  to  the  king,  making 

*  Las  Ca-sas,  Hist.  lud.,  lib.  ii.  cap.  3. 


488  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

the  owners  a  suitable  compensation.  It  was  said  to  weigh 
three  thousand  six  hundred  eastellauos.1 

Large  quantities  of  gold  were  likewise  shipped  in  the  fleet, 
by  the  followers  of  Roldan,  and  other  adventurers,  the  wealth 
gained  by  the  sufferings  of  the  unhappy  natives.  Among  the 
various  persons  who  were  to  sail  in  the  principal  ship  was  the 
unfortunate  Guarionex,  the  once  powerful  cacique  of  the  Vega. 
He  had  been  confined  in  Fort  Conception  ever  since  his  capture 
after  the  war  of  Higuey,  and  was  now  to  be  sent  a  captive  in 
chains  to  Spain.  In  one  of  the  ships,  Alonzo  Sanchez  de  Car- 
vajal,  the  agent  of  Columbus,  had  put  four  thousand  pieces  of 
gold,  to  be  remitted  to  him,  being  part  of  his  property,  either 
recently  collected  or  recovered  from  the  hands  of  Bobadilla.2 

The  preparations  were  all  made,  and  the  fleet  was  ready  to 
put  to  sea,  when,  on  the  29th  of  June,  the  squadron  of  Colum- 
bus arrived  at  the  mouth  of  the  river.  He  immediately  sent 
Pedro  de  Terreros,  captain  of  one  of  the  caravels,  on  shore  to 
wait  on  Ovando,  and  explain  to  him  that  the  purpose  of  his 
coming  was  to  procure  a  vessel  in  exchange  for  one  of  his  cara- 
vels, which  was  extremely  defective.  He  requested  permission 
also  to  shelter  his  squadron  in  the  harbor ;  as  he  apprehended, 
from  various  indications,  an  approaching  storm.  This  request 
was  refused  by  Ovando.  Las  Casas  thinks  it  probable  that  he 
had  instructions  from  the  sovereigns  not  to  admit  Columbus, 
and  that  he  was  further  swayed  by  prudent  considerations,  as 
San  Domingo  was  at  that  moment  crowded  with  the  most 
virulent  enemies  of  the  admiral,  many  of  them  in  a  high  state 
of  exasperation,  from  recent  proceedings  which  had  taken  place 
against  them.3 

When  the  ungracious  refusal  of  Ovando  was  brought  to  Col- 
umbus, and  he  found  all  shelter  denied  him,  he  sought  at  least 
to  avert  the  danger  of  the  fleet,  which  was  about  to  sail.  He 
sent  back  the  officer,  therefore,  to  the  governor,  entreating  him 
not  to  permit  the  fleet  to  put  to  sea  for  several  days,  assuring 
him  that  there  were  indubitable  signs  of  an  impending  tempest. 
This  second  request  was  equally  fruitless  with  the  first.  The 
weather,  to  an  inexperienced  eye,  was  fair  and  tranquil ;  the 
pilots  and  seamen  were  impatient  to  depart.  They  scoffed  at 
the  prediction  of  the  admiral,  ridiculing  him  as  a  false  prophet, 
and  they  persuaded  Ovando  not  to  detain  the  fleet  on  so  unsub- 
stantial a  pretext. 

It  was  hard  treatment  of  Columbus,  thus  to  be  denied  the 

1  Las  C'a.sas,  Hist   Intl.,  lib.  ii.  cap.  5.  *  Ibid. 

*  Las  Casas,  ubi  blip. 


LIFE  OF  CIiniSTOPUER   COLUMBUS.  489 

relief  which  the  state  of  his  ships  required,  and  to  be  excluded 
in  time  of  distress  from  the  very  harbor  lie  had  discovered. 
He  retired  from  the  river  full  of  grief  and  indignation.  His 
crew  murmured  loudly  at  being  shut  out  from  a  port  of  their 
own  nation,  where  even  strangers,  under  similar  circumstances, 
would  be  admitted.  They  repined  at  having  embarked  with  a 
commander  liable  to  such  treatment,  and  anticipated  nothing 
but  evil  from  a  voyage,  in  which  they  were  exposed  to  the 
dangers  of  the  sea,  and  repulsed  from  the  protection  of  the 
land. 

Being  confident,  from  his  observations  of  those  natural  phe- 
nomena in  which  he  was  deeply  skilled,  that  the  anticipated 
storm  could  not  be  distant,  and  expecting  it  from  the  land  side, 
Columbus  kept  his  feeble  squadron  close  to  the  shore,  and 
sought  for  secure  anchorage  iu  some  wild  bay  or  river  of  the 
island. 

In  the  mean  time  the  fleet  of  Bobadilla  set  sail  from  San  Do- 
mingo, and  stood  out  confidently  to  sea.  Within  two  days  the 
predictions  of  Columbus  were  verified.  One  of  those  tremen- 
dous hurricanes,  which  sometimes  sweep  those  latitudes,  had 
gradually  gathered  up.  The  baleful  appearance  of  the  heavens, 
the  wild  look  of  the  ocean,  the  rising  murmur  of  the  winds,  all 
gave  notice  of  its  approach.  The  fleet  had  scarcely  reached  the 
eastern  point  of  Hispaniola  when  the  tempest  burst  over  it 
with  awful  fury,  involving  every  thing  in  wreck  and  ruin.  The 
ship  on  board  of  which  were  Bobadilla,  Roldan,  and  a  number 
of  the  most  inveterate  enemies  of  Columbus,  was  swallowed  up 
with  all  its  crew,  and  with  the  celebrated  mass  of  gold,  and  the 
principal  part  of  the  ill-gotten  treasure,  gained  by  the  miseries 
of  the  Indians.  Many  of  the  ships  were  entirely  lost,  some  re- 
turned to  San  Domingo,  in  shattered  condition,  and  only  one 
was  enabled  to  continue  her  voyage  to  Spain.  That  one,  ac- 
cording to  Fernando  Columbus,  was  the  weakest  of  the  fleet, 
and  had  on  board  the  four  thousand  pieces  of  gold,  the  property 
of  the  admiral. 

During  the  early  part  of  this  storm  the  little  squadron  of 
Columbus  remained  tolerably  well  sheltered  by  the  land.  On 
the  second  day  the  tempest  increased  in  violence,  and  the  night 
coming  on  with  unusual  darkness,  the  ships  lost  sight  of  each 
other  and  wrere  separated.  The  admiral  still  kept  close  to  the 
shore,  and  sustained  no  damage.  The  others,  fearful  of  the 
land  in  such  a  dark  and  boisterous  night,  ran  out  for  sea-room, 
and  encountered  the  whole  fury  of  the  elements.  For  several 
days  they  were  driven  about  at  the  mercy  of  the  wind  and 


490  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

•wave,  fearful  each  moment  of  shipwreck,  and  giving  up  each 
other  as  lost.  The  Adelantodo,  who  commanded  the  ship 
already  mentioned  as  being  scarcely  seaworthy,  ran  the  most 
imminent  hazard,  and  nothing  but  his  consummate  seamanship 
enabled  him  to  keep  her  afloat.  At  length,  after  various  vicis- 
situdes, they  all  arrived  safe  at  Port  Hermoso,  to  the  west  of 
San  Domingo.  The  Adelantado  had  lost  his  long-boat ;  and 
all  the  vessels,  with  the  exception  of  that  of  the  admiral,  had 
sustained  more  or  less  injury. 

When  Columbus  learnt  the  signal  destruction  that  had  over- 
whelmed his  enemies,  almost  before  his  eyes,  he  was  deeply 
impressed  with  awe,  and  considered  his  own  preservation  as 
little  less  than  miraculous.  Both  his  son  Fernnndo  and  the 
venerable  historian  Las  Casas  looked  upon  the  event  as  one  of 
those  awful  judgments  which  seem  at  times  to  deal  forth  tem- 
poral retribution.  They  notice  the  circumstance,  that  while 
the  enemies  of  the  admiral  were  swallowed  up  by  the  raging 
sea,  the  only  ship  of  the  fleet  which  was  enabled  to  pursue  her 
voyage,  and  reach  her  port  of  destination,  was  the  frail  bark 
freighted  with  the  property  of  Columbus.  The  evil,  however, 
in  this,  as  in  most  circumstances,  overwhelmed  the  innocent  as 
well  as  the  guilty.  In  the  ship  with  Bobadilla  and  Koldan, 
perished  the  captive  Guariouex,  the  unfortunate  cacique  of 
the  Vega.1 


CHAPTER   II. 

VOTAGE    ALON7G   THE   COAST   OF    HONDURAS. 
(1502.] 

FOR  several  days  Columbus  remained  in  Port  Hermoso,  to 
repair  his  vessels  and  permit  his  crews  to  repose  and  refresh 
themselves  after  the  late  tempest.  He  had  scarcely  left  this 
harbor  when  he  was  obliged  to  take  shelter  from  another  storm 
in  Jacquemel,  or  as  it  was  called  by  the  Spaniards,  Port  Brazil. 
Hence  he  sailed  on  the  14th  of  July,  steering  for  Terra  Firma. 
The  weather  falling  perfectly  calm,  he  was  borne  away  by  the 
currents  until  he  found  himself  iu  the  vicinity  of  some  little 
islands  near  Jamaica,2  destitute  of  springs,  but  where  the  sea- 

1  L.-.«  Casas,  TTist.  Tnd.,  lib.  ii.  cap,  5.    Ilist.  del  Almiranie,  cap.  88. 
*  Supposed  to  bo  the  Moraut  Keys. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  491 

men  obtained  a  supply  of  water  by  digging  holes  in  the  sand 
on  the  beach. 

The  calm  continuing,  he  was  swept  away  to  the  group  of 
small  islands,  or  keys,  on  the  southern  coast  of  Cuba,  to  which, 
in  14U4,  he  has  given  the  name  of  The  Gardens.  He  had 
scarcely  touched  there,  however,  when  the  wind  sprang  up 
from  a  favorable  quarter,  and  he  was  enabled  to  make  sail  on 
his  destined  course.  He  now  stood  to  the  south-west,  and  after 
a  few  days  discovered,  on  the  30th  of  July,  a  small  but  elevated 
island,  agreeable  to  the  eye  from  the  variety  of  trees  with  which 
it  was  covered.  Among  these  was  a  great  number  of  lofty 
pines,  from  which  circumstance  Columbus  named  it  Isla  de 
Finos.  It  has  always,  however,  retained  its  Indian  name  of 
Guanaja,1  which  lias  been  extended  to  a  number  of  smaller 
islands  surrounding  it.  This  group  is  within  a  few  leagues  of 
the  coast  of  Honduras,  to  the  east  of  the  great  bay  or  gulf 
of  that  name. 

The  Adelantado.  with  two  launches  full  of  people,  landed  on 
the  principal  island,  which  was  extremely  verdant  and  fertile. 
The  inhabitants  resembled  those  of  other  islands,  excepting 
that  their  foreheads  were  narrower.  While  the  Adelantado 
was  on  shore,  he  beheld  a  great  canoe  arriving,  as  from  a  dis- 
tant and  important  voyage.  He  was  struck  with  its  magnitude 
and  contents.  It  was  eight  feet  wide,  and  as  long  as  a  galley, 
though  formed  of  the  trunk  of  a  single  tree.  In  the  centre 
was  a  kind  of  awning  or  cabin  of  palm-leaves,  after  the  man- 
ner of  those  in  the  gondolas  of  Venice,  and  sufficiently  close  to 
exclude  both  sun  and  rain.  Under  this  sat  a  cacique  with  his 
wives  and  children.  Twenty-five  Indians  rowed  ihe  canoe, 
and  it  was  filled  with  all  kinds  of  articles  of  the  manufacture  and 
natural  production  of  the  adjacent  countries.  It  is  supposed 
that  this  bark  had  come  from  the  province  of  Yucatan,  which 
is  about  forty  leagues  distant  from  this  island. 

The  Indians  in  the  canoe  apj)eared  to  have  no  fear  of  the 
Spaniards,  and  readily  went  alongside  of  the  admiral's  caravel. 
Columbus  was  overjoyed  at  thus  having  brought  to  him  at 
once,  without  trouble  or  danger,  a  collection  of  specimens  of 
all  the  important  articles  of  this  part  of  the  New  World.  He 
examined  with  great  curiosity  and  interest  the  contents  of  the 
canoe.  Among  various  utensils  and  weapons  similar  to  those 
already  found  among  the  natives,  he  perceived  others  of  a 
much  superior  kind.  There  were  hatchets  for  cutting  wood, 

*  Called  in  ttoiue  of  the  English  maps  Uonaccu. 


492  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

formed  not  of  stone  but  copper;  wooden  swords,  with  channels 
on  each  side  of  the  blade,  in  which  sharp  flints  were  linnly 
fixed  by  cords  made  of  the  intestines  of  fishes  ;  being  the  same 
kind  of  weapon  afterward  found  among  the  Mexicans.  There 
were  copper  bells,  and  other  articles  of  the  same  metal,  together 
with  a  rude  kind  of  crucible  in  which  to  melt  it ;  various  vessels 
and  utensils  neatly  formed  of  clay,  of  marble,  and  of  hard 
wood  ;  sheets  and  mantles  of  cotton,  worked  and  dyed  with 
various  colors  ;  great  quantities  of  cacao,  a  fruit  as  yet  unknown 
to  the  Spaniards,  but  which,  as  they  soon  found,  the  natives 
held  in  great  estimation,  using  it  both  as  food  and  money. 
There  was  a  beverage  also  extracted  from  maize  or  Indian  corn, 
resembling  beer.  Their  provisions  consisted  of  bread  made  of 
maize,  and  roots  of  various  kinds,  similar  to  those  of  Hispaniola. 
From  among  these  articles  Columbus  collected  such  as  were 
important  to  send  as  specimens  to  Spain,  giving  the  natives 
European  trinkets  in  exchange,  with  which  they  were  highly 
satisfied.  They  appeared  to  manifest  neither  astonishment  nor 
alarm  when  on  board  of  the  vessels,  and  surrounded  by  people 
who  must  have  been  so  strange  and  wonderful  to  them.  The 
women  wore  mantles,  with  which  they  wrapped  themselves, 
like  the  female  Moors  of  Granada,  and  the  men  had  cloths  of 
cotton  round  their  loins.  Both  sexes  appeared  more  particular 
about  these  coverings,  and  to  have  a  quicker  sense  of  personal 
modesty  than  any  Indians  Columbus  had  yet  discovered. 

These  circumstances,  together  with  the  superiority  of  their 
implements  and  manufactures,  were  held  by  the  admiral  as 
indications  that  he  was  approaching  more  civilized  nations. 
He  endeavored  to  gain  particular  information  from  these  Indians 
about  the  surrounding  countries ;  but  as  they  spoke  a  different 
language  from  that  of  his  interpreters,  he  could  understand 
them  but  imperfectly.  They  informed  him  that  they  had 
just  arrived  from  a  country,  rich,  cultivated,  and  industrious, 
situated  to  the  west.  They  endeavored  to  impress  him  with  an 
idea  of  the  wealth  and  magnificence  of  the  regions,  and  the 
people  of  that  quarter,  and  urged  him  to  steer  in  that  direction. 
Well  would  it  have  been  for  Columbus  had  he  followed  their 
advice.  Within  a  day  or  two  he  would  have  arrived  at  Yuca- 
tan ;  the  discovery  of  Mexico  and  the  other  opulent  countries 
of  New  Spain  would  have  necessarily  followed  ;  the  Southern 
Ocean  would  have  been  disclosed  to  him,  and  a  succession  of 
splendid  discoveries  would  have  shed  fresh  glory  on  his  declin- 
ing age,  instead  of  its  sinking  amidst  gloom,  neglect,  and 
disappointment. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  493 

The  admiral's  whole  mind,  however,  was  at  present  intent 
upon  discovering  the  strait.  As  the  countries  described  by 
the  Indians  lay  to  the  west,  he  supposed  that  he  could  easily 
visit  them  at  some  future  time,  by  running  with  the  trade- 
winds  along  the  coast  of  Cuba,  which  he  imagined  must  con- 
tinue on,  so  as  to  join  them.  At  present  he  was  determined  to 
seek  the  mainland,  the  mountains  of  which  were  visible  to  the 
south,  and  apparently  not  man}1  leagues  distant;1  by  keeping 
along  it  steadfastly  to  the  east,  he  must  at  length  arrive  to 
where  he  supposed  it  to  be  severed  from  the  coast  of  Paria  by 
an  intervening  strait;  and  passing  through  this,  he  should  soon 
make  his  way  to  the  Spice  Islands  and  the  richest  part  of 
India.2 

He  was  encouraged  the  more  to  persist  in  his  eastern  course 
by  information  from  the  Indians,  that  there  were  many  places 
in  that  direction  which  abounded  with  gold.  Much  of  the  infor- 
mation which  he  gathered  among  these  people  was  derived 
from  an  old  man  more  intelligent  than  the  rest,  who  appeared 
to  be  an  ancient  navigator  of  these  seas.  Columbus  retained 
him  to  serve  as  a  guide  along  the  coast,  and  dismissed  his  com- 
panions with  many  presents. 

Leaving  the  island  of  Guanaja,  he  stood  southwardly  for  the 
mainland,  and  after  sailing  a  few  leagues  discovered  a  cape, 
to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Caxinas,  from  its  being  covered 
with  fruit  trees,  so  called  by  the  natives.  It  is  at,  present 
known  as  Cape  Honduras.  Here,  on  Sunday  the  14th  of  August, 
the  Adelantado  landed  with  the  captains  of  the  caravels  and 
many  of  the  seamen,  to  attend  mass,  which  was  performed 
under  the  trees  ou  the  sea-shore,  according  to  the  pious  custom 
of  the  admiral,  whenever  circumstances  would  permit.  On 
the  17th  the  Adelantado  again  landed  at  a  river  about  fifteen 
miles  from  the  point,  on  the  bank  of  which  he  disphiyed  the 
banners  of  Castile,  taking  possession  of  the  country  in  the  name 
of  their  Catholic  Majesties ;  from  which  circumstance  he  named 
this  the  River  of  Possession.8 

At  this  place  they  found  upward  of  a  hundred  Indians  as- 
sembled, laden  with  bread  and  maize,  fish  and  fowl,  vegetables, 
and  fruits  of  various  kinds.  These  they  laid  down  as  presents 
before  the  Adelantado  and  his  party,  and  drew  back  to  a  dis- 
tance without  speaking  a  word.  The  Adelautado  distributed 
among  them  various  trinkets,  with  which  they  were  well  pleased 

i  Journal  of  Porras,  Navarrele,  torn.  1. 

*  I.as  <  ';i-;i-i,  lib.  ii.  cap.  -20.     Letter  of  Columbus  from  Jamaica. 

8  Juurual  of  I'orroB,  Navurrele,  Coluc.,  tow. 


494  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

and  appeared  the  next  day  in  the  same  place,  in  greater  num- 
bers, with  still  more  abundant  supplies  of  provisions. 

The  natives  of  this  neighborhood,  and  fora  considerable  dis- 
tance eastward,  had  higher  foreheads  than  those  of  the  islands. 
They  were  of  different  languages,  and  varied  from  each  other 
in  their  decorations.  Some  were  entirely  naked ;  and  their 
bodies  were  marked  by  means  of  fire  with  the  figures  of  various 
auimals.  Some  wore  coverings  about  the  loins  ;  others  short 
cotton  jerkins  without  sleeves ;  some  wore  tresses  of  hair  in 
front.  The  chieftains  had  caps  of  white  or  colored  cotton. 
When  arrayed  for  any  festival,  they  painted  their  faces  black, 
or  with  stripes  of  various  colors,  or  with  circles  round  the 
eyes.  The  old  Indian  guide  assured  the  admiral  that  many  of 
them  were  cannibals.  In  one  part  of  the  coast  the  natives  had 
their  ears  bored,  and  hideously  distended ;  which  caused  the 
Spaniards  to  call  that  region  la  Costa  de  la  Ore/a,  or  "The 
Coast  of  the  Ear."  x 

From  the  River  of  Possession,  Columbus  proceeded  along 
what  is  at  present  called  the  coast  of  Honduras,  beating  against 
contrary  winds,  and  struggling  with  currents,  which  swept 
from  the  east  like  the  constant  stream  of  a  river.  He  ofteu 
lost  in  one  tack  what  he  had  laboriously  gained  in  two,  fre- 
quently making  but  two  leagues  in  a  day,  and  never  more  than 
five.  At  night  he  anchored  under  the  land,  through  fear  of 
proceeding  along  an  unknown  coast  in  the  dark,  but  was  often 
forced  out  to  sea  by  the  violence  of  the  currents.2  In  all  this 
time  he  experienced  the  same  kind  of  weather  that  had  pre- 
vailed on  the  coast  of  Hispauiola,  and  had  attended  him  more 
or  less  for  upward  of  sixty  days.  There  was,  lie  says,  almost 
an  incessant  tempest  of  the  heavens,  with  heavy  rains,  and 
such  thunder  and  lightning  that  it  seemed  as  if  the  end  of  the 
world  was  at  hand.  Those  who  know  any  thing  of  the  drench- 
ing rains  and  rending  thunder  of  the  tropics  will  not  think 
his  description  of  the  storms  exaggerated.  His  vessels  were 
strained  so  that  their  seams  opened ;  the  sails  and  rigging  were 
rent,  and  the  provisions  were  damaged  by  the  rain  and  by  the 
leakage.  The  sailors  were  exhausted  with  lal>or  and  harassed 
with  terror.  They  many  times  confessed  their  sins  to  each 
other,  and  prepared  for  death.  "  I  have  seen  many  tempests," 
says  Columbus,  "but  none  so  violent  or  of  such  long  dura- 
tion." He  alludes  to  the  whole  series  of  storms  for  upward 
of  two  months,  since  he  had  been  refused  shelter  at  Sau 

1  LimCaoas,  lib.  ii.  cap.  21.     Hist  del  Almirante,  cap.  90. 
*  IlUl.  del  Aiiuiiu.iU-,  cup.  5J. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  495 

Domingo.  During  a  great  part  of  this  time  he  had  suffered 
extremely  from  the  gout,  aggravated  by  his  watchfulness  and 
anxiety.  His  illness  did  not  prevent  him  attending  to  his 
duties ;  he  had  a  small  cabin  or  chamber  constructed  on  the 
stern,  whence,  even  when  confined  to  his  bed,  he  could  keep  a 
look-out  and  regulate  the  sailing  of  the  ships.  Many  times  he 
was  so  ill  that  he  thought  his  end  approaching.  His  anxious 
mind  was  distressed  about  his  brother  the  Adelantado,  whom 
he  had  persuaded  against  his  will  to  come  on  this  expedition, 
and  who  was  in  the  worst  vessel  of  the  squadron.  He  lamented 
also  having  brought  with  him  his  son  Fernando,  ex]X>sing  him 
at  so  tender  an  age  to  such  perils  and  hardships,  although  the 
youth  bore  them  with  the  courage  and  fortitude  of  a  veteran. 
Often,  too,  his  thoughts  reverted  to  his  son  Diego,  and  the  cares 
and  perplexities  into  which  his  death  might  plunge  him.1  At 
length,  after  struggling  for  upward  of  forty  days  since  leaving 
the  Cape  of  Honduras,  to  make  a  distance  of  about  seventy 
leagues,  the}7  arrived  on  the  14th  of  September  at  a  ca|>e  where 
the  coast,  making  an  angle,  turned  directly  south,  so  as  to  give 
them  an  easy  wind  and  free  navigation.  Doubling  the  point, 
they  swept  off  with  flowing  sails  and  hearts  tilled  with  joy  ; 
and  the  admiral,  to  commemorate  this  sudden  relief  from  toil 
and  peril,  gave  to  the  Cape  the  name  of  Gnicias  a  Dios,  or 
Thanks  to  God.2 


CHAPTER  III. 

VOYAGE    ALONG    THE     MOSQUITO     COAST,     AND     TRANSACTIONS    AT 

CARIARI. 

[1503.] 

AFTER  doubling  Cape  Gracias  a  Dios,  Columbus  sailed  di- 
rectly south,  along  what  is  at  present  called  the  Mosquito  shore. 
The  land  was  of  varied  character,  sometimes  rugged,  with 
craggy  promontories  and  points  stretching  into  the  sea,  at 
other  places  verdant  and  fertile,  and  watered  by  abundant 
streams.  In  the  rivers  grew  immense  reeds,  sometimes  of  the 
thickness  of  a  man's  thigh  :  they  abounded  with  fish  and  tor- 
toises, and  alligators  basked  on  the  banks.  At  one  place  Co- 
lumbus passed  a  cluster  of  twelve  small  islands,  on  which  grew 


1  Letter  from  Jamaica.     Navarrete  Colec.,  torn.  i. 
*  Laa  Ca.-a.-s  lib.  ii.  cup.  21.     Hist,  del  Aluiiruutc, 


cap.  91. 


49G  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

a  fruit  resembling  the  lemon,  on  which  account  he  called  them 
the  Limonares.1 

After  sailing  about  sixty-two  leagues  along  this  coast,  being 
greatly  in  want  of  wood  and  water,  the  squadron  anchored  on 
the  IGtli  of  September,  near  a  copious  river,  up  which  the  boats 
were  sent  to  procure  the  requisite  supplies.  As  they  were  re- 
turning to  their  ships,  a  sudden  swelling  of  the  sea,  rushing  in 
and  encountering  the  rapid  current  of  the  river,  caused  a  violent 
commotion,  in  which  one  of  the  boats  was  swallowed  up, 
and  all  on  board  perished.  This  melancholy  event  had  a 
gloomy  effect  upon  the  crews,  already  dispirited  and  careworn 
from  the  hardships  they  had  endured,  and  Columbus,  sharing 
their  dejection,  gave  the  stream  the  sinister  name  of  El  Rio  dd 
Desastre,  or  the  River  of  Disaster.2 

Leaving  this  unlucky  neighborhood,  they  continued  for  sev- 
eral days  along  the  coast,  until  finding  both  his  ships  and  his 
people  nearly  disabled  by  the  buffetings  of  the  tempests,  Colum- 
bus, on  the  2f)th  of  September,  cast  anchor  between  a  small 
island  and  the  main-land,  in  what  appeared  a  commodious  and 
delightful  situation.  The  island  was  covered  with  groves  of 
palm-trees,  cocoanut -trees,  bananas,  and  a  delicate  and  fragrant 
fruit,  which  the  admiral  continually  mistook  for  the  mirabo- 
lane  of  the  East  Indies.  The  fruits  and  flowers  and  odoriferous 
shrubs  of  the  island  sent  forth  grateful  perfumes,  so  that 
Columbus  gave  it  the  name  of  La  Huerta,  or  The  Garden.  It  was 
called  by  the  natives,  Quiribiri.  Immediately  opposite,  at  a 
short  league's  distance,  was  an  Indian  village,  named  C'ariari, 
situated  on  the  bank  of  a  beautiful  river.  The  country  around 
was  fresh  and  verdant,  finely  diversified  by  noble  hills  and 
forests,  with  trees  of  such  height  that  Las  Casas  says  they 
appeared  to  reach  the  skies. 

When  the  inhabitants  beheld  the  ships,  they  gathered  to- 
gether on  the  coast,  armed  with  bows  and  arrows,  war-clubs, 
and  lances,  and  prepared  to  defend  their  shores.  The  Spaniards, 
however,  made  no  attempt  to  land  during  that  or  the  suc- 
ceeding day,  but  remained  quietly  on  board  repairing  the  ships, 
airing  and  drying  the  damaged  provisions,  or  reposing  from 
the  fatigues  of  the  voyage.  When  the  savages  perceived  that 
these  wonderful  beings,  who  had  arrived  in  this  strange  man- 
lier on  their  coast,  were  perfectly  pacific,  and  made  no  move- 
ment to  molest  them,  their  hostility  ceased,  and  curiosity  pre- 

1  I*.  Martyr,  decad.  iii.  lib.  iv.  These  may  have  been  the  lime,  a  small  and  extremely 
acid  spi'cit'rt  of  the  lemon. 

a  Las  Casas,  lib.  ii.  cap.  21.     Hist,  del  Almira:ite,  cap.  01.    Journal  of  Porras. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  497 

dominated.  They  made  various  pacific  signals,  waving  their 
mantles  like  banners,  and  inviting  the  Spaniards  to  land.  Grow- 
ing still  more  bold,  they  swam  to  the  ships,  bringing  off  man- 
tles and  tunics  of  cotton,  and  ornaments  of  the  inferior  sort  of 
gold  called  gnanin,  which  they  wore  about  their  necks.  These 
they  offered  to  the  .Spaniards.  The  admiral,  however,  forbade 
all  traffic,  making  them  presents,  but  taking  nothing  in  ex- 
change, wishing  to  impress  them  with  a  favorable  idea  of  the 
liberality  and  disinterestedness  of  the  white  men.  The  pride 
of  the.  savages  was  touched  at  the  refusal  of  their  proffered 
gifts,  and  this  supposed  contempt  for  their  manufactures  and 
productions.  They  endeavored  to  retaliate,  by  pretending  like 
indifference.  On  returning  to  shore,  they  tied  together  all  the 
European  articles  which  had  been  given  them,  without  retain- 
ing the  least  trifle,  and  left  them  lying  on  the  strand,  where  the 
Spaniards  found  them  on  a  subsequent  day. 

Finding  the  strangers  still  declined  to  come  on  shore,  the 
natives  tried  in  every  way  to  gain  their  confidence,  and  dispel 
the  distrust  which  their  hostile  demonstrations  might  have 
caused.  A  boat  approaching  the  shore  cautiously  one  day,  in 
quest  of  some  safe  place  to  procure  water,  an  ancient  Indian, 
of  venerable  demeanor,  issued  from  among  the  trees,  bearing  a 
white  banner  on  the  end  of  a  staff,  and  leading  two  girls,  one 
about  fourteen  years  of  age,  the  other  about  eight,  having 
jewels  of  gnanin  about  their  necks.  These  he  brought  to  the 
boat  and  delivered  to  the  Spaniards,  making  signs  that  they 
were  to  be  detained  as  hostages  while  the  strangers  should  be 
on  shore.  Upon  this  the  Spaniards  sallied  forth  with  confidence 
and  filled  their  water-casks,  the  Indians  remaining  at  a  distance, 
and  observing  the  strictest  care,  neither  by  word  nor  move- 
ment to  cause  any  new  distrust.  When  the  boats  were  about 
to  return  to  the  ships,  the  old  Indian  made  signs  that  the  young 
girls  should  be  taken  on  board,  nor  would  he  admit  of  any  de- 
nial. On  entering  the  ships  the  girls  showed  no  signs  of  grief 
nor  alarm,  though  surrounded  by  what  to  them  must  have  been 
uncouth  and  formidable  beings.  Columbus  was  careful  that 
the  confidence  thus  placed  in  him  should  not  be  abused.  After 
feasting  the  young  females,  and  ordering  them  to  be  clothed 
and  adorned  with  various  ornaments,  he  sent  them  on  shore. 
The  night,  however,  had  fallen,  and  the  coast  was  deserted. 
They  had  to  return  to  the  ship,  where  they  remained  all  night 
under  the  careful  protection  of  the  admiral.  The  next  morning 
he  restored  them  to  their  friends.  The  old  Indian  received 
them  with  joy,  aud  manifested  a  grateful  sense  of  the  kind 


498  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

treatment  they  had  experienced.  In  the  evening,  however, 
when  the  boats  went  on  shore,  the  young  girls  appeared,  ac- 
companied by  a  multitude  of  their  friends,  and  returned  all  the 
presents  they  had  received,  nor  could  they  be  prevailed  upon 
to  retain  any  of  them,  although  they  must  have  been  precious 
in  their  eyes  ;  so  greatly  was  the  pride  of  these  savages  piqued 
at  having  their  gifts  refused. 

On  the  following  day,  as  the  Adelantado  approached  the 
shore,  two  of  the  principal  inhabitants,  entering  the  water, 
took  him  out  of  the  boat  in  their  arms,  and  carrying  him  to 
land,  seated  him  with  great  ceremony  on  a  grassy  bank.  Don 
Bartholomew  endeavored  to  collect  information  from  them 
respecting  the  country,  and  ordered  the  notary  of  the  squadron 
to  write  down  their  replies.  The  latter  immediately  prepared 
pen,  ink,  and  paper,  and  proceeded  to  write  ;  but  no  sooner  did 
the  Indians  behold  this  strange  and  mysterious  process,  than 
mistaking  it  for  some  necromantic  spell,  intended  to  be 
wrought  upon  them,  they  fled  with  terror.  After  some  time 
they  returned,  cautiously  scattering  a  fragrant  powder  in  the 
air,  and  burning  some  of  it  in  such  a  direction  that  the  smoke 
should  be  borne  toward  the  Spaniards  by  the  wind.  This  was 
apparently  intended  to  counteract  any  baleful  spell,  for  they 
regarded  the  strangers  as  beings  of  a  mysterious  and  super- 
natural order. 

The  sailors  looked  upon  these  counter-charms  of  the  Indians 
with  equal  distrust,  and  apprehended  something  of  magic  ;  nay, 
Fernando  Columbus,  who  was  present,  and  records  the  scene, 
appears  to  doubt  whether  these  Indians  were  not  versed  in  sor- 
cery, and  thus  led  to  suspect  it  in  others.1 

Indeed,  not  to  conceal  a  foible,  which  was  more  characteristic 
of  the  superstition  of  the  age  than  of  the  man,  Columbus  him- 
self entertained  an  idea  of  the  kind,  and  assures  the  sovereigns, 
in  his  letter  from  Jamaica,  that  the  people  of  Cariari  and  its 
vicinity  are  great  enchanters,  and  he  intimates  that  the  two 
Indian  girls  who  had  visited  his  ship  had  magic  powder  con- 
cealed about  their  persons.  He  adds,  that  the  sailors  attributed 
all  the  delays  and  hardships  experienced  on  that  coast  to  their 
being  under  the  influence  of  some  evil  spell,  worked  by  the  witch- 
craft of  the  natives,  and  that  they  still  remained  in  that  belief.2 

1  Hist,  del  Almirante,  cap.  91. 

1  Letter  from  .Jamaica. 

JSOTE.  —  We  find  instances  of  the  same  kind  of  piiperstition  in  the  work  of  Marco 
Polo,  and  as  Columbus  considered  him-clf  in  the  vicinity  of  the  countries  described 
by  that  traveller,  he  may  have  been  influenced  in  this  respect  by  his  narrations. 
Speaking  of  the  it-laud  of  eSoccotera,  ;Socotraj,  Marco  1'ulo  observes.:  "The  inhabit- 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  499 

For  several  days  the  squadron  remained  at  this  place,  during 
which  time  the  ships  were  examined  and  repaired,  and  the 
civws  enjoyed  repose  and  the  recreation  of  the  land.  The 
Adelantado,  with  a  band  of  armed  men,  made  excursions  on 
shore  to  collect  information.  There  was  no  pure  gold  to  be 
met  with  here,  all  their  ornaments  were  of  guanin  ;  but  the 
natives  assured  the  Adelantado,  that,  in  proceeding  along  the 
coast,  the  ships  would  soon  arrive  at  a  country  where  gold  was 
in  great  abundance. 

In  examining  one  of  the  villages,  the  Adelantado  found,  in  a 
large  house,  several  sepulchres.  One  contained  a  human  body 
embalmed :  in  another,  there  were  two  bodies  wrapped  in 
cotton,  and  so  preserved  as  to  be  free  from  any  disagreeable 
odor.  They  were  adorned  with  the  ornaments  most  precious 
to  them  when  living  ;  and  the  sepulchres  were  decorated  with 
rude  carvings  and  paintings  representing  various  animals,  and 
sometimes  what  appeared  to  be  intended  for  portraits  of  the 
deceased.1  Throughout  most  of  the  savage  tribes  there  appears 
to  have  been  great  veneration  for  the  dead,  and  an  anxiety  to 
preserve  their  remains  undisturbed. 

When  about  to  sail,  Columbus  seized  seven  of  the  people, 
two  of  whom,  apparently  the  most  intelligent,  he  selected  to 
serve  as  guides  ;  the  rest  he  suffered  to  depart.  His  late  guide 
he  had  dismissed  with  presents  at  Cape  Gracias  a  Dios.  The 
inhabitants  of  Cariari  manifested  unusual  sensibility  at  this 
seizure  of  their  countrymen.  They  thronged  the  shore,  and 
sent  off  four  of  their  principal  men  with  presents  to  the  ships, 
imploring  the  release  of  the  prisoners. 

The  admiral  assured  them  that  he  only  took  their  compan- 
ions as  guides,  for  a  short  distance  along  the  coast,  and  would 
restore  them  soon  in  safetj'  to  their  homes.  He  ordered 
various  presents  to  be  given  to  the  ambassadors ;  but  neither 
his  promises  nor  gifts  could  soothe  the  grief  and  apprehension 
of  the  natives  at  beholding  their  friends  carried  away  by  beings 
of  whom  they  had  such  mysterious  apprehensions. 2 


cruioc  uiiui  uc  uoa  Kama  iMiMUMZuuu  iui  ure  uiuiiBgv i  iiuu  mrtsa  iiimuugu  nu  Buuura  nu\e 
a  fair  and  leading  wind,  they  have  the  power  of  causing  it  to  change,  and  thereby  obli- 
ging him,  in  spite  of  himself,  to  return  to  the  island.  They  cau  in  like  manner,  cause 
tin-  >ra  to  become  calm,  and  at  their  will  can  raise  tempests,  occasion  shipwrecks,  and 
produce  many  other  extraordinary  effects  that  need  not  be  particularized.  —  Marco  1'ulu, 
book  iii.  cap.  35,  Eng.  translation  by  W.  Marsdeu. 

1    I  .a-  (.'as:iM,  lib.  ii.  cap.  21.     Hist,  del  Almirante,  cap.  91. 

1  Ibid.    ili»t.  del  Alum-ante,  cap.  91.    Letter  of  Columbus  from  Jamaica. 


500  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

VOYAGE     ALONG     COSTA     RICA  —  SPKCULATIONS     CONCERNING     THE 
ISTHMUS    AT    VEKAtiL'A. 

[1502.] 

ON  the  5th  of  October  the  squadron  departed  from  Cnriari, 
and  sailed  along  what  is  at  present  called  Costa  Rica  (or  the 
Rich  Coast),  from  the  gold  and  silver  mines  found  in  after 
years  among  its  mountains.  After  sailing  about  twenty-two 
leagues  the  ships  anchored  in  a  great  bay,  about  six  leagues  in 
length  and  three  in  breadth,  full  of  islands,  with  channels 
opening  between  them,  so  as  to  present  three  or  four  entrances. 
It  was  called  by  the  natives  Caribaro,1  and  had  been  pointed 
out  by  the  natives  of  Cariari  as  plentiful  in  gold. 

The  islands  were  beautifully  verdant,  covered  with  groves, 
and  sent  forth  the  fragrance  of  fruits  and  flowers.  The  chan- 
nels between  them  were  so  deep  and  free  from  rocks  that  the 
ships  sailed  along  them,  as  if  in  canals  in  the  streets  of  a  city, 
the  spars  and  rigging  brushing  the  overhanging  branches  of  the 
trees.  After  anchoring,  the  boats  landed  on  one  of  the  islands, 
where  they  found  twenty  canoes.  The  people  were  on  shore 
among  the  trees.  Being  encouraged  by  the  Indians  of  Cariari, 
who  accompanied  the  Spaniards,  they  soon  advanced  with  con- 
fidence. Here,  for  the  first  time  on  this  coast,  the  Spaniards 
met  with  specimens  of  pure  gold  ;  the  natives  wearing  large 
plates  of  it  suspended  round  their  necks  by  cotton  cords  ;  they 
had  ornaments  likewise  of  guanin,  rudely  shaped  like  eagles. 
One  of  them  exchanged  a  plate  of  gold,  equal  in  value  to  ten 
ducats,  for  three  hawk's  bells.2 

On  the  following  day  the  boats  proceeded  to  the  main-land 
at  the  bottom  of  the  bay.  The  country  around  was  high  and 
rough,  and  the  villages  were  generally  perched  on  the  heights. 
They  met  with  ten  canoes  of  Indians,  their  heads  decorated  with 
garlands  of  flowers,  and  coronets  formed  of  the  claws  of  beasts 
and  the  quills  of  birds  ; 8  most  of  them  had  plates  of  gold  about 
their  necks,  but  refused  to  part  with  them.  The  Spaniards 

1  In  gome  English  maps  thi«  bay  is  called  Almirante,  or  Caniabaco  Ray.  The 
channel  by  which  Columbus  entered  is  still  called  Uoca  del  Ahuirante,  or  the  Mouth  of 
the  Admiral. 

*  Journal  of  Porras,  Navarrete,  torn.  i.  *  P.  Martyr,  decad.  iii.  lib.  v. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMIiUS.  501 

brought  two  of  them  to  the  admiral  to  servo  as  guides.  One 
had  a  plate  of  pure  gold  worth  fourteen  ducats,  another  an  eagle 
worth  twenty-two  ducats.  Seeing  the  great  value  which  the 
strangers  set  upon  this  metal,  they  assured  them  it  was  to  be 
had  in  abundance  within  the  distance  of  two  days'  journey  ; 
and  mentioned  various  places  along  the  coast  whence  it  was 
procured,  particularly  Veragua,  which  was  about  twenty-five 
leagues  distant.1 

The  cupidity  of  the  Spaniards  was  greatly  excited,  and  they 
would  gladly  have  remained  to  barter,  but  the  admiral  discour- 
aged all  disposition  of  the  kind.  He  barely  sought  to  collect 
specimens  and  information  of  the  riches  of  the  country,  and 
then  pressed  forward  in  quest  of  the  great  object  of  his  enter- 
prise, the  imaginary  strait. 

Sailing  on  the  17th  of  October,  from  this  bay,  or  rather  gulf, 
he  began  to  coast  this  region  of  reputed  wealth,  since  called  the 
coast  of  Veragua;  and  after  sailing  about  twelve  leagues  ar- 
rived at  a  large  river,  which  his  sou  Fernando  calls  the  Guaig. 
Here,  on  the  boats  being  sent  to  land,  about  two  hundred  In- 
dians appeared  on  the  shore,  armed  with  clubs,  lances,  and 
swords  of  palm-wood.  The  forests  echoed  with  the  sound  of 
wooden  drums,  and  the  blasts  of  conch-shells,  their  usual  war 
signals.  They  rushed  into  the  sea  up  to  their  waists,  brandish- 
ing their  weapons,  and  splashing  the  water  at  the  Spaniards  in 
token  of  defiance  ;  but  were  soon  pacified  by  gentle  signs  and 
the  intervention  of  the  interpreters,  and  willingly  bartered 
away  their  ornaments,  giving  seventeen  plates  of  gold,  worth 
one  hundred  and  fifty  ducats,  for  a  few  toys  and  trifles. 

When  the  Spaniards  returned  the  next  day  to  renew  their 
traffic,  they  found  the  Indians  relapsed  into  hostility,  sounding 
their  drums  and  shells,  and  rushing  forward  to  attack  the  boats. 
An  arrow  from  a  cross-bow,  which  wounded  one  of  them  in  the 
arm,  checked  their  fury,  and  on  the  discharge  of  a  cannon  they 
fled  with  terror.  Four  of  the  Spaniards  sprang  on  shore,  pur- 
suing and  calling  after  them.  They  threw  down  their  weapons 
and  came,  awe-struck,  and  gentle  as  lambs,  bringing  three 
plates  of  gold,  and  meekly  and  thankfully  receiving  whatever 
was  given  in  exchange. 

Continuing  along  the  coast,  the  admiral  anchored  in  the 
mouth  of  another  river,  called  the  Catiba.  Here  likewise  the 
sound  of  drums  and  conchs  from  among  the  forests  gave  notice 
that  the  warriors  were  assembling.  A  canoe  soon  came  off  with 

i  Columbua's  Letter  from  Jamaica. 


502  LIFE   OF  CIIIIISTOPI1EK   COLUMBUS. 

two  Indians,  who,  after  exchanging  a  few  words  with  the  in- 
terpreters, entered  the  admiral's  ship  with  fearless  confidence  ; 
and  being  satisfied  of  the  friendly  intentions  of  the  strangers, 
returned  to  their  cacique  with  a  favorable  report.  The  boats 
landed,  and  the  Spaniards  were  kindly  received  by  the  cacique. 
He  was  naked  like  his  subjects,  nor  distinguished  in  any  way 
from  them,  except  by  the  great  deference  with  which  he  was 
treated,  and  by  a  trifling  attention  paid  to  his  personal  comfort, 
being  protected  from  a  shower  of  rain  by  an  immense  leaf  of 
a  tree.  He  had  a  large  plate  of  gold,  which  he  readily  gave 
in  exchange,  and  permitted  his  people  to  do  the  same.  Nine- 
teen plates  of  pure  gold  were  procured  at  this  place.  Here, 
for  the  first  time  in  the  New  World,  the  Spaniards  met  with  signs 
of  solid  architecture  ;  finding  a  great  mass  of  stucco,  formed 
of  stone  and  lime,  a  piece  of  which  was  retained  by  the  admiral 
as  a  specimen,1  considering  it  an  indication  of  his  approach  to 
countries  where  the  arts  were  in  a  higher  state  of  cultivation. 

He  had  intended  to  visit  other  rivers  along  this  coast,  but  the 
wind  coming  on  to  blow  freshly,  he  ran  before  it,  passing  in 
sight  of  five  towns,  where  his  interpreters  assured  him  he  might 
procure  great  quantities  of  gold.  One  they  pointed  out  as 
Veragua,  which  has  since  given  its  name  to  the  whole  province. 
Here,  they  said,  were  the  richest  mines,  and  here  most  of  the 
plates  of  gold  were  fabricated.  On  the  following  da}-  they  ar- 
rived opposite  a  village  called  Cubiga,  and  here  Columbus  was 
informed  that  the  country  of  gold  terminated.-  He  resolved 
not  to  return  to  explore  it,  considering  it  as  discovered,  and  its 
mines  secured  to  the  crown,  and  being  anxious  to  arrive  at  the 
supposed  strait,  which  he  flattered  himself  could  be  at  no  great 
distance. 

In  fact,  during  his  whole  voyage  along  the  coast,  he  had  been 
under  the  influence  of  one  of  his  frequent  delusions.  From  the 
Indians  met  with  at  the  Island  of  Guanaja,  just  arrived  from 
Yucatan,  he  had  received  accounts  of  some  great,  and,  as  far 
as  he  could  understand,  civilized  nation  in  the  interior.  This 
intimation  had  been  corroborated,  as  he  imagined,  by  the 
various  tribes  with  which  he  had  since  communicated.  In  a 
subsequent  letter  to  the  sovereigns  he  informs  them  that  all  the 
Indians  of  this  coast  concurred  in  extolling  the  magnificence  of 
the  country  of  Ciguare,  situated  at  ten  days'  journey,  by  land, 
to  the  west.  The  people  of  that  region  wore  crowns,  and  brace- 
lets, and  anklets  of  gold,  and  garments  embroidered  with  it. 

i  HUt.  del  Almirante,  cap.  92.  *  Ibid. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  503 

They  used  it  for  all  their  domestic  purposes,  even  to  the  orna- 
menting and  embossing  of  their  seats  and  tables.  On  being 
shown  coral,  the  Indians  declared  that  the  women  of  Ciguare 
wore  bands  of  it  about  their  heads  and  necks.  Pepper  and 
other  spices  being  shown  them,  were  equally  said  to  abound 
there.  They  described  it  as  a  country  of  commerce,  with  great 
fairs  and  seaports,  in  which  ships  arrived  armed  with  cannon. 
The  people  were  warlike,  also,  armed  like  the  Spaniards 
with  swords,  bucklers,  cuirasses,  and  cross-bows,  and  they 
were  mounted  on  horses.  Above  all,  Columbus  understood 
from  them  that  the  sea  continued  round  to  Ciguare,  and  that 
ten  days  beyond  it  was  the  Ganges. 

These  may  have  been  vague  and  wandering  rumors  concern- 
ing the  distant  kingdoms  of  Mexico  and  Peru,  and  many  of  the 
details  may  have  been  filled  up  by  the  imagination  of  Columbus. 
The}-  made,  however,  a  strong  impression  on  his  mind.  He 
supposed  that  Ciguare  must  be  some  province  belonging  to  the 
Grand  Khan,  or  some  other  eastern  potentate,  and  as  the  sea 
reached  it,  he  concluded  it  was  on  the  opi>osite  side  of  a  penin- 
sula, bearing  the  same  position  with  respect  to  Veragua  that 
Fontarabia  does  with  Tortosa  in  Spain,  or  Pisa  with  Venice  in 
Italy.  By  proceeding  farther  eastward,  therefore,  he  must  soon 
arrive  at  a  strait,  like  that  of  Gibraltar,  through  which  he 
could  pass  into  another  sea,  and  visit  this  country  of  Ciguare, 
and,  of  course,  arrive  at  the  banks  of  the  Ganges.  He  accounted 
for  the  circumstance  of  his  having  arrived  so  near  to  that  river, 
by  the  idea  which  he  had  long  entertained,  that  geographers 
were  mistaken  as  to  the  circumference  of  the  glol>e  ;  that  it 
was  smaller  than  was  generally  imagined,  and  that  a  degree  of 
the  equinoctial  line  was  but  fifty-six  miles  and  two-thirds.1 

With  these  ideas  Columbus  determined  to  press  forward, 
leaving  the  rich  country  of  Veragua  unexplored.  Nothing 
could  evince  more  clearly  his  generous  ambition,  than  hurry- 
ing in  this  brief  manner  along  a  coast  where  wealth  was  to  be 
gathered  at  every  step,  for  the  purpose  of  seeking  a  strait 
which,  however  it  might  produce  vast  benefit  to  mankind, 
could  yield  little  else  to  himself  than  the  glory  of  the  discovery. 

1  Letter  of  Columbus  from  Jamaica.    Xavarrete  Uolec.,  torn.  i. 


504  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 


CHAPTER  V. 

DISCOVERT     OF     PUERTO    BF.LI.O     AND     EL     RETRETE  —  COLUMBUS 
ABANDONS    THE    SEARCH    AFTER   THE    STRAIT. 


Ox  the  2d  of  November  the  squadron  anchored  in  a  spacious 
and  commodious  harbor,  where  the  vessels  could  approach 
close  to  the  shore  without  danger.  It  was  surrounded  by  an 
elevated  country  ;  open  and  cultivated,  with  houses  within  bow- 
shot of  each  other,  surrounded  by  fruit-trees,  groves  of  palms, 
and  fields  producing  maize,  vegetables,  and  the  delicious  pine- 
apple, so  that  the  whole  neighborhood  had  the  mingled  appear- 
ance of  orchard  and  garden.  Columbus  was  so  pleased  with 
the  excellence  of  the  harbor  and  the  sweetness  of  the  surround- 
ing country  that  he  gave  it  the  name  of  Puerto  Bello.1  It  is 
one  of  the  few  places  along  this  coast  which  retain  the  appella- 
tion given  by  the  illustrious  discoverer.  It  is  to  be  regretted 
that  they  have  so  generally  been  discontinued,  as  they  were  so 
often  records  of  his  feelings,  and  of  circumstances  attending 
the  discovery. 

For  seven  days  they  were  detained  in  this  port  by  heavy 
rain  and  stormy  weather.  The  natives  repaired  from  all 
quarters  in  canoes,  bringing  fruits  and  vegetables  and  balls  of 
cotton,  but  there  was  no  longer  gold  offered  in  traffic.  The 
cacique  and  seven  of  his  principal  chieftains  had  small  plates 
of  gold  hanging  in  their  noses,  but  the  rest  of  the  natives 
appear  to  have  been  destitute  of  all  ornaments  of  the  kind. 
They  were  generally  naked  and  painted  red  ;  the  cacique  alone 
was  painted  black.'2 

Sailing  hence,  on  the  9th  of  November,  they  proceeded  eight 
leagues  to  the  eastward,  to  the  point  since  known  as  Nombre 
cle  Dios  ;  but  being  driven  back  for  some  distance,  they  anchored 
in  a  harbor  in  the  vicinity  of  three  small  islands.  These,  with 
the  adjacent  country  of  the  main-land,  were  cultivated  with 
fields  of  Indian  corn,  and  various  fruits  and  vegetables,  whence 
Columbus  called  the  harbor  Puerto  de  Bastimentos,  or  Port  of 
Provisions.  Here  they  remained  until  the  23d,  endeavoring  to 
repair  their  vessels,  which  leaked  excessive!}'.  They  were 

»  Las  Casas,  lib.  ii.  cap.  33.    Hist,  del  Almirante. 
-  Peter  Martyr,  decad.  iii.  lib.  iv. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  505 

pierced  in  all  parts  by  the  teredo  or  worm  which  abounds  in 
the  tropical  seas.  It  is  of  the  size  of  a  man's  finger,  and  bores 
through  the  stoutest  planks  and  timbers,  so  as  soon  to  destroy 
any  vessel  that  is  not  well  coppered.  After  leaving  this  port 
they  touched  at  another  called  Guiga,  where  above  three  hun- 
dred of  the  natives  appeared  on  the  shore,  some  with  provisions, 
nnd  some  with  golden  ornaments,  which  they  offered  in  barter. 
\Vithout  making  any  stay,  however,  the  admiral  urged  his 
way  forward  ;  but  rough  and  adverse  winds  again  obliged  him 
to  take  shelter  in  a  small  port,  with  a  narrow  entrance,  not 
above  twenty  paces  wide,  beset  on  each  side  with  reefs  of  rocks, 
the  sharp  points  of  which  rose  above  the  surface.  Within, 
there  was  not  room  for  more  than  five  or  six  ships  ;  yet  the 
port  was  so  deep  that  they  had  no  good  anchorage,  unless  they 
approached  near  enough  to  the  land  for  a  man  to  leap  on 
shore. 

From'  the.  smallncss  of  the  harlxir,  Columbus  gave  it  the 
name  of  El  Itetrete,  or  The  Cabinet.  He  had  been  betrayed 
into  this  inconvenient  and  dangerous  port  by  the  misrepresen- 
tations of  the  seamen  sent  to  examine  it,  who  were  always 
eager  to  come  to  anchor  and  have  communication  with  the 
shore-1 

The  adjacent  country  was  level  and  verdant,  covered  with 
herbage,  but  with  few  trees.  The  port  was  infested  with 
alligators,  which  basked  in  the  sunshine  on  the  beach,  filling 
the  air  with  a  powerful  and  musk}-  odor.  They  were  timorous, 
and  fled  on  being  attacked,  but  the  Indians  affirmed  that  if 
they  found  a  man  sleeping  on  the  shore  they  would  seize  and 
drag  him  into  the  water.  These  alligators  Columbus  pro- 
nounced to  be  the  same  as  the  crocodiles  of  the  Nile.  For  nine 
days  the  squadron  was  detained  in  this  port  by  tempestuous 
weather.  The  natives  of  this  place  were  tall,  well  propor- 
tioned, and  graceful ;  of  gentle  and  friendly  manners,  and 
brought  whatever  they  possessed  to  exchange  for  European 
trinkets. 

As  long  as  the  admiral  had  control  over  the  actions  of  his 
people,  the  Indians  were  treated  with  justice  and  kindness,  and 
every  thing  went  on  amicably.  The  vicinity  of  the  ships  to 
land,  however,  enabled  the  seamen  to  get  on  shore  in  the  night 
without  license.  The  natives  received  them  in  their  dwellings 
with  their  accustomed  hospitality  ;  but  the  rough  adventurers, 
instigated  by  avarice  and  lust,  soon  committed  excesses  that 

»  Las  Caeas,  lib.  ii.  cap.  23.    Hist,  del  Almiraute,  cap.  92. 


506  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS. 

roused  their  generous  hosts  to  revenge.  Every  night  there 
were  brawls  and  fights  on  shore,  and  blood  was  shed  on  both 
sides.  The  number  of  the  Indians  daily  augmented  by  arrivals 
from  the  interior.  They  became  more  powerful  and  daring  as 
they  became  more  exasperated  ;  and  seeing  that  the  vessels  lay 
close  to  the  shore,  approached  in  a  great  multitude  to  attack 
them. 

The  admiral  thought  at  first  to  disperse  them  by  discharging 
cannon  without  ball,  but  they  were  not  intimidated  by  the 
sound,  regarding  it  as  a  kind  of  harmless  thunder.  They  re- 
plied to  it  by  yells  and  howlings,  beating  their  lances  and  clubs 
against  the  trees  and  bushes  m  furious  menace.  The  situation 
of  the  ships  so  close  to  the  shore  exposed  them  to  assaults,  and 
made  the  hostility  of  the  natives  unusually  formidable.  Colum- 
bus ordered  a  shot  or  two,  therefore,  to  be  discharged  among 
them.  When  they  saw  the  havoc  made,  they  fled  iu  terror,  and 
offered  no  further  hostility.1 

The  continuance  of  stormy  winds  from  the  east  and  the 
north-east  iu  addition  to  the  constant  opposition  of  the  currents, 
disheartened  the  companions  of  Columbus,  and  they  began  to 
murmur  against  any  further  prosecution  of  the  voyage..  The 
seamen  thought  that  some  hostile  spell  was  operating,  and  the 
commanders  remonstrated  against  attempting  to  force  their 
way  iu  spite  of  the  elements,  with  ships  crazed  and  worm-eaten, 
and  continually  in  need  of  repair.  Few  of  his  companions 
could  sympathize  with  Columbus  in  his  zeal  for  mere  discovery. 
They  were  actuated  by  more  gainful  motives,  and  looked  back 
with  regret  on  the  rich  coast  they  had  left  behind,  to  go  in 
search  of  an  imaginary  strait.  It  is  probable  that  Columbus 
himself  began  to  doubt  the  object  of  his  enterprise.  If  lie  knew 
the  details  of  the  recent  voyage  of  Bastides  he  must  have  been 
aware  that  he  had  arrived  from  an  opposite  quarter  to  about 
the  place  where  that  navigator's  exploring  voyage  from  the 
east  had  terminated ;  consequently  that  there  was  but  little 
probability  of  the  existence  of  the  strait  he  had  imagined.'2 


1  Las  Casas,  lib.  ii.  cap.  23.    Hist,  del  Almirante,  cap.  92, 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMHUS.  507 

At  fill  events,  he  determined  to  relinquish  the  further  prose- 
cution of  his  voyage  eastward  for  the  present,  and  to  return  to 
the  coast  of  Veragua,  to  search  for  those  mines  of  which  he 
had  heard  so  much  and  seen  so  many  indications.  Should  they 
prove  equal  to  his  hopes,  he  would  have  wherewithal  to  return 
to  Spain  in  triumph,  and  silence  the  reproaches  of  his  enemies, 
even  though  he  should  fail  in  the  leading  object  of  his  expedi- 
tion . 

Here,  then,  ended  the  lofty  anticipations  which  had  elevated 
Columbus  above  all  mercenary  interests ;  which  had  made  him 
regardless  of  hardships  and  perils,  and  given  an  heroic  char- 
acter to  the  early  part  of  this  voyage.  It  is  true,  he  had  been 
in  pursuit  of  a  mere  chimera,  but  it  was  the  chimera  of  a  splen- 
did imagination  and  a  penetrating  judgment.  If  he  was  disa[>- 
poinled  in  his  expectations  of  finding  a  strait  through  the 
Isthmus  of  Darien,  it  was  because  nature  herself  had  been 
disappointed,  for  she  appears  to  have  attempted  to  make  one, 
but  to  have  attempted  it  m  vain. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

RETURN  TO  VERAGUA TIIE  ADELANTADO  EXPLORES  TUB  COUNTRY. 

[1502.] 

ON  the  5th  of  December,  Columbus  sailed  from  El  Retrete, 
and  relinquishing  his  course  to  the  east,  returned  westward,  in 
search  of  the  gold  mines  of  Veragua.  On  the  same  evening  he 
anchored  in  Puerto  Bello,  about  ten  leagues  distant ;  whence 
departing  on  the  succeeding  day,  the  wind  suddenly  veered  to 
the  west,  and  began  to  blow  directly  adverse  to  the  new  course 
he  had  adopted.  For  three  months  he  had  been  longing  in 
vain  for  such  a  wind,  and  now  it  came  merely  to  contradict 
him.  Here  was  a  temptation  to  resume  his  route  to  the  east, 
but  he  did  not  dare  trust  to  the  continuance  of  the  wind,  which, 
in  these  parts,  appeared  but  seldom  to  blow  from  that  quarter. 
He  resolved,  therefore,  to  keep  on  in  the  present  direction, 
trusting  that  the  breeze  would  soou  change  again  to  the  east- 
ward. 

In  a  little  while  the  wind  began  to  blow  with  dreadful 
violence,  and  to  shift  about  in  such  manner  as  to  baffle  all  sea- 
manship. Unable  to  reach  Veragua,  the  ships  were  obliged  to 


508  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

put  back  to  Puerto  Bello,  and  when  they  would  have  entered 
that  harbor,  a  sudden  veering  of  the  gale  drove  them  from  the 
laud.  For  nine  days  they  were  blown  and  tossed  about,  at 
the  mercy  of  a  furious  tempest,  in  an  unknown  sea,  and  often 
exposed  to  the  awful  perils  of  a  lee-shore.  It  is  wonderful  that 
such  open  vessels,  so  crazed  and  decayed,  could  outlive  such  a 
commotion  of  the  elements.  Nowhere  is  a  storm  so  awful  as 
between  the  tropics.  The  sea,  according  to  the  description  of 
Columbus,  boiled  at  times  like  a  caldron  ;  at  other  times  it  ran 
in  mountain  waves,  covered  with  foam.  At  night  the  raging 
billows  resembled  great  surges  of  flame,  owing  to  those  lumi- 
nous particles  which  cover  the  surface  of  the  waters  in  these 
seas,  and  throughout  the  whole  course  of  the  Gulf  Stream. 
For  a  day  and  night  the  heavens  glowed  as  a  furnace  with  the 
incessant  flashes  of  lightning;  while  the  loud  claps  of  thunder 
were  often  mistaken  by  the  affrighted  mariners  for  signal-guns 
of  distress  from  their  foundering  companions.  During  the 
whole  time,  says  Columbus,  it  poured  down  from  the  skies, 
not  rain,  but  as  it  were  a  second  deluge.  The  seamen  were 
almost  drowned  in  their  .open  vessels.  Haggard  with  toil  and 
affright,  some  gave  themselves  over  for  lost ;  they  confessed 
their  sins  to  each  other,  according  to  the  rites  of  the  Catholic 
religion,  and  prepared  themselves  for  death ;  many  in  their 
desperation,  called  upon  death  as  a  welcome  relief  from  such 
overwhelming  horrors.  In  the  midst  of  this  wild  tumult  of  the 
elements,  they  beheld  a  new  object  of  alarm.  The  ocean  in  one 
place  became  strangely  agitated.  The  water  was  whirled  up 
into  a  kind  of  pyramid  or  cone,  while  a  livid  cloud,  tapering  to 
a  point,  bent  down  to  meet  it.  Joining  together,  they  formed 
a  vast  column,  which  rapidly  approached  the  ships,  spinning 
along  the  surface  of  the  deep,  and  drawing  up  the  waters  with 
a  rushing  sound.  The  affrighted  mariners,  when  they  beheld 
this  water-spout  advancing  toward  them,  despaired  of  all 
human  means  to  avert  it,  and  began  to  repeat  passages  from 
St.  John  the  Evangelist.  The  water-spout  passed  close  by  the 
ships  without  injuring  them,  and  the  trembling  mariners 
attributed  their  escape  to  the  miraculous  efficacy  of  their  quo- 
tations from  the  Scriptures.1 

In  this  same  night  they  lost  sight  of  one  of  the  caravels,  and 
for  three  dark  and  stormy  days  gave  it  up  for  lost.  At  length, 
to  their  great  relief,  it  rejoined  the  squadron,  having  lost  its 
boat,  and  been  obliged  to  cut  its  cable,  in  an  attempt  to  anchor 

»  Las  Casas,  lib.  ii.  cap.  24.    Uist.  del  Alton-ante,  cap.  90. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  509 

on  a  boisterous  coast,  and  having  since  been  driven  to  and  fro 
by  the  storm.  For  one  or  two  days  there  was  an  interval  of 
calm,  and  the  tempest-tossed  mariners  had  time  to  breathe. 
They  looked  upon  this  tranquillity,  however,  as  deceitful,  and 
in  their  gloomy  mood  beheld  every  thing  with  a  doubtful 
and  foreboding  eye.  Great  numbers  of  sharks,  so  abundant 
and  ravenous  in  these  latitudes,  were  seen  about  the  ships. 
This  was  construed  into  an  evil  omen  ;  for  among  the  super- 
stitions of  the  seas  it  is  believed  that  these  voracious  fish  can 
smell  dead  bodies  at  a  distance  ;  that  they  have  a  kind  of  pre- 
sentiment of  their  prey,  and  keep  about  vessels  which  have  sick 
persons  on  board,  or  which  are  in  danger  of  being  wrecked. 
Several  of  these  fish  they  caught,  using  large  hooks  fastened 
to  chains,  and  sometimes  baited  merely  with  a  piece  of  colored 
cloth.  From  the  maw  of  one  they  took  out  a  living  tortoise, 
from  that  of  another  the  head  of  a  shark,  recently  thrown 
from  one  of  the  ships  ;  such  is  the  indiscriminate  voracity  of 
these  terrors  of  the  ocean.  Notwithstanding  their  supersti- 
tious fancies,  the  seamen  were  glad  to  use  a  part  of  these 
sharks  for  food,  being  very  short  of  provisions.  The  length  of 
the  voyage  had  consumed  the  greater  part  of  their  sea-stores ; 
the  heat  ,and  humidity  of  the  climate  and  the  leakage  of  the 
ships  had  damaged  the  remainder,  and  their  biscuit  was  so 
filled  with  worms  that,  notwithstanding  their  hunger,  they 
were  obliged  to  eat  it  in  the  dark,  lest  their  stomachs  should 
revolt  at  its  appearance.1 

At  length,  on  the  17th,  they  were  enabled  to  enter  a  port 
resembling  a  great  canal,  where  they  enjoyed  three  days  of 
repose.  The  natives  of  this  vicinity  built  their  cabins  in  trees, 
on  stakes  or  poles  laid  from  one  branch  to  another.  The 
Spaniards  supposed  this  to  be  through  the  fear  of  wild  beasts, 
or  of  surprisals  from  neighboring  tribes;  the  different  nations 
of  these  coasts  being  extremely  hostile  to  one  another.  It  may 
have  been  a  precaution  against  inundations  caused  by  floods 
from  the  mountains.  After  leaving  this  port  they  were  driven 
backward  and  forward  by  the  changeable  and  tempestuous 
winds  until  the  day  after  Christmas,  when  they  sheltered  them- 
selves in  another  port,  where  they  remained  until  the  3d  of 
January,  1503,  repairing  one  of  the  caravels,  and  procuring 
wood,  water,  and  a  supply  of  maize  or  Indian  corn.  These 
measures  being  completed,  they  again  put  to  sea,  and  on  the 
day  of  Epiphany,  to  their  great  joy,  anchored  at  the  mouth  of 


»  mat.  del  Almirante,  cap.  94.     ,. 


510  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

a  river  called  by  the  natives  Yebra,  within  a  league  or  two  of 
the  river  Veragua,  and  in  the  country  said  to  be  so  rich  in 
mines.  To  this  river,  from  arriving  at  it  on  the  day  of  Epiph- 
any, Columbus  gave  the  name  of  Belen,  or  Bethlehem. 

For  nearly  a  month  he  had  endeavored  to  accomplish  the 
vo}*age  from  Puerto  Bello  to  Veragua,  a  distance  of  about  thirty 
leagues,  and  had  encountered  so  many  troubles  and  adversities, 
from  changeable  winds  and  currents,  and  boisterous  tempests, 
that  he  gave  this  intermediate  line  of  seaboard  the  name  of 
La  Coxta  de  los  Contrasts.*,  or  the  Coast  of  Contradictions.1 

Columbus  immediately  ordered  the  mouths  of  the  Belen,  and 
of  its  neighboring  river  of  Veragua,  to  be  sounded.  The  latter 
proved  too  shallow  to  admit  his  vessels,  but  the  Belen  was 
somewhat  deeper,  and  it  was  thought  they  might  enter  it  with 
safety.  Seeing  a  village  on  the  banks  of  the  Belen.  the  admiral 
sent  the  boats  on  shore  -to  procure  information.  On  their  ap- 
proach the  inhabitants  issued  forth  with  weapons  in  hand  to 
oppose  their  landing,  but  were  readily  pacified.  They  seemed 
unwilling  to  give  any  intelligence  about  the  gold-mines  ;  but, 
on  being  importuned,  declared  that  the}7  lay  in  the  vicinity  of 
the  river  of  Veragua.  To  that  river  the  boats  were  despatched 
on  the  following  day.  They  met  with  the  reception  so  fre- 
quent along  this  coast,  where  many  of  the  tribes  were  fierce 
and  warlike,  and  are  supposed  to  have  been  of  Carib  origin. 
As  the  boats  entered  the  river,  the  natives  sallied  forth  in  their 
canoes,  and  others  assembled  in  menacing  style  on  the  shores. 
The  Spaniards,  however,  had  brought  with  them  an  Indian  of 
that  coast,  who  put  an  end  to  this  show  of  hostility  by  assuring 
his  countrymen  that  the  strangers  came  only  to  traffic  with  them. 

The  various  accounts  of  the  riches  of  these  parts  appeared 
to  be  confirmed  by  what  the  Spaniards  saw  and  heard  among 
these  people.  They  procured  in  exchange  for  the  veriest  trifles 
twenty  plates  of  gold,  with  several  pipes  of  the  same  metal, 
and  crude  masses  of  ore.  The  Indians  informed  them  that  the 
mines  lay  among  distant  mountains  ;  and  that  when  they  went 
in  quest  of  it  they  were  obliged  to  practise  rigorous  fasting  and 
continence.3 

1  Hist,  del  Almirante,  cap.  94. 

*  A  superstitious  notion  with  respect  to  gold  appears  to  have  been  very  prevalent 
among  the  natives.  The  Indians  of  Hispaniola  observed  the  same  privations  when 
they  sought  for  it,  abstaining  from  food  and  from  sexual  intercourse.  Columbus,  who 
seemed  to  look  upon  gold  as  one  of  the  sacred  and  mvstic  treasures  of  the  earih,  wished 
to  encourage  similar  observances  among  the  Spaniards;  exhorting  them  to  purify  them- 
selves for  the  research  of  the  mines  by  fasting,  prayer,  and  chastity.  It  is  scarcely 
necessary  to  add,  that  his  advice  was  but  little-  attended  to  by  his  rapacious  and  sensual 
followers. 


LIFE  OF  CURISTOPUER   COLUMBUS.  511 

The  favorable  report  brought  by  the  boats  determined  the 
admiral  to  remain  in  the  neighborhood.  The  river  Belen  hav- 
ing the  greatest  depth,  two  of  the  caravels  entered  it  on  the  Dth 
of  January,  and  the  two  others  ou  the  following  day  at  high 
tide,  which  on  that  coast  does  not  rise  alx>ve  half  a  fathom.1 
The  natives  came  to  them  in  the  most  friendly  manner,  bring- 
ing great  quantities  of  fish,  with  which  that  river  abounded. 
They  brought  also  golden  ornaments  to  traffic,  but  continued 
to  affirm  that  Veragua  was  the  place  whence  the  ore  was  pro- 
cured. 

The  Adelantado,  with  his  usual  activit}-  and  enterprise,  set 
off  on  the  third  day,  with  the  boats  well  armed,  to  ascend  the 
Yeragua  about  a  league  and  a  half,  to  the  residence  of  Quibian, 
the  principal  cacique.  The  chieftain,  hearing  of  his  intention, 
met  him  near  the  entrance  of  the  river,  attended  by  his  subjects 
in  several  canoes.  He  was  tall,  of  powerful  frame,  and  war- 
like demeanor ;  the  interview  was  extremely  amicable.  The 
cacique  presented  the  Adelantado  with  the  golden  ornaments 
which  he  wore,  and  received  as  magnificent  presents  a  few 
European  trinkets.  They  parted  mutually  well  pleased.  On 
the  following  day  Quibian  visited  the  ships,  where  he  was  hos- 
pitably  entertained  by  the  admiral.  They  could  only  com- 
municate by  signs,  and  as  the  chieftain  was  of  a  taciturn  and 
cautious  character,  the  interview  was  not  of  long  duration. 
Columbus  made  him  several  presents ;  the  followers  of  the 
cacique  exchanged  many  jewels  of  gold  for  the  usual  trifles, 
and  Quibiau  returned,  without  much  ceremony,  to  his  home. 

On  the  24th  of  January  there  was  a  sudden  swelling  of  the 
river.  The  waters  came  rushing  from  the  interior  like  a  vast 
torrent ;  the  ships  were  forced  from  their  anchors,  tossed  from 
side  to  side,  and  driven  against  each  other  ;  the  foremast  of  the 
admiral's  vessel  was  carried  away,  and  the  whole  squadron  was 
in  imminent  danger  of  shipwreck.  While  exposed  to  this 
peril  in  the  river,  they  were  prevented  from  running  out  to 
sea  by  a  violent  storm,  and  by  the  breakers  which  beat  upon 
the  bar.  This  sudden  rising  of  the  river,  Columbus  attributed 
to  some  heavy  fall  of  rain  among  the  range  of  distant  moun- 
tains, to  which  he  had  given  the  name  of  the  mountains  of  San 
Christoval.  The  highest  of  these  rose  to  a  peak  far  above  the 
clouds.2 

The  weather  continued  extremely  boisterous  for  several  days. 
At  length,  on  the  6th  of  February,  the  sea  being  tolerably 

1  Hist,  del.  Almirante,  cap  95. 

*  Las  Caa  vs,  lib.  ii.  cap.  £>.    Hist,  del  Almiraute,  cap.  95. 


512  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

calm  the  Adelantado,  attended  by  sixty-eight  men,  well 
armed,  proceeded  in  the  boats  to  explore  the  Veragua,  and  seek 
its  reputed  mines.  When  he  ascended  the  river  and  drew  nc'ur 
to  the  village  of  Quibian,  situated  on  the  side  of  a  hill,  the 
cacique  came  down  to  the  bank  to  meet  him,  with  a  great  train 
of  his  subjects,  unarmed,  and  making  signs  of  peace.  Quil>ian 
was  naked,  and  painted  after  the  fashion  of  the  couutiy.  One 
of  his  attendants  drew  a  great  stone  out  of  the  river,  and  washed 
and  rubbed  it  carefully,  upon  which  the  chieftain  seated  him- 
self as  upon  a  throne.1  He  received  the  Adelautado  witli  great 
courtesy  ;  for  the  lofty,  vigorous,  and  iron  form  of  the  latter, 
and  his  look  of  resolution  and  command,  were  calculated  to  in- 
spire awe  and  respect  in  an  Indian  warrior.  The  cacique,  how- 
ever, was  wary  and  politic.  His  jealousy  was  awakened  by 
the  intrusion  of  these  strangers  into  his  territories  ;  but  he  saw 
the  futility  of  any  open  attempt  to  resist  them.  He  acceded  to 
the  wishes  of  the  Adelantado,  therefore,  to  visit  the  interior  of 
his  dominions,  and  furnished  him  with  three  guides  to  conduct 
him  to  the  mines. 

Leaving  a  number  of  his  men  to  guard  the  boats,  the  Adelan- 
tado departed  on  foot  with  the  remainder.  After  penetrating 
into  the  interior  about  four  leagues  and  a  half,  they  slept  for 
the  first  night  on  the  banks  of  a  river,  which  seemed  to  water 
the  whole  country  with  its  windings,  as  they  had  crossed  it 
upward  of  forty  times.  On  the  second  day  they  proceeded  a 
league  and  a  half  farther,  and  arrived  among  thick  forests, 
where  their  guides  informed  them  the  mines  were  situated.  In 
fact,  the  whole  soil  appeared  to  be  impregnated  with  gold. 
They  gathered  it  from  among  the  roots  of  the  trees,  which  were 
of  an  immense  height  and  magnificent  foliage.  In  the  space  of 
two  hours  each  man  had  collected  a  little  quantity  of  gold, 
gathered  from  the  surface  of  the  earth.  Hence  the  guides  took 
the  Adelantado  to  the  summit  of  a  high  hill,  and  showing  him 
an  extent  of  country  as  far  as  the  e}'e  could  reach,  assured  him 
that  the  whole  of  it,  to  the  distance  of  twenty  days'  journey 
westward,  abounded  in  gold,  naming  to  him  several  of  the 
principal  places.2  The  Adelantado  gazed  with  enraptured  eye 
over  a  vast  wilderness  of  continued  forest,  where  only  here  and 
there  a  bright  column  of  smoke  from  amid  the  trees  gave  sign 
of  some  savage  hamlet,  or  solitary  wigwam,  and  the  wild,  un- 
appropriated aspect  of  this  golden  country  delighted  him  more 
than  if  he  had  beheld  it  covered  with  towns  and  cities,  and 

1  Peter  Martyr,  decad.  iii.  lib.  iv.        *  Letter  of  the  Admiral  from  Jamaica. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  513 

adorned  with  all  the  graces  of  cultivation.  He  returned  with 
his  party,  in  high  spirits,  to  the  ships,  and  rejoiced  the  admiral 
with  the  favorable  report  of  his  expedition.  It  was  soon 
discovered,  however,  that  the  politic  Quibiau  had  deceived 
them.  His  guides,  by  his  instructions,  had  taken  the  Spaniards 
to  the  mines  of  a  neighboring  cacique,  with  whom  he  was  at 
war,  hoping  to  divert  them  into  the  territories  of  his  enemy. 
The  real  mines  of  Veragua,  it  was  said,  were  nearer  and  much 
more  wealthy. 

The  indefatigable  Adelantado  set  forth  again  on  tta  16th  of 
February,  with  an  armed  baud  of  fifty-nine  men,  marching 
along  the  coast  westward,  a  boat  with  fourteen  men  keeping 
pace  with  him.  In  this  excursion  he  explored  an  extensive 
tract  of  country,  and  visited  the  dominions  of  various  caciques, 
by  whom  he  was  hospitably  entertained.  He  met  continually 
with  proofs  of  abundance  of  gold  ;  the  natives  generally  wear- 
ing great  plates  of  it  suspended  round  their  necks  by  cotton 
cords.  There  were  tracts  of  land,  also,  cultivated  with  Indian 
corn  —  one  of  which  continued  for  the  extent  of  six  leagues,  and 
the  country  abounded  with  excellent  fruits.  He  again  heard  of 
a  nation  in  the  interior,  advanced  in  arts  and  arms,  wearing 
clothing,  and  being  armed  like  the  Spaniards.  Either  these 
were  vague  and  exaggerated  rumors  concerning  the  great 
empire  of  Peru,  or  the  Adelantado  had  misunderstood  the 
signs  of  his  informants.  He  returned,  after  an  absence  of 
several  days,  with  a  great  quantity  of  gold,  and  with  animat- 
ing accounts  of  the  country.  He  had  found  no  port,  however, 
equal  to  the  river  of  Belen,  and  was  convinced  that  gold  was 
nowhere  to  be  met  with  in  such  abundance  as  in  the  district  of 
Veragua.1 


CHAPTER  VII. 

COMMENCEMENT    OF    A    SETTLEMENT    ON    THE    RIVER    BELEN CON- 
SPIRACY   OF   THE    NATIVES EXPEDITION    OF    THE    ADELANTADO 

TO    SURPRISE    QUIBIAN. 

[1503.1 

THE  reports  brought  to  Columbus,  from  every  side,  of  the 
wealth  of  the  neighborhood ;  the  golden  tract  of  twenty  days' 
journey  in  extent,  shown  to  his  brother  from  the  mountain  ;  the 

i  Lao  Cacao,  lib.  ii.  cap.  23.    Hist,  del  AlmiraiHe,  cap.  95. 


514  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

rumors  of  a  rich  and  civilized  country  at  no  great  distance,  all 
convinced  him  that  he  had  reached  one  of  the  most  favored 
parts  of  the  Asiatic  continent.  Again  his  ardent  mind  kindled 
up  with  glowing  anticipations.  He  fancied  himself  arrived  at 
a  fountain-head  of  riches,  at  one  of  the  sources  of  the  un- 
bounded wealth  of  King  Solomon.  Josephus  in  his  work  on  the 
antiquities  of  the  Jews,  had  expressed  an  opinion  that  the  gold 
for  the  building  of  the  temple  of  Jerusalem  had  been  procured 
from  the  mines  of  the  Aurea  Chersonesus.  Columbus  supposed 
the  mines  of  Veragua  to  be  the  same.  They  lay,  as  he  observed, 
"  within  the  same  distance  from  the  pole,  and  from  the  line  ; " 
and  if  the  information  which  he  fancied  he  had  received  from 
the  Indians  was  to  be  depended  on,  they  were  situated  about 
the  same  distance  from  the  Ganges.1 

Here,  then,  it  appeared  to  him,  was  a  place  at  which  to  found 
a  colony,  and  establish  a  mart  that  should  become  the  emporium 
of  a  vast  tract  of  mines.  Within  the  two  first  days  after  his 
arrival  in  the  country,  as  he  wrote  to  the  sovereigns,  he  had 
seen  more  signs  of  gold  than  in  Hispaniola  during  four  years. 
That  island,  so  long  the  object  of  his  pride  and  hopes,  had  been 
taken  from  him,  and  was  a  scene  of  confusion  ;  the  pearl  coast 
of  Paria  was  ravaged  by  mere  adventurers ;  all  his  plans  con- 
cerning both  had  been  defeated ;  but  here  was  a  far  more 
wealthy  region  than  either,  and  one  calculated  to  console  him 
for  all  his  wrongs  and  deprivations. 

On  consulting  with  his  brother,  therefore,  he  resolved  imme- 
diately to  commence  an  establishment  here,  for  the  purpose  of 
securing  the  possession  of  the  country,  and  exploring  and  work- 
ing the  mines.  The  Adelantado  agreed  to  remain  with  the 
greater  part  of  the  people  while  the  admiral  should  return  to 
Spain  for  re-enforcements  and  supplies.  The  greatest  despatch 
was  employed  in  carrying  this  plan  into  immediate  operation. 
Eighty  men  were  selected  to  remain.  The}7  were  separated  into 
parties  of  about  ten  each,  and  commenced  building  houses  on  a 
small  eminence,  situated  on  the  bank  of  a  creek,  about  a  bow- 
shot within  the  mouth  of  the  river  Belen.  The  houses  were  of 
wood,  thatched  with  the  leaves  of  palm-trees.  One  larger 
than  the  rest  was  to  serve  as  a  magazine,  to  receive  their  am- 
munition, artillery,  and  a  part  of  their  provisions.  The  principal 
part  was  stored,  for  greater  security,  on  board  of  one  of  the 
caravels,  which  was  to  be  left  for  the  use  of  the  colony.  It  was 
true  they  had  but  a  scanty  supply  of  European  stores  renuiin- 

1  Letter  of  Columbus  from  Jamaica. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  515 

ing.  consisting;  chiefly  of  biscuit,  cheese,  pulse,  wine,  oil  and 
vinegar;  but  the  country  produced  bananas,  plantains,  pine- 
apples, cocoanuts,  and  other  fruit.  There  was  also  maize  in 
abundance,  together  with  various  roots,  such  as  were  found  in 
Ilispaniola.  The  rivers  and  seacoast  al>ouuded  with  fish.  The 
natives,  too,  made  beverages  of  various  kinds.  One  from  the 
juice  of  the  pineapple,  having  a  vinous  flavor ;  another  from 
maize,  resembling  beer  ;  and  another  from  the  fruit  of  a  species 
of  palm-tree.1  There  appeared  to  be  no  danger,  therefore,  of 
suffering  from  famine.  Columbus  took  pains  to  conciliate  the 
good-will  of  the  Indians,  that  they  might  supply  the  wants  of 
the  colony  during  his  absence,  and  he  made  many  presents  to 
Quibian,  by  way  of  reconciling  him  to  this  intrusion  into  his 
territories.2 

The  necessary  arrangements  being  made  for  the  colony,  and 
a  number  of  the  houses  being  roofed,  and  sufficiently  finished 
for  occupation,  the  admiral  prepared  for  his  departure,  when 
an  unlooked-for  obstacle  presented  itself.  The  heavy  rains 
whjch  had  so  long  distressed  him  during  this  expedition  had 
recently  ceased.  The  torrents  from  the  mountains  were  over, 
and  the  river,  which  had  once  put  him  to  such  peril  by  its 
sudden  swelling,  had  now  become  so  shallow  that  there  was  not 
al>ove  half  a  fathom  water  on  the  bar.  Though  his  vessels  were 
small,  it  was  impossible  to  draw  them  over  the  sands,  which 
choked  the  mouth  of  the  river,  for  there  was  a  swell  rolling  and 
tumbling  upon  them,  enough  to  dash  his  worm-eaten  barks  to 
pieces.  He  was  obliged,  therefore,  to  wait  with  patience,  and 
pray  for  the  return  of  those  rains  which  he  had  lately  deplored. 

In  the  mean  time  Quibian  beheld  with  secret  jealousy  and 
indignation,  these  strangers  erecting  habitations  and  manifest- 
ing an  intention  of  establishing  themselves  in  his  territories. 
He  was  of  a  bold  and  warlike  spirit,  and  had  a  great  force  of 
warriors  at  his  command ;  and  being  ignorant  of  the  vast 
superiority  of  the  Europeans  in  the  art  of  war,  thought  it  easy, 
by  a  well-concerted  artifice,  to  overwhelm  and  destroy  them. 
He  sent  messengers  round,  and  ordered  all  his  fighting  men  to 
assemble  at  his  residence  on  the  river  Yeragua.  under  pretext 
of  making  war  upon  a  neighboring  province.  Numbers  of  the 
warriors,  in  repairing  to  his  headquarters,  passed  by  the  har- 
bor. No  suspicions  of  their  real  design  were  entertained  by 
Columbus  or  his  officers  ;  but  their  movements  attracted  the 
attention  of  the  chief  notary,  Diego  Mendez,  a  man  of  a  shrewd 

1  Ilist.  del  Almirante,  cap.  96.  *  Letter  from  Jamaica. 


516  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

and  prying  character,  and  zealously  devoted  to  the  admiral. 
Doubting  some  treachery,  he  communicated  his  surmises  to 
Columbus,  and  offered  to  coast  along  in  an  armed  boat  to  the 
river  Veragua,  and  reconnoitre  the  Indian  camp.  His  offer  was 
accepted,  and  he  sallied  from  the  river  accordingly,  but  had 
scarcely  advanced  a  league  when  he  descried  a  large  force  of 
Indians  on  the  shore.  Landing  alone,  and  ordering  that  the 
boat  should  be  kept  afloat,  he  entered  among  them.  There 
were  about  a  thousand,  armed  and  supplied  with  provisions, 
as  if  for  an  expedition.  He  offered  to  accompany  them  with  his 
armed  boat ;  his  offer  was  declined,  with  evident  signs  of  im- 
patience. Returning  to  his  boat,  he  kept  watch  upon  them  all 
night,  until  seeing  they  were  vigilantly  observed,  they  returned 
to  Veragua. 

Mendez  hastened  back  to  the  admiral,  and  gave  it  as  his 
opinion  that  the  Indians  had  been  on  their  way  to  surprise  the 
Spaniards.  The  admiral  was  very  loath  to  believe  in  such 
treachery,  and  was  desirous  of  obtaining  clearer  information, 
before  he  took  any  step  that  might  interrupt  the  apparently  good 
understanding  that  existed  with  the  natives.  Mendez  now  under- 
took, with  a  single  companion,  to  penetrate  by  laud  to  the  head- 
quarters of  Quibian,  and  endeavor  to  ascertain  his  intentions. 
Accompanied  by  one  Rodrigo  de  Escobar,  he  proceeded  on  foot 
along  the  seaboard,  to  avoid  the  tangled  forests,  and  arriving 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Veragua,  found  two  canoes  with  Indians, 
whom  he  prevailed  on,  by  presents,  to  convey  him  and  his 
companion  to  the  village  of  the  cacique.  It  was  on  the  bank 
of  the  river ;  the  houses  were  detached  and  interspersed  among 
trees.  There  was  a  bustle  of  warlike  preparation  in  the  place, 
and  the  arrival  of  the  two  Spaniards  evidently  excited  surprise 
and  uneasiness.  The  residence  of  the  cacique  was  larger  than 
the  others,  and  situated  on  a  hill  which  rose  from  the  water's 
edge.  Quibian  was  confined  to  the  house  by  indisposition, 
having  been  wounded  in  the  leg  by  an  arrow.  Mendez  gave 
himself  out  as  a  surgeon  come  to  cure  the  wound  :  with  great 
difficulty  and  by  force  of  presents  he  obtained  permission  to 
proceed.  On  the  crest  of  the  hill  and  in  front  of  the  cacique's 
dwelling  was  a  broad,  level,  open  place,  round  which,  on  posts, 
were  the  heads  of  three  hundred  enemies  slain  in  battle.  Un- 
dismayed by  this  dismal  array,  Mendez  and  his  companion 
crossed  the  place  toward  the  den  of  this  grim  warrior.  A  num- 
ber of  women  and  children  about  the  door  fled  into  the  house 
with  piercing  cries.  A  young  and  powerful  Indian,  son  of  the 
cacique,  sallied  forth  in  a  violent  rage,  and  struck  Meudez  a  blow 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  517 

which  made  him  recoil  several  paces.  The  latter  pacified  him 
by  presents  and  assurances  that  he  came  to  cure  his  father's 
wound,  in  proof  of  which  he  produced  a  box  of  ointment.  It 
was  impossible,  however,  to  gain  access  to  the  cacique,  and 
Mendez  returned  with  all  haste  to  the  harbor  to  report  to  the 
admiral  what  he  had  seen  and  learned.  It  was  evident  there 
\\:is  a  dangerous  plot  impending  over  the  Spaniards,  and  as  far 
as  Mendez  could  learn  from  the  Indians  who  had  taken  him  up 
the  river  in  their  canoe,  the  body  of  a  thousand  warriors  which 
he  had  seen  on  his  previous  reconnoitring  expedition  had 
actually  been  on  a  hostile  enterprise  against  the  harbor,  but 
had  given  it  up  on  finding  themselves  observed. 

This  information  was  confirmed  by  an  Indian  of  the  neigh- 
borhood, who  had  become  attached  to  the  Spaniards  and  acted 
as  interpreter.  He  revealed  to  the  admiral  the  designs  of  his 
countrymen,  which  he  had  overheard.  Quibian  intended  to 
surprise  the  harbor  at  night  witli  a  great  force,  burn  the  ships 
and  houses,  and  make  a  general  massacre.  Thus  forewarned, 
Columbus  immediately  set  a  double  watch  upon  the  harbor. 
The  military  spirit  of  the  Adelantado  suggested  a  bolder  expe- 
dient. The  hostile  plan  of  Quibian  was  doubtless  delayed  by 
his  wound,  and  in  the  mean  time  he  would  maintain  the  sem- 
blance of  friendship.  The  Adelantado  determined  to  march  at 
once  to  his  residence,  capture  him,  his  family,  and  principal 
warriors,  send  them  prisoners  to  Spain,  and  take  possession  of 
his  village. 

With  the  Adelantado,  to  conceive  a  plan  was  to  carry  it  into 
immediate  execution,  and,  in  fact,  the  impending  danger  ad- 
mitted of  no  delay.  Taking  with  him  seventy-four  men,  well 
armed,  among  whom  was  Diego  Mendez,  and  being  accompa- 
nied by  the  Indian  interpreter  who  had  revealed  the  plot,  he 
set  off  on  the  30th  of  March,  in  boats,  to  the  mouth  of  the  Ve- 
ragua,  ascended  it  rapidly,  and  before  the  Indians  could  have 
notice  of  his  movements,  landed  at  the  foot  of  the  hill  on  which 
tiie  house  of  Quibian  was  situated. 

Lest  the  cacique  should  take  alarm  and  fly  at  the  sight  of  a 
large  force,  he  ascended  the  hill,  accompanied  by  only  five  men, 
among  whom  was  Diego  Meudez  ;  ordering  the  rest  to  come  on, 
with  great  caution  and  secrecy,  two  at  a  time,  and  at  a  distance 
from  each  other.  On  the  discharge  of  an  arquebuse,  they  were 
to  surround  the  dwelling  and  suffer  no  one  to  escape. 

As  the  Adelantado  drew  near  to  the  house,  Quibian  came 
forth,  and  seating  himself  in  the  portal,  desired  the  Adelantado 
to  approach  singly.  Don  Bartholomew  now  ordered  Diego 


518  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

Mendez  and  his  four  companions  to  remain  at  a  little  distance, 
and  when  they  should  see  him  take  the  cacique  by  the  arm,  to 
rush  immediately  to  his  assistance.  He  then  advanced  with  his 
Indian  interpreter,  through  whom  a  short  conversation  took 
place,  relative  to  the  surrounding  country.  The  Adelantado 
then  adverted  to  the  wound  of  the  cacique,  and  pretending  to 
examine  it,  took  him  by  the  arm.  At  the  concerted  signal  four 
of  the  Spaniards  rushed  forward,  the  fifth  discharged  the  arque- 
buse.  The  cacique  attempted  to  get  loose,  but  was  firmly  held 
in  the  iron  grasp  of  the  Adelantado.  Being  both  men  of  great 
muscular  power,  a  violent  struggle  ensued.  Don  Bartholomew, 
however,  maintained  the  mastery,  and  Diego  Mendez  and  his 
companions  coming  to  his  assistance,  Quibian  was  bound  hand 
and  foot.  At  the  report  of  the  arquebuse,  the  main  body  of 
the  Spaniards  surrounded  the  house,  and  seized  the  most  of 
those  who  were  within,  consisting  of  fifty  persons,  old  and 
young.  Among  these  were  the  wives  and  children  of  Quibian, 
and  severaj  of  his  principal  subjects.  No  one  was  wounded, 
for  there  was  no  resistance,  and  the  Adelantado  never  permitted 
wanton  bloodshed.  When  the  poor  savages  saw  their  prince  a 
captive,  they  filled  the  air  with  lamentations,  imploring  his  re- 
lease, and  offering  for  his  ransom  a  great  treasure,  which  they 
said  lay  concealed  in  a  neighboring  forest. 

The  Adelantado  was  deaf  to  their  supplications  and  their 
offers.  Quibian  was  too  dangerous  a  foe  to  be  set  at  liberty  ; 
as  a  prisoner  he  would  be  a  hostage  for  the  security  of  the  set- 
tlement. Anxious  to  secure  his  prize,  he  determined  to  send 
the  cacique  and  other  prisoners  on  board  of  the  boats,  while  he 
remained  on  shore  with  a  part  of  his  men  to  pursue  the  Indians 
who  had  escaped.  Juan  Sanchez,  the  principal  pilot  of  the 
squadron,  a  powerful  and  spirited  man,  volunteered  to  take 
charge  of  the  captives.  On  committing  the  chieftain  to  his 
care,  the  Adelantado  warned  him  to  be  on  his  guard  against 
any  attempt  at  rescue  or  escape.  The  sturdy  pilot  replied  that 
if  the  cacique  got  out  of  his  hands,  he  would  give  them  leave 
to  pluck  out  his  beard,  hair  by  hair ;  with  this  vaunt  he  de- 
parted, bearing  off  Quibian  bound  hand  and  foot.  On  arriving 
at  the  boat,  he  secured  him  by  a  strong  cord  to  one  of  the 
beaches.  It  was  a  dark  night.  As  the  boat  proceeded  down 
the  river,  the  cacique  complained  piteously  of  the  pain  fulness 
of  his  bonds.  The  rough  heart  of  the  pilot  was  touched  with 
compassion,  and  he  loosened  the  cord  by  which  Quibian  was 
tied  to  the  bench,  keeping  the  end  of  it  in  his  hand.  The  wily 
Indian  watched  his  opportunity,  and  when  Sanchez  was  look- 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  519 

ing  another  way  plunged  into  the  water  and  disappeared.  So 
sudden  and  violent  was  his  plunge  that  the  pilot  had  to  let  go 
the  cord  lest  he  should  be  drawn  in  after  him.  The  darkness 
of  the  night  and  the  bustle  which  took  place  in  preventing  the 
escape  of  the  other  prisoners  rendered  it  impossible  to  pursue 
the  cacique,  or  even  to  ascertain  his  fate.  Juan  Sanchez  hast- 
ened to  the  ships  with  the  residue  of  the  captives,  deeply  mor- 
tified at  being  thus  outwitted  by  a  savage. 

The  Adelantado  remained  all  night  on  shore.  The  following 
morning,  when  he  beheld  the  wild,  broken,  and  mountainous 
nature  of  the  country,  and  the  scattered  situation  of  the  habi- 
tations perched  on  different  heights,  he  gave  up  the  search 
after  the  Indians,  and  returned  to  the  ships  with  the  spoils  of 
the  cacique's  mansion.  These  consisted  of  bracelets,  anklets, 
and  massive  plates  of  gold,  such  as  were  worn  round  the  neck, 
together  with  two  golden  coronets.  The  whole  amounted  to 
the  value.of  three  hundred  ducats.1  One  fifth  of  the  booty  was 
set  apart  for  the  crown.  The  residue  was  shared  among  those 
concerned  in  the  enterprise.  To  the  Adelantado  one  of  the 
coronets  was  assigned,  as  a  trophy  of  his  exploit.2 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

DISASTERS    OF   THE    SETTLEMENT. 
[1503.] 

IT  was  hoped  by  Columbus  that  the  vigorous  measure  of  the 
Adelantado  would  strike  terror  into  the  Indians  of  the  neigh- 
borhood, and  prevent  any  further  designs  upon  the  settlement. 
Quibian  had  probably  perished.  If  he  survived,  he  must  be 
disheartened  by  the  captivity  of  his  family,  and  several  of  his 
principal  subjects,  and  fearful  of  their  being  made  responsible 
for  any  act  of  violence  on  his  part.  The  heavy  rains,  therefore, 
which  fall  so  frequently  among  the  mountains  of  this  isthmus, 
having  again  swelled  the  river,  Columbus  made  his  final  arrange- 

1  Equivalent  to  one  thousand  two  hundred  and  eighty -one  dollars  at  the  present  day. 

1  Hist,  del  Almirante,  cap.  9S.  Las  Casas,  lib.  ii.  cap.  27.  Many  of  the  particulars  of 
this  chapter  are  from  a  short  narrative  given  by  Diego  Mendez,  and  inserted  in  his  last 
will  and  testament.  It  is  written  in  a  strain  of  simple  egotism,  as  he  represents  himself 
an  the  principal  and  almost  the  sole  actor  in  every  affair.  The  fact*,  however,  have  all 
tiic  air  of  veracity,  a'ld  hc-inv  given  on  such  a  solemn  occasion,  the  document  is  entitled 
to  high  cvi-dit.  lie  will  lie  found  lo  distinguish  himself  on  another  ha/.ardous  and  im- 
portant occasion  iu  the  courso  of  this  history.  —  Vide  .Navarrele,  Colec.,  toui.  i. 


520  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMHU8. 

ments  for  the  management  of  the  colony,  and  having  given 
much  wholesome  counsel  to  the  Spaniards  who  were  to  remain, 
and  taken  an  affectionate  leave  of  his  brother,  got  under  weigh 
with  three  of  the  caravels,  leaving  the  fourth  for  the  use  of  the 
settlement.  As  the  water  was  still  shallow  at  the  bar,  the  ships 
were  lightened  of  a  great  part  of  their  cargoes,  and  towed  out 
by  the  boats  in  calm  weather,  grounding  repeatedly.  When 
fairly  released  from  the  river,  and  their  cargoes  reshipped,  they 
anchored  within  a  league  of  the  shore,  to  await  a  favorable 
wind.  It  was  the  intention  of  the  admiral  to  touch  at  His- 
paniola,  on  his  way  to  Spain,  and  send  thence  supplies  and 
re-enforcements.  The  wind  continuing  adverse,  he  sent  a  boat 
on  shore  on  the  Gth  of  April,  under  the  command  of  Diego 
Tristan,  captain  of  one  of  the  caravels,  to  procure  wood  and 
water,  and  make  some  communications  to  the  Adelantado.  The 
expedition  of  this  boat  proved  fatal  to  its  crew,  but  was  provi- 
dential to  the  settlement. 

The  cacique  Quibian  had  not  perished  as  some  had  supposed. 
Though  both  hands  and  feet  were  bound,  yet  in  the  water  he 
was  as  in  his  natural  element.  Plunging  to  the  bottom,  he 
swam  below  the  surface  until  sufficiently  distant  to  be  out  of 
view  in  the  darkness  of  the  night,  and  then  emerging  made  his 
way  to  shore.  The  desolation  of  his  home,  and  the  capture  of 
his  wives  and  children,  filled  him  with  anguish  ;  but  when  he 
saw  the  vessels  in  which  they  were  confined  leaving  the  river, 
and  bearing  them  off,  he  was  transported  with  fury  and  despair. 
Determined  on  a  signal  vengeance,  he  assembled  a  great  num- 
ber of  his  warriors,  and  came  secretly  upon  the  settlement.  The 
thick  woods  by  which  it  was  surrounded  enabled  the  Indians  to 
approach  unseen  within  ten  paces.  The  Spaniards,  thinking 
the  enemy  completely  discomfited  and  dispersed,  were  perfectly 
off  their  guard.  Some  had  strayed  to  the  sea-shore  to  take  a 
farewell  look  at  the  ships  ;  some  were  on  board  of  the  caravel 
in  the  river  ;  others  were  scattered  about  the  houses  ;  on  a  sud- 
den the  Indians  rushed  from  their  concealment  with  yells  and 
bowlings,  launched  their  javelins  through  the  roofs  of  palm- 
leaves,  hurled  them  in  at  the  windows,  or  thrust  them  through 
the  crevices  of  the  logs  which  composed  the  walls.  As  the 
houses  were  small  several  of  the  inhabitants  were  wounded. 
On  the  first  alarm  the  Adelantado  seized  a  lance  and  sallied 
forth  with  seven  or  eight  of  his  men.  He  was  joined  by  Diego 
Mendez  and  several  of  his  companions,  and  the}7  drove  the 
enemy  into  the  forest,  killing  and  wounding  several  of  them. 
The  Indians  kept  up  a  brisk  fire  of  darts  and  arrows  from 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER    COLUMBUS.  521 

among  the  trees,  and  made  furious  sallies  with  their  war-clubs ; 
but  there  was  no  withstanding  the  keen  edge  of  the  Spanish 
weapons,  and  a  fierce  blood-hound  being  let  loose  upon  them 
completed  their  terror.  They  fled  howling  through  the  forest, 
leaving  a  number  dead  on  the  field,  having  killed  one  Spaniard 
and  wounded  eight.  Among  the  latter  was  the  AdelauUulo, 
who  received  a  slight  thrust  of  a  javelin  in  the  breast. 

Diego  Tristan  arrived  in  his  boat  during  the  contest,  but 
feared  to  approach  the  land,  lest  the  Spaniards  should  rush  on 
board  in  such  numbers  as  to  sink  him.  When  the  Indians  had 
been  put  to  flight  he  proceeded  up  the  river  in  quest  of  fresh 
water,  disregarding  the  warnings  of  those  on  shore,  that  he 
might  be  cut  off  by  the  enemy  in  their  canoes. 

The  river  was  deep  and  narrow,  shut  in  by  high  banks  and 
overhanging  trees.  The  forests  on  each  side  were  thick  and 
impenetrable,  so  that  there  was  no  landing-place  excepting  here 
and  there  whore  a  footpath  wound  down  to  some  fishing-ground, 
or  some  place  where  the  natives  kept  their  canoes. 

The  boat  had  ascended  about  a  league  above  the  village,  to  a 
part  of  the  river  where  it  was  completely  overshadowed  by  lofty 
banks  and  spreading  trees.  Suddenly  yells  and  war-whoops 
and  blasts  of  conch-shells  rose  on  every  side.  Light  canoes 
darted  forth  in  every  direction  from  dark  hollows  and  over- 
hanging thickets  each  dexterously  managed  by  a  single  savage, 
while  others  stood  up  brandishing  and  hurling  their  lances. 
Missiles  were  launched  also  from  the  banks  of  the  river  and  the 
brunches  of  the  trees.  There  were  eight  sailors  in  the  Ixmt, 
and  three  soldiers.  Galled  and  wounded  by  darts  and  arrows, 
confounded  by  the  yells  and  blasts  of  conchs  and  the  assaults 
which  thickened  from  every  side,  they  lost  all  presence  of  mind, 
neglected  to  use  either  oars  or  fire-arms,  and  only  sought  to 
shelter  themselves  with  their  bucklers.  Diego  Tristan  had  re- 
ceived several  wounds,  but  still  displayed  great  intrepidity,  and 
was  endeavoring  to  animate  his  men  when  a  javelin  pierced  his 
riiiht  eye  and  struck  him  dead.  The  canoes  now  closed  upon 
the  boat,  and  a  general  massacre  ensued.  But  one  Spaniard 
escaped,  Juan  de  Noya,  a  cooper  of  Seville.  Having  fallen 
overboard  in  the  midst  of  the  action,  he  dived  to  the  bottom, 
swam  under  water,  gained  the  bank  of  the  river  unperceived, 
and  made  his  way  down  to  the  settlement,  bringing  tidings  of 
the  massacre  of  his  captain  and  comrades. 

The  Spaniards  were  completely  dismayed,  were  few  in  num- 
ber, several  of  them  were  wounded,  and  they  were  in  the  midst 
of  tribes  of  exasperated  savages,  far  more  fierce  and  warlike 


522  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

than  those  to  whom  they  had  been  accustomed.  The  admiral, 
being  ignorant  of  their  misfortunes,  would  sail  away  without 
yielding  them  assistance,  and  they  would  be  left  to  sink  beneath 
the  overwhelming  force  of  barbarous  foes,  or  to  perish  with 
hunger  on  this  inhospitable  coast.  In  their  despair  they  deter- 
mined to  take  the  caravel  which  had  been  left  with  them,  and 
abandon  the  place  altogether.  The  Adelantado  remonstrated 
with  them  in  vain  ;  nothing  would  content  them  but  to  put  to 
sea  immediately.  Here  a  new  alarm  awaited  them.  The  tor- 
rents having  subsided,  the  river  was  again  shallow,  and  it  was 
impossible  for  the  caravel  to  pass  over  the  bar.  They  now 
took  the  boat  of  the  caravel  to  bear  tidings  of  their  danger  to 
the  admiral,  and  implore  him  not  to  abandon  them  ;  but  the 
wind  was  boisterous,  a  high  sea  was  rolling,  and  a  heavy  surf, 
tumbling  and  breaking  at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  prevented  the 
boat  from  getting  out.  Horrors  increased  upon  them.  The 
mangled  bodies  of  Diego  Tristan  and  his  men  came  floating 
down  the  stream,  and  drifting  about  the  harbor,  with  flights  of 
crows,  and  other  carrion  birds  feeding  on  them,  and  hovering, 
and  screaming,  and  fighting  about  their  prey.  The  forlorn 
Spaniards  contemplated  this  scene  with  shuddering  ;  it  appeared 
ominous  of  their  own  fate. 

In  the  mean  time  the  Indians,  elated  by  their  triumph  over 
the  crew  of  the  boat,  renewed  their  hostilities.  Whoops  and 
yells  answered  each  other  from  various  parts  of  the  neighbor- 
hood. The  dismal  sound  of  couchs  and  war-drums  in  the  deep 
bosom  of  the  woods  showed  that  the  number  of  the  enetrry  was 
continually  augmenting.  They  would  rush  forth  occasionally 
upon  straggling  parties  of  Spaniards,  and  make  partial  attacks 
upon  the  houses.  It  was  considered  no  longer  safe  to  remain 
in  the  settlement,  the  close  forest  which  surrounded  it  being  a 
covert  for  the  approaches  of  the  enemy.  The  Adelantado 
chose,  therefore,  an  open  place  on  the  shore,  at  some  distance 
from  the  wood.  Here  he  caused  a  kind  of  bulwark  to  be  made 
of  the  boat  of  the  caravel,  and  of  chests,  casks,  and  similar 
articles.  Two  places  were  left  open  as  embrasures,  in  which 
were  placed  a  couple  of  falconets,  or  small  pieces  of  artillery, 
in  such  a  manner  as  to  command  the  neighborhood.  In  this 
little  fortress  the  Spaniards  shut  themselves  up  ;  its  walls  were 
sufficient  to  screen  them  from  the  darts  and  arrows  of  the  In- 
dians, but  mostly  they  depended  upon  their  fire-arms,  the  sound 
of  which  struck  dismay  into  the  savages,  especially  when  they 
saw  the  effect  of  the  balls,  splintering  and  rending  the  trees 
around  them,  and  carrying  havoc  to  such  a  distance.  The 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  523 

Indians  were  thus  kept  in  check  for  the  present,  and  deterred 
from  venturing  from  the  forest;  but  the  Spaniards,  exhausted 
by  constant  watching  and  incessant  alarms,  anticipated  all  kinds 
of  evil  when  their  ammunition  should  be  exhausted,  or  they 
should  be  driven  forth  by  hunger  to  seek  for  food.1 


CHAPTER  IX. 

DISTRESS    OF    THE    ADMIRAL    ON    BOARD    OF    IIIS    SHIP  —  ULTIMATE 
RELIEF    OF   THE    SETTLEMENT. 

[1503.] 

"\VIIILE  the  Adelantado  and  his  men  were  exposed  to  such 
imminent  peril  OP  shore,  great  anxiety  prevailed  on  board  of 
the  ships.  Day  after  day  elapsed  without  the  return  of  Diego 
Tristan  and  his  party,  and  it  was  feared  some  disaster  had 
befallen  them.  Columbus  would  have  sent  on  shore  to  make 
inquiries,  but  there  was  only  one  boat  remaining  for  the  service 
of  the  squadron,  and  he  dared  not  risk  it  in  the  rough  sea  and 
heavy  surf.  A  dismal  circumstance  occurred  to  increase  the 
gloom  and  uneasiness  of  the  crews.  On  board  of  one  of  the 
caravels  were  confined  the  family  and  household  of  the  cacique 
Quibian.  It  was  the  intention  of  Columbus  to  carry  them  to 
Spain,  trusting  that  as  long  as  they  remained  in  the  power  of 
the  Spaniards  their  tribe  would  be  deterred  from  further  hostil- 
ities. They  were  shut  up  at  night  in  the  forecastle  of  the  cara- 
vel, the  hatchway  of  which  was  secured  by  a  strong  chain  and 
padlock.  As  several  of  the  crew  slept  upon  the  hatch,  and  it 
was  so  high  as  to  be  considered  out  of  reach  of  the  prisoners, 
they  neglected  to  fasten  the  chain.  The  Indians  discovered 
their  negligence.  Collecting  a  quantity  of  stones  from  the  bal- 
last of  the  vessel,  they  made  a  great  heap  directly  under  the 
hatchway.  Several  of  the  most  powerful  warriors  mounted 
upon  the  top,  and  bending  their  backs,  by  a  sudden  and  simul- 
taneous effort,  forced  up  the  hatch,  flinging  the  seamen  who 
slept  upon  it  to  the  opposite  side  of  the  ship.  In  an  instant  the 
greater  part  of  the  Indians  sprang  forth,  plunged  into  the  sea, 
and  swam  for  shore.  Several,  however,  were  prevented  from 
sallying  forth  ;  others  were  seized  on  the  deck  and  forced  back 

1  Hi.->t.  del  Almi-a-ite,  cap.  9S.  Las  raoas,  lib.  ii.  Letter  of  Columbus  from  Jamaica. 
Relation  of  Diego  Muudez,  Navarrele,  torn.  i.  Journal  of  i'orrus,  Xavarrete,  touj.  i. 


524  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER    COLUMBUS. 

into  the  forecastle  ;  the  hatchway  was  carefully  chained  down, 
and  a  guard  was  set  for  the  rest  of  the  night.  In  the  morning, 
when  the  Spaniards  went  to  examine  the  captives,  they  were  all 
found  dead.  Some  had  hanged  themselves  with  the  ends  of 
ropes,  their  knees  touching  the  floor,  others  had  strangled  them- 
selves by  straining  the  cords  tight  with  their  feet.  Such  was 
the  fierce  unconquerable  spirit  of  these  people,  and  their  horror 
of  the  white  men.1 

The  escape  of  the  prisoners  occasioned  great  anxiety  to  the 
admiral,  fearing  they  would  stimulate  their  countrymen  to  some 
violent  act  of  vengeance,  and  he  trembled  for  the  safety  of  his 
brother.  Still  this  painful  mystery  reigned  over  the  land.  The 
boat  of  Diego  Tristan  did  not  return,  and  the  raging  surf  pre- 
vented all  communication.  At  length,  one  Pedro  Ledesma,  a 
pilot  of  Seville,  a  man  of  about  forty-five  years  of  age,  and  of 
great  strength  of  body  and  mind,  offered,  if  the  boat  would 
take  him  to  the  edge  of  the  surf,  to  swim  to  shore,  and  bring 
off  news.  He  had  been  piqued  by  the  achievement  of  the 
Indian  captives,  in  swimming  to  land  at  a  league's  distance,  in 
defiance  of  sea  and  surf.  "Surely,"  he  said,  "if  they  dare 
venture  so  much  to  procure  their  individual  liberties,  I  ought  to 
brave  at  least  a  part  of  the  danger,  to  save  the  lives  of  so  many 
companions."  His  offer  was  gladly  accepted  by  the  admiral, 
and  was  boldly  accomplished.  The  boat  approached  with  him 
as  near  to  the  surf  as  safety  would  permit,  where  it  was  to 
await  his  return.  Here,  stripping  himself,  he  plunged  into  the 
sea,  and  after  buffeting  for  some  time  with  the  breakers,  some- 
times rising  upon  their  surges,  sometimes  buried  beneath  them 
and  dashed  upon  the  sand,  he  succeeded  in  reaching  the  shore. 

He  found  his  countiymeu  shut  up  in  their  forlorn  fortress, 
beleaguered  by  savage  foes,  and  learnt  the  tragical  fate  of 
Diego  Tristan  and  his  companions.  Many  of  the  Spaniards,  in 
their  horror  and  despair,  had  thrown  off  all  subordination, 
refused  to  assist  in  any  measure  that  had  in  view  a  continuance 
in  this  place,  and  thought  of  nothing  but  escape.  When  they 
beheld  Ledesma,  a  messenger  from  the  ships,  they  surrounded 
him  with  frantic  eagerness,  urging  him  to  implore  the  admiral 
to  take  them  on  board,  and  not  abandon  them  on  a  coast  where 
their  destruction  was  inevitable.  Thej'  were  preparing  canoes 
to  take  them  to  the  ships,  when  the  weather  should  moderate, 
the  boat  of  the  caravel  being  too  small,  and  swore  that,  if  the 
admiral  refused  to  take  them  on  board,  they  would  embark  in 

1  Hist,  del  Almirante,  cap.  99. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  525 

the  caravel,  as  soon  as  it  could  be  extricated  from  the  river, 
and  abandon  themselves  to  the  mercy  of  the  seas,  rather  than 
remain  upon  that  fatal  coast. 

Having  heard  all  that  his  forlorn  countrymen  had  to  say,  and 
communicated  with  the  Adelantado  and  his  officers,  Ledesma 
set  out  on  his  perilous  return.  He  again  braved  the  surf  and 
the  breakers,  reached  the  boat  which  was  waiting  for  him,  and 
was  conveyed  back  to  the  ships.  The  disastrous  tidings  from 
the  laud  filled  the  heart  of  the  admiral  with  grief  and  alarm. 
To  leave  his  brother  on  shore  would  be  to  expose  him  to  the 
mutiny  of  his  own  men  and  the  ferocity  of  the  savages.  He 
could  spare  no  re-enforcement  from  his  ships,  the  crews  being 
so  much  weakened  by  the  loss  of  Tristan  and  his  companions. 
Rather  than  the  settlement  should  be  broken  up.  he  would 
gladly  have  joined  the  Adelantado  with  all  his -people;  but  in 
such  case  how  could  intelligence  be  conveyed  to  the  sovereigns 
of  this  important  discovery,  and  how  could  supplies  be  obtained 
from  Spain?  There  appeared  no  alternative,  therefore,  but  to 
embark  all  the  people,  abandon  the  settlement  for  the  present, 
and  return  at  some  future  day,  with  a  force  competent  to  take 
secure  possession  of  the  country.1  The  state  of  the  weather 
rendered  the  practicability  even  of  this  plan  doubtful.  The 
wind  continued  high,  the  sea  rough,  and  no  boat  could  pass 
between  the  squadron  and  the  land.  The  situation  of  the  ships 
was  itself  a  matter  of  extreme  solicitude.  Feebly  manned, 
crazed  by  storms,  and  ready  to  fall  to  pieces  from  the  ravages 
of  the  teredo,  they  were  anchored  on  a  lee-shore,  with  a  bois- 
terous wind  and  sea,  in  a  climate  subject  to  tempests,  and 
where  the  least  augmentation  of  the  weather  might  drive  them 
among  the  breakers.  Every  hour  increased  the  anxiety  of 
Columbus  for  his  brother,  his  people,  and  his  ships,  and  each 
hour  appeared  to  render  the  impending  dangers  more  imminent. 
Days  of  constant  perturbation  and  nights  of  sleepless  anxiety 
pivved  upon  a  constitution  broken  by  age,  by  maladies,  and 
hardships,  and  produced  a  fever  of  the  mind,  in  which  he  was 
visited  by  one  of  those  mental  hallucinations  deemed  by  him 
mysterious  and  supernatural.  In  a  letter  to  the  sovereigns  he 
gives  a  solemn  account  of  a  kind  of  vision  by  which  he  was 
comforted  in  a  dismal  night,  when  full  of  despondency  and 
tossing  on  a  couch  of  pain  : 

"Wearied  and  sighing,"  says  he,  "I  fell  into  a  slumber, 
when  I  heard  a  piteous  voice  saying  to  me,  4  O  fool,  and  slow 

1  Letter  of  Columbus  from  Jamaica. 


526  LIFE  OF  CI1RISTOPUER   COLUMBUS. 

to  believe  aud  serve  thy  God,  who  is  the  God  of  all !  What  did 
he  more  for  Moses,  or  for  his  servant  David,  than  he  has  done 
for  thee  ?  From  the  time  of  thy  birth  he  has  ever  had  thee 
under  his  peculiar  care.  When  he  saw  thee  of  a  fitting  age  he 
made  thy  name  to  resound  marvellously  throughout  the  earth, 
and  thou  wert  obeyed  in  many  lands,  aud  didst  acquire  honor- 
able fame  among  Christians.  Of  the  gates  of  the  Ocean  Sea, 
shut  up  with  such  mighty  chains,  he  delivered  thee  the  ke\-s ; 
the  Indies,  those  wealthy  regions  of  the  world,  he  gave  thee 
for  thine  own,  and  empowered  thee  to  dispose  of  them  to 
others,  according  to  thy  pleasure.  What  did  he  more  for  the 
great  people  of  Israel  when  he  led  them  forth  from  Egypt?  Or 
for  David,  whom,  from  being  a  shepherd,  he  made  a  king  in 
Judea?  Turn  to  him,  then,  and  acknowledge  thine  error;  his 
mercy  is  infinite.  He  has  many  and  vast  inheritances  yet  in 
reserve.  Fear  not  to  seek  them.  Thine  age  shall  be  no  imped- 
iment to  any  great  undertaking.  Abraham  was  above  an 
hundred  years  when  he  begat  Isaac;  and  was  Sarah  youthful? 
Thou  urgest  despondingly  for  succor.  Answer !  who  hath 
afflicted  thee  so  much,  and  so  many  times? — God,  or  the  world  ? 
The  privileges  aud  promises  which  God  hath  made  thee  he  hath 
never  broken  ;  neither  hath  he  said,  after  having  received  thy 
services,  that  his  meaning  was  different,  and  to  be  understood 
in  a  different  sense.  He  performs  to  the  very  letter.  He  fulfils 
all  that  he  promises,  and  with  increase.  Such  is  his  custom. 
1  have  shown  thee  what  thy  Creator  hath  done  for  thee,  and 
what  he  doeth  for  all.  The  present  is  the  reward  of  the  toils 
and  perils  thou  hast  endured  in  serving  others.'  I  hoard  all 
this,"  adds  Columbus,  "  as  one  almost  dead,  aud  had  no  power 
to  reply  to  words  so  true,  excepting  to  weep  for  my  errors. 
Whoever  it  was  that  spake  to  me,  finished  by  saying,  '  Fear 
not!  Confide!  All  these  tribulations  are  written  in  marble,  and 
not  without  cause.'  ' 

Such  is  the  singular  statement  which  Columbus  gave  to  the 
sovereigns  of  his  supposed  vision.  It  has  been  suggested  that 
this  was  a  mere  ingenious  fiction,  adroitly  devised  by  him  to 
convey  a  lesson  to  his  prince  ;  but  such  an  idea  is  inconsistent 
with  his  character.  He  was  too  deeply  imbued  with  awe  of  the 
Deity,  and  with  reverence  for  his  sovereign,  to  make  use  of 
such  an  artifice.  The  words  here  spoken  to  him  by  the  sup- 
posed voice  are  truths  which  dwelt  upon  his  mind  aud  grieved 
his  spirit  during  his  waking  hours.  It  is  natural  that  they 
should  recur  vividly  and  coherently  in  his  feverish  dreams;  and 
in  recalling  and  relating  a  dream  one  is  unconsciously  apt  to 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMIWS.  527 

give  it  a  little  coherency.  Besides,  Columbus  had  a  solemn 
belief  that  he  was  a  peculiar  instrument  in  the  hands  of  Provi- 
dence, which,  together  with  a  deep  tinge  of  superstition  com- 
mon to  the  age,  made  him  prone  to  mistake  every  striking 
dream  for  a  revelation.  He  is  not  to  be  measured  by  the  same 
standard  with  ordinary  men  in  ordinary  circumstances.  It  is 
difficult  for  the  mind  to  realize  his  situation,  and  to  conceive 
the  exaltations  of  spirit  to  which  he  must  have  been  subjected. 
The  artless  manner  in  which,  in  his  letter  to  the  sovereigns,  he 
mingles  up  the  rhapsodies  and  dreams  of  his  imagination,  with 
simple  facts,  and  sound  practical  observations,  pouring  them 
forth  with  a  kind  of  scriptural  solemnity  and  poetry  of  lan- 
guage, is  one  of  the  most  striking  illustrations  of  a  character 
richly  compounded  of  extraordinary  and  apparently  contra- 
dictory elements. 

Immediately  after  this  supposed  vision,  and  after  a  duration 
of  nine  days,  the  boisterous  weather  subsided,  the  sea  became 
calm,  and  the  communication  with  the  land  was  restored. ,  It 
was  found  impossible  to  extricate  the  remaining  caravel  from 
the  river;  but  every  exertion  was  made  to  bring  off  the  people 
and  the  property  before  there  should  be  a  return  of  bad  weather. 
In  this,  the  exertions  of  the  zealous  Diego  Mendez  were  emi- 
nently efficient.  He  had  been  for  some  days  preparing  for  such 
an  emergency.  Cutting  up  the  sails  of  the  caravel,  he  made 
great  sacks  to  receive  the  biscuit.  He  lashed  two  Indian 
canoes  together  with  spars,  so  that  they  could  not  be  over- 
turned by  the  waves,  and  made  a  platform  on  them  capable  of 
sustaining  a  great  burden.  This  kind  of  raft  was  laden  re- 
peatedly with  the  stores,  arms,  and  ammunition,  which  had 
been  left  on  shore,  and  with  the  fu.-niture  of  the  caravel,  which 
was  entirely  dismantled.  When  well  freighted,  it  was  towed 
by  the  boat  to  the  ships.  In  this  way,  by  constant  and  sleep- 
less exertions,  in  the  space  of  two  da}*s,  almost  every  thing  of 
value  was  transi>orted  on  board  the  squadron,  and  liltle  else 
left  than  the  hull  of  the  caravel,  stranded,  decayed,  and  rotting 
in  the  river.  Diego  Meudez  superintended  the  whole  embarka- 
tion with  unwearied  watchfulness  and  activity.  He  and  live 
companions,  were  the  last  to  leave  the  shore,  remaining  all 
night  at  their  perilous  post,  and  embarking  in  the  morning 
with  the  last  cargo  of  effects. 

Nothing  could  equal  the  transports  of  the  Spaniards,  when 
they  found  themselves  once  more  on  board  of  the  ships,  and 
saw  a  space  of  ocean  between  them  and  those  forests  which  had 
lately  seemed  destined  to  be  their  graves.  The  joy  of  their 


528  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

comrades  seemed  little  inferior  to  their  own,  and  the  perils  and 
hardships  which  yet  surrounded  them  were  forgotten  for  a 
time  in  mutual  congratulations.  The  admiral  was  so  much 
impressed  with  a  sense  of  the  high  services  rendered  by  Diego 
Mendez,  throughout  the  late  time  of  danger  and  disaster,  that 
he  gave  him  the  command  of  the  caravel,  vacant  by  the  death 
of  the  unfortunate  Diego  Tristan.1 


CHAPTER  X. 

DEPARTURE    FROM  THE  COAST    OF  VERAGUA  —  ARRIVAL  AT  JAMAICA 
STRANDING    OF   THE    SHIPS. 

[1503.] 

THE  wind  at  length  becoming  favorable,  Columbus  set  sail, 
toward  the  end  of  April,  from  the  disastrous  coast  of  Veragua. 
The  wretched  condition  of  the  ships,  the  enfeebled  state  of  the 
crews,  and  the  scarcity  of  provisions  determined  him  to  make 
the  best  of  his  way  to  Hispaniola,  where  he  might  refit  his 
vessels  and  procure  the  necessary  supplies  for  the  voyage  to 
Europe.  To  the  surprise  of  his  pilot  and  crews,  however,  on 
making  sail,  he  stood  again  along  the  coast  to  the  eastward, 
instead  of  steering  north,  which  they  considered  the  direct 
route  to  Hispaniola.  They  fancied  that  he  intended  to  proceed 
immediately  for  Spain,  and  murmured  loudly  at  the  madness 
of  attempting  so  long  a  voyage,  with  ships  destitute  of  stores 
and  consumed  by  the  worms.  Columbus  and  his  brother, 
however,  had  studied  the  navigation  of  those  seas  with  a  more 
observant  and  experienced  eye.  They  considered  it  advisable 
to  gain  a  considerable  distance  to  the  east,  before  standing 
across  for  Hispaniola,  to  avoid  being  swept  away,  far  below 
their  destined  port,  by  the  strong  currents  setting  constantly 
to  the  west.2  The  admiral,  however,  did  not  impart  his  rea- 
sons to  the  pilots,  being  anxious  to  keep  the  knowledge  of  his 
routes  as  much  to  himself  as  possible,  seeing  that  there  were  so 
many  adventurers  crowding  into  the  field,  and  ready  to  follow 
on  his  track.  He  even  took  from  the  mariners  their  charts,8 

1  Hist,  del  Almirante,  cap.  99,  100.  Las  Casaa,  lib.  ii.  cap.  29.  Relacion  por  Diego 
Mciiclcz.  Letter  of  Columbus  from  Jamaica.  Journal  of  Porras,  .Navarrete  Colec., 
torn.  i. 

1  Hist,  del  Almirante.     Letter  from  Jamaica. 

*  Journal  of  Porras,  Navarrete,  Coiec.,  torn.  i. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  529 

and  boasts,  in  a  letter  to  the  sovereigns,  that  none  of  his  pilots 
would  be  able  to  retrace  the  route  to  and  from  Veragua,  nor  to 
describe  where  it  was  situated. 

Disregarding  the  murmurs  of  his  men,  therefore,  he  con- 
tinued along  the  roa>t  eastward  as  far  as  Puerto  Bello.  Here 
In-  was  obliged  to  leave  one  of  the  caravels,  being  so  pierced  by 
worms  that  it  was  impossible  to  keep  her  afloat.  All  the  crews 
were  now  crowded  into  two  caravels,  and  these  were  little  bet- 
ter than  mere  wrecks.  The  utmost  exertions  were  necessary 
to  keep  them  free  from  water ;  while  the  incessant  labor  of  the 
pumps  bore  hard  on  men  enfeebled  by  scanty  diet  and  dejected 
by  various  hardships.  Continuing  onward,  they  passed  Port 
Ketrete.  and  a  number  of  islands  to  which  the  admiral  gave  the 
name  of  Las  Barbas,  now  termed  the  Mulatas,  a  little  beyond 
Point  Bias.  Here  he  supposed  that  he  had  arrived  at  the  pro- 
vince of  Mangi  in  the  territories  of  the  Grand  Khan,  described 
by  Marco  Polo  as  adjoining  to  Calhay.1  He  continued  on 
about  ten  leagues  further,  until  he  approached  the  entrance  of 
what  is  at  present  called  the  Gulf  of  Darien.  Here  he  had  a 
consultation  with  his  captains  and  pilots,  who  remonstrated  at 
his  persisting  in  this  struggle  against  contrary  winds  and  cur- 
rents, representing  the  lamentable  plight  of  the  ships  and  the 
infirm  state  of  the  crews.2  Bidding  farewell,  therefore,  to  the 
main-land,  he  stood  northward  on  the  1st  of  May,  in  quest  of 
Hispaniola.  As  the  wind  was  easterly,  with  a  strong  current 
setting  to  the  west,  he  kept  as  near  the  wind  as  possible.  So 
little  did  his  pilots  know  of  their  situation,  that  they  supposed 
themselves  to  the  east  of  the  Caribbce  Islands,  whereas  the 
admiral  feared  that,  with  all  his  exertions,  he  should  fall  to  the 
westward  of  Hispaniola.3  His  apprehensions  proved  to  be  well 
founded  ;  for,  on  the  10th  of  the  month,  he  came  in  sight  of 
two  small  low  islands  to  the  north-west  of  Hispaniola,  to  which, 
from  the  great  quantities  of  tortoises  seen  about  them,  he  gave 
the  name  of  the  Tortugas  ;  they  are  now  known  as  the  Cay- 
mans. Passing  wide  of  these,  and  continuing  directly  north, 
he  found  himself,  on  tiie  30th  of  May,  among  the  cluster  of 
islands  on  the  south  side  of  Cuba,  to  which  he  had  formerly 
given  the  name  of  the  Queen's  Gardens;  having  been  carried 
between  eight  and  nine  degrees  west  of  his  destined  port. 
Here  he  cast  anchor  near  one  of  the  keys,  about  ten  leagues 
from  the  main  island.  His  crews  were  suffering  excessively 

1  Letter  from  Jamaica. 

*  Testimony  of  IVdro  de  Ledesma.     Pleito  de  los  Colonea. 

8  Letter  from  Jamaica. 


530  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

through  scanty  provisions  and  great  fatigue  ;  nothing  was  left 
of  the  sea-stores  but  a  little  biscuit,  oil,  and  vinegar  ;  and  they 
were  obliged  to  labor  incessantly  at  the  pumps  to  keep  the  ves- 
sels afloat.  The}'  had  scarcely  anchored  at  these  islands  when 
there  came  on,  at  midnight,  a  sudden  tempest,  of  such  violence 
that,  according  to  the  strong  expression  of  Columbus,  it  seemed 
as  if  the  world  would  dissolve.1  They  lost  three  of  their  an- 
chors almost  immediately,  and  the  caravel  Bermuda  was  driven 
with  such  violence  upon  the  ship  of  the  admiral  that  the  bow 
of  the  one  and  the  stern  of  the  other  were  greatly  shattered. 
The  sea  running  high,  and  the  wind  being  boisterous,  the  ves- 
sels chafed  and  injured  each  other  dreadfully,  and  it  was  with 
great  difficulty  that  they  were  separated.  One  anchor  only 
remained  to  the  admiral's  ship,  and  this  saved  him  from  being 
driven  upon  the  rocks ;  but  at  daylight  the  cable  was  found 
nearly  worn  asunder.  Had  the  darkness  continued  an  hour 
longer,  he  could  scarcely  have  escaped  shipwreck.2 

At  the  end  of  six  days,  the  weather  having  moderated,  he 
resumed  his  course,  standing  eastward  for  Hispauiola ;  "his 
people,"  as  he  says,  "•  dismayed  and  down-hearted  ;  almost  all 
la's  anchors  lost,  and  his  vessels  bored  as  full  of  holes  as  a 
honey-comb."  After  struggling  against  contrary  winds  and  the 
usual  currents  from  the  east,  he  reached  Cape  Cruz,  and  an- 
chored at  a  village  in  the  province  of  Macaca,8  where  he  had 
touched  in  1494,  in  his  voyage  along  the  southern  coast  of  Cuba. 
Here  he  was  detained  by  head  winds  for  several  days,  during 
which  he  was  supplied  with  cassava  bread  by  the  natives. 
Making  sail  again,  he  endeavored  to  beat  up  to  Hispaniola ;  but 
every  effort  was  in  vain.  The  winds  and  currents  continued 
adverse  ;  the  leaks  continually  gained  upon  his  vessels,  though 
the  pumps  were  kept  incessantly  going,  and  the  seamen  even 
bailed  the  water  out  with  buckets  and  kettles.  The  admiral 
now  stood,  in  despair,  for  the  island  of  Jamaica,  to  seek  some 
secure  port ;  for  there  was  imminent  danger  of  foundering  at 
sea.  On  the  eve  of  St.  John,  the  23d  of  June,  they  put  into 
Puerto  Hueuo,  now  called  Dry  Harbor,  but  met  with  none  of 
the  natives  from  whom  they  could  obtain  provisions,  nor  was 
there  any  fresh  water  to  be  had  in  the  neighborhood.  Suffer- 
ing from  hunger  and  thirst,  they  sailed  eastward,  on  the  follow- 
ing day,  to  another  harbor,  to  which  the  admiral  on  his  first 
visit  to  the  island  had  given  the  name  of  Port  Santa  Gloria. 

1  Letter  from  .Tnmaica. 

*  Ilis-t.  del  Alinirauti-,  cap.  100.     Letter  of  Columbus  from  Jamaica. 

*  llist.  del  Aliuirante.     Jourual  of  i'orras. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  531 

Here,  at  last,  Columbus  had  to  give  up  his  long  and  arduous 
struggle  against  the  unremitting  persecution  of  the  elements. 
His  ships,  reduced  to  mere  wrecks,  could  no  longer  keep  the 
sea.  and  were  ready  to  sink  even  in  port.  He  ordered  them, 
therefore,  to  be  run  aground,  within  a  bow-shot  of  the  shore, 
and  fastened  together,  side  by  side.  They  soon  tilled  with  water 
to  the  decks.  Thatched  cabins  were  then  erected  at  the  prow 
and  stern  for  the  accommodation  of  the  crews,  and  the  wreck 
was  placed  in  the  best  possible  state  of  defence.  Thus  castU-d 
in  the  sea,  he  trusted  to  be  able  to  repel  any  sudden  attack  of 
the  natives,  and  at  the  same  time  to  keep  his  men  from  roving 
about  -the  neighborhood  and  indulging  in  their  usual  excesses. 
No  one  was  allowed  to  go  on  shore  without  especial  license, 
and  the  utmost  precaution  was  taken  to  prevent  any  offence 
being  given  to  the  Indians.  Any  exasperation  of  them  might 
be  fatal  to  the  Spaniards  in  their  present  forlorn  situation.  A 
firebrand  thrown  into  their  wooden  fortress  might  wrap  it  in 
flames,  and  leave  them  defenceless  amid  hostile  thousands.  ' 


BOOK    XYI. 


CHAPTER  I. 

ARRANGEMENT  OF  DIEGO  MENDEZ  WITH  THE  CACIQUES  FOR  SUP- 
PLIES OF  PROVISIONS  —  SENT  TO  SAN  DOMINGO  BY  COLUMBUS 
IN  QUEST  OF  RELIEF. 

[1503.] 

THE  island  of  Jamaica  was  extremely  populous  and  fertile, 
and  the  harbor  soon  swarmed  with  Indians,  who  brought  pro- 
visions to  barter  with  the  Spaniards.  To  prevent  an}'  disputes 
in  purchasing  or  sharing  these  supplies,  two  persons  were 
appointed  to  superintend  all  bargains,  and  the  provisions  thus 
obtained  weie  divided  every  evening  among  the  people.  This 
arrangement  had  a  happy  effect  in  promoting  a  peaceful  inter- 
course. The  stores  thus  furnished,  however,  coming  from  a 
limited  neighborhood  of  improvident  beings,  were  not  sufficient 
for  the  necessities  of  the  .Spaniards,  and  were  so  irregular  as 
often  to  leave  them  in  pinching  want.  They  feared,  too,  that 
the  neighborhood  might  soon  be  exhausted,  in  which  case  they 
would  be  reduced  to  famine.  In  this  emergency  Diego  Mendrz 
stepped  forward  with  his  accustomed  zeal,  and  volunteered  to 
set  off,  with  three  men,  on  a  foraging  expedition  about  the 
island.  His  offer  being  gladly  accepted  by  the  admiral,  he 
departed  with  his  comrades  well  armed.  He  was  everywhere 
treated  with  the  utmost  kindness  by  the  natives.  They  took 
him  to  their  houses,  set  meat  and  drink  before  him  and  his 
companions,  and  performed  all  the  rites  of  savage  hospitality. 
Mendez  made  an  arrangement  with  the  cacique  of  a  numerous 
tribe,  that  his  subjects  should  hunt  and  fish,  and  make  cassava 
bread,  and  bring  a  quantity  of  provisions  every  day  to  the 
harbor.  They  were  to  receive  in  exchange  knives,  combs, 
beads,  fish-hooks,  hawk's  bells,  and  other  articles,  from  a 
Spaniard,  who  was  to  reside  among  them  for  that  purpose. 
The  agreement  being  made,  Meudez  despatched  one  of  his  corn- 
532 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  533 

fades  to  apprise  the  admiral.  He  then  pursued  his  journey 
three  leagues  farther,  when  he  made  a  similar  arrangement, 
and  despatched  another  of  his  companions  to  the  admiral. 
Proceeding  onward,  about  thirteen  leagues  from  the  ships,  he 
arrived  at  the  residence  of  another  cacique,  called  lluarco, 
where  he  was  generously  entertained.  The  cacique  ordered 
his  subjects  to  bring  a  large  quantity  of  provisions,  for  which 
Mendez  paid  him  on  the  spot,  and  made  arrangements  for  a 
like  supply  at  stated  intervals.  He  despatched  his  third  com- 
panion with  this  supply  to  the  admiral,  requesting,  as  usual, 
that  an  agent  might  be  sent  to  receive  and  pay  for  the  regular 
deliveries  of  provisions. 

Mendez  was  now  left  alone,  but  he  was  fond  of  any  enter- 
prise that  gave  individual  distinction.  He  requested  of  the 
cacique  two  Indians  to  accompany  him  to  the  end  of  the  island  ; 
one  to  cany  his  provisions  and  the  other  to  bear  the  hammock, 
or  cotton  net  in  which  he  slept.  These  being  granted,  he  pushed 
resolutely  forward  along  the  coast  until  he  reached  the  eastern 
extremity  of  Jamaica.  Here  he  found  a  powerful  cacique  of 
the  name  of  Ameyro.  Mendez  had  buoyant  spirits,  great  ad- 
dress, and  an  ingratiating  manner  with  the  savages.  He  and 
the  cacique  became  great  friends,  exchanged  names,  which  is 
a  kind  of  token  of  brotherhood,  and  Mendez  engaged  him  to 
furnish  provisions  to  the  sh'ips.  He  then  bought  an  excellent 
canoe  of  the  cacique,  for  which  he  gave  a  splendid  brass  basin, 
a  short  frock  or  cassock,  and  one  of  the  two  shirts  which  formed 
his  stock  of  linen.  The  cacique  furnished  him  with  six  Indians 
to  navigate  his  bark,  and  they  parted  mutually  well  pleased. 
Diego  Mendez  coasted  his  way  back,  touching  at  the  various 
places  where  he  had  made  his  arrangements.  He  found  the 
Spanish  agents  already  arrived  at  them,  loaded  his  canoe  with 
provisions,  and  returned  in  triumph  to  the  harbor,  where  he 
was  received  with  acclamations  by  his  comrades,  and  with  open 
arms  by  the  admiral.  The  provisions  he  brought  were  a  most 
seasonable  supply,  for  the  Spaniards  were  absolutely  fasting ; 
and  thenceforward  Indians  arrived  daily,  well  laden,  from  the 
marts  which  he  had  established.1  The  immediate  wants  of 
his  people  being  thus  provided  for,  Columbus  revolved,  in  his 
anxious  mind,  the  means  of  getting  from  this  island.  His  ships 
were  beyond  the  possibility  of  repair,  and  there  was  no  hope  of 
any  chance  sail  arriving  to  his  relief,  on  the  shores  of  a  savage 
island,  in  an  unfrequented  sea.  The  most  likely  measure  ap- 

1  lielacion  por  Diego  Mendez.     Xavarrele,  torn.  i. 


534  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

peared  to  be  to  send  notice  of  his  situation  to  Ovando,  the  gov- 
ernor at  ISan  Domingo,  entreating  him  to  despatch  a  vessel  to 
his  relief.  But  how  was  this  message  to  be  conveyed?  The 
distance  between  Jamaica  and  Hispaniola  was  forty  leagues, 
across  a  gulf  swept  by  contrary  currents ;  there  were  no  means 
of  transporting  a  messenger,  except  in  the  light  canoes  of  the 
savages  ;  and  who  would  undertake  so  hazardous  a  voyage  in 
a  frail  bark  of  the  kind?  Suddenly  the  idea  of  Diego  Mendez, 
and  the  canoe  he  had  recently  purchased,  presented  itself  to 
the  mind  of  Columbus.  He  knew  the  ardor  and  intrepidity  of 
Mendez,  and  his  love  of  distinction  by  any  hazardous  exploit. 
Taking  him  aside,  therefore,  he  addressed  him  in  a  manner 
calculated  both  to  stimulate  his  zeal  and  flatter  his  self-love. 
Mendez  himself  gives  an  artless  account  of  this  interesting 
conversation,  which  is  full  of  character. 

"  Diego  Mendez,  m}'  son,"  said  the  venerable  admiral,  "  none 
of  those  whom  I  have  here  understand  the  great  peril  in  which 
we  are  placed,  excepting  you  and  myself.  We  are  few  in 
number,  and  these  savage  Indians  are  many,  and  of  fickle  and 
irritable  natures.  On  the  least  provocation  they  may  throw 
firebrands  from  the  shore,  and  consume  us  in  our  straw-thatched 
cabins.  The  arrangement  which  you  have  made  with  them  for 
provisions,  and  which  at  present  they  fulfil  so  cheerfully,  to- 
morrow they  may  break  in  their  caprice,  and  may  refuse  to 
bring  us  any  thing ;  nor  have  we  the  means  to  compel  them  by 
force,  but  are  entirely  at  their  pleasure.  I  have  thought  of  a 
reined}',  if  it  meets  with  your  views.  In  this  canoe,  which  you 
have  purchased,  some  one  may  pass  over  to  Hispaniola,  and 
procure  a  ship,  by  which  we  may  all  be  delivered  from  this 
great  peril  into  which  we  have  fallen.  Tell  me  your  opinion 
on  the  matter." 

"To  this,"  says  Diego  Mendez,  "I  replied:  '  Seiior,  the 
danger  in  which  we  are  placed,  I  well  know,  is  far  greater 
than  is  easily  conceived.  As  to  passing  from  this  island  to 
Hispaniola,  in  so  small  a  vessel  as  a  canoe,  I  hold  it  not  merely 
difficult,  but  impossible  ;  since  it  is  necessary  to  traverse  a  gulf 
of  fort}-  leagues,  and  between  islands  where  the  sea  is  extremely 
impetuous  and  seldom  in  repose.  I  know  not  who  there  is 
would  adventure  upon  so  extreme  a  peril.' ' 

Columbus  made  no  reply,  but  from  his  looks  and  the  nature 
of  his  silence,  Mendez  plainly  perceived  himself  to  be  the 
person  whom  the  admiral  had  in  view;  "Whereupon,"  con- 
tinues he,  "I  added:  'Senor,  I  have  many  times  put  m}- life 
in  peril  of  death  to  save  you  and  all  those  who  are  here, 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  535 

and  God  has  hitherto  preserved  me  in  a  miraculous  manner. 
Tin-re  are,  nevertheless,  iniirniurcrs,  who  say  that  your  Excel- 
lency intrusts  to  me  all  affairs  wherein  honor  is  to  be  gained, 
while  there  are  others  in  your  company  who  would  execute 
them  as  well  as  I  do.  Therefore  I  beg  that  you  would  summon 
all  the  people,  and  propose  this  enterprise  to  them,  to  see  if 
among  them  there  is  any  one  who  will  undertake  it,  which  I 
doubt.  If  all  decline  it,  I  will  then  come  forward  and  risk  my 
life  in  your  service,  as  I  many  times  have  done.'  "  1 

The  admiral  gladly  humored  the  wishes  of  the  worthy 
Mendez,  for  never  was  simple  egotism  accompanied  by  more 
generous  and  devoted  loyalty.  On  the  following  morning  the 
crew  was  assembled,  and  the  proposition  publicly  made.  Every 
one  drew  back  at  the  thoughts  of  it,  pronouncing  it  the  height 
of  rashness.  Upon  this,  Diego  Mendez  stepped  forward. 
"  Senor,"  said  he,  "  I  have  but  one  life  to  lose,  yet  I  am  will- 
ing to  venture  it  for  your  service  and  for  the  good  of  all  here 
present,  and  I  trust  in  the  protection  of  God,  which  I  have 
experienced  on  so  many  other  occasions." 

Columbus  embraced  his  zealous  follower,  who  immediately 
set  about  preparing  for  his  expedition.  Drawing  his  canoe  on 
shore,  he  put  on  a  false  keel,  nailed  weather-boards  along  the 
bow  and  stern,  to  prevent  the  sea  from  breaking  over  it ;  payed 
it  with  a  coat  of  tar ;  furnished  it  with  a  mast  and  sail ;  and 
put  in  provisions  for  himself,  a  Spanish  comrade,  and  six 
Indians. 

In  the  mean  time  Columbus  wrote  letters  to  Ovando,  request- 
ing that  a  ship  might  be  immediately  sent  to  bring  him  and  his 
men  to  Hispaniola.  He  wrote  a  letter  likewise  to  the  sovereigns  ; 
for,  after  fulfilling  his  mission  at  San  Domingo,  Diego  Mendez 
was  to  proceed  to  Spain  on  the  admiral's  affairs.  In  the  letter 
to  the  sovereigns  Columbus  depicted  his  deplorable  situation, 
and  entreated  that  a  vessel  might  be  despatched  to  Hispaniola, 
to  convey  himself  and  his  crew  to  Spain.  He  gave  a  compre- 
hensive account  of  his  voyage,  most  particulars  of  which  have 
already  been  incorporated  in  this  history,  and  he  insisted 
greatly  on  the  importance  of  the  discovery  of  Veragua.  He 
gave  it  as  his  opinion,  that  here  were  the  mines  of  the  Aurea 
Chersouesus,  whence  Solomon  had  derived  such  wealth  for  the 
building  of  the  Temple.  He  entreated  that  this  golden  coast 
might  not,  like  other  places  which  he  had  discovered,  be  aban- 
doned to  adventurers,  or  placed  under  the  government  of  men 

1  Relacion  por  Diego  Mendez.    Xavarrete,  Colec.,  torn.  i. 


5C6  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

who  felt  no  interest  in  the  cause.  "This  is  not  a  child,"  he 
adds,  "  to  be  abandoned  to  a  step-Bother.  I  never  think  of 
Hispaniola  and  Paria  without  weeping.  Their  case  is  desperate 
and  past  cure  ;  I  hope  their  example  may  cause  this  region  to 
•  be  treated  in  a  different  manner."  His  imagination  becomes 
heated.  He  magnifies  the  supposed  importance  of  Veragua,  as 
transcending  all  his  former  discoveries  ;  and  he  alludes  to  his 
favorite  project  for  the  deliverance  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre : 
''  Jerusalem,"  he  says,  "  and  Mount  Sion  are  to  be  rebuilt  by 
the  hand  of  a  Christian.  Who  is  he  to  be?  God,  by  the  mouth 
of  the  Prophet,  in  the  fourteenth  Psalm,  declares  it.  The  abbot 
Joachim  1  says  that  he  is  to  come  out  of  Spain."  His  thoughts 
then  revert  to  the  ancient  story  of  the  Grand  Khan,  who  had 
requested  that  sages  might  be  sent  to  instruct  him  in  the  Chris- 
tian faith.  Columbus,  thinking  that  he  had  been  in  the  very 
vicinity  of  Cathay,  exclaims,  with  sudden  zeal,  "  Who  will 
offer  himself  for  this  task?  If  our  Lord  permit  me  to  return  to 
Spain,  I  engage  to  take  him  there,  God  helping,  in  safety." 

Nothing  is  more  characteristic  of  Columbus  than  his  earnest, 
artless,  at  times  eloquent,  and  at  times  almost  incoherent  let- 
ters. What  an  instance  of  soaring  enthusiasm  and  irrepressi- 
ble enterprise  is  here  exhibited !  At  the  time  that  he  was 
indulging  in  these  visions,  and  proposing  new  and  romantic 
enterprises,  he  was  broken  down  by  age  and  infirmities,  racked 
by  pain,  confined  to  his  bed,  and  shut  up  in  a  wreck  on  the 
coast  of  a  remote  and  savage  island.  No  stronger  picture  can 
be  given  of  his  situation,  than  that  which  shortly  follows  this 
transient  glow  of  excitement ;  when  with  one  of  his  sudden 
transitions  of  thought,  he  awakens,  as  it  were,  to  his  actual 
condition. 

"•Hitherto,"  says  he,  "I  have  wept  for  others;  but  now, 
have  pity  upon  me,  heaven,  and  weep  for  me,  O  earth !  In  my 
temporal  concerns,  without  a  farthing  to  oft'er  for  a  mass  ;  cast 
away  here  in  the  Indies  ;  surrounded  by  cruel  and  hostile  sav- 
ages ;  isolated,  infirm,  expecting  each  day  will  be  my  last;  in 
spiritual  concerns,  separated  from  the  holy  sacraments  of  the 


1  Joachim,  native  of  the  burgh  of  Celico,  near  Cozenza,  travelled  in  the  Holy  Land. 
Returning  to  Calabria,  he  took  the  habit  of  the  Cistercians  in  the  monastery  of  Corazzo, 
of  which  he  became  prior  and  abbot,  and  afterward  rose  to  higher  monastic  importance. 
lie  died  in  1202,  having  attained  seventy-two  years  of  age,  leaving  a  great  number  of 
works;  among  the  most  known  are  commentaries  on  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  and  the  Apoca- 
lypse. There  are  also  prophecies  by  him,  "which"  (says  the  Dictionnairc  Historique), 
"  during  his  lifetime,  made  him  to  be  admired  by  fools  and  despised  by  men  of  sense;  at 
present  the  latter  sentiment  prevails.  He  was  either  very  weak  or  very  presumptuous, 
to  flatter  himself  that  he  had  the  keys  of  things  of  which  God  reserves  the  knowledge  to 
himself."  — Diet.  Hist.  toin.  5,  Caen,  1785. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  537 

church,  so  that  my  soul,  if  parted  here  from  my  body,  must  he 
forever  lost!  Weep  for  me,  whoever  has  chanty,  truth,  and 
justice  !  I  came  not  on  this  voyage  to  gain  honor  or  estate, 
that  is  most  certain,  for  all  hope  of  the  kind  was  already  dead 
within  me.  I  came  to  serve  your  majesties  with  a  sound  inten- 
tion and  an  honest  zeal,  and  I  speak  no  falsehood.  If  it  should 
olease  God  to  deliver  me  hence,  I  humbly  supplicate  your 
.najesties  to  permit  me  to  repair  to  Rome,  and  perform  other 
pilgrimages." 

The  despatches  being  ready,  and  the  preparations  of  the 
canoe  completed,  Diego  Mendez  embarked,  with  his  Spanish 
comrade  and  his  six  Indians,  and  departed  along  the  coast  to 
the  eastward.  The  voyage  was  toilsome  and  perilous.  They 
had  to  make  their  way  against  strong  currents.  Once  they 
were  taken  by  roving  canoes  of  Indians,  but  made  their  escape, 
and  at  length  arrived  at  the  end  of  the  island,  a  distance  of 
thirty-four  leagues  from  the  harbor.  Here  they  remained  wait- 
ing for  calm  weather  to  venture  upon  the  broad  gulf,  when 
they  were  suddenly  surrounded  and  taken  prisoners  b)-  a  num- 
ber of  hostile  Indians,  who  carried  them  off  a  distance  of  three 
leagues,  where  they  determined  to  kill  them.  Some  dispute 
arose  about  the  division  of  the  spoils  taken  from  the  Spaniards, 
whereupon  the  savages  agreed  to  settle  it  by  a  game  of  chance. 
While  they  were  thus  engaged  Diego  Meudez  escaped,  found 
his  way  to  his  canoe,  embarked  in  it,  and  returned  alone  to  the 
harbor  after  fifteen  days'  absence.  What  became  of  his  com- 
panions he  does  not  mention,  being  seldom  apt  to  speak  of  any 
person  but  himself.  This  account  is  taken  from  the  narrative 
inserted  in  his  last  will  and  testament. 

Columbus,  though  grieved  at  the  failure  of  his  message,  was 
rejoiced  at  the  escape  of  the  faithful  Mendez.  The  latter,  noth- 
ing daunted  by  the  perils  and  hardships  he  had  undergone, 
offered  to  depart  immediately  on  a  second  attempt,  provided  he 
could  have  persons  to  accompaii)-  him  to  the  end  of  the  island, 
and  protect  him  from  the  natives.  This  the  Adelantado  offered 
to  undertake,  with  a  large  part)'  well  armed.  Bartholomew 
Fiesco,  a  Genoese,  who  had  been  captain  of  one  of  the  caravels, 
was  associated  with  Mendez  in  this  second  expedition.  He  was 
a  man  of  great  worth,  strongly  attached  to  the  admiral,  and 
much  esteemed  by  him.  Each  had  a  large  canoe  under  his 
command,  in  which  were  six  Spaniards  and  ten  Indians  —  the 
latter  were  to  serve  as  oarsmen.  The  canoes  were  to  keep  in 
company.  On  reaching  Hispaniola,  Fiesco  was  to  return  im- 
mediately to  Jamaica,  to  relieve  the  anxiety  of  the  admiral  and 


538  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

his  crew,  by  tidings  of  the  safe  arrival  of  their  messenger.  In 
the  mean  time  Diego  Mendez  was  to  proceed  to  San  Domingo, 
deliver  his  letter  to  Ovando,  procure  and  despatch  a  ship,  and 
then  depart  for  Spain  with  a  letter  to  the  sovereigns. 

All  arrangements  being  made,  the  Indians  placed  in  the 
canoes  their  frugal  provision  of  cassava  bread,  and  each  his 
calabash  of  water.  The  Spaniards,  besides  their  bread,  had  a 
supply  of  the  flesh  of  utias,  and  each  his  sword  and  target.  In 
this  way  they  launched  forth  upon  their  long  and  perilous  voy- 
age, followed  by  the  prayers  of  their  countrymen. 

The  Adelantado,  with  his  armed  band,  kept  pace  with  them 
along  the  coast.  There  was  no  attempt  of  the  natives  to  molest 
them,  and  they  arrived  in  safety  at  the  end  of  the  island.  Here 
they  remained  three  days  before  the  sea  was  sufficiently  calm 
for  them  to  venture  forth  in  their  feeble  barks.  At  length,  the 
weather  being  quite  serene,  they  bade  farewell  to  their  com- 
rades, and  committed  themselves  to  the  broad  sea.  The  Ade- 
lantado remained  watching  them,  until  they  became  mere 
specks  on  the  ocean,  and  the  evening  hid  them  from  his  view. 
The  next  day  he  set  out  on  his  return  to  the  harbor,  stopping 
at  various  villages  on  the  way,  and  endeavoring  to  confirm  the 
good-will  of  the  natives.1 


CHAPTER  II. 

MUTINY   OF   PORRAS. 

[1503.] 

IT  might  have  been  thought  that  the  adverse  fortune  which 
had  so  long  persecuted  Columbus  was  now  exhausted.  The 
envy  which  had  once  sickened  at  his  glory  and  prosperity  could 
scarcely  have  devised  for  him  a  more  forlorn  heritage  in  the 
world  he  had  discovered.  The  tenant  of  a  wreck  on  a  savage 
coast,  in  an  untraversed  ocean,  at  the  mercy  of  barbarous 
hordes,  who,  in  a  moment,  from  precarious  friends,  might  be 
transformed  into  ferocious  enemies  ;  afflicted,  too,  by  excruciat- 
ing maladies  which  confined  him  to  his  bed,  and  by  the  pains 
and  infirmities  which  hardship  and  anxiety  had  leaped  upon  his 

1  Hist,  del  Almirante,  cap.  101. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  539 

advancing  age.  But  he  had  not  yet  exhausted  his  cup  of  bitter- 
ness. He  had  yet  to  experience  an  evil  worse  than  storm,  or 
shipwreck,  or  bodily  anguish,  or  the  violence  of  savage  hordes 
—  the  perfidy  of  those  in  whom  he  confided. 

Mendez  and  Fiesco  had  not  long  departed  when  the  Span- 
iards in  the  wreck  began  to  grow  sickly,  partly  from  the  toils 
and  exposures  of  the  recent  voyage,  parti}'  from  being  crowded 
in  narrow  quarters  in  a  moist  and  sultry  climate,  and  partly 
from  want  of  their  accustomed  food,  for  they  could  not  habit- 
uate themselves  to  the  vegetable  diet  of  the  Indians.  Their 
maladies  were  rendered  more  insupportable  by  mental  suffer- 
ing, by  that  suspense  which  frets  the  spirit,  and  that  hope 
deferred  which  corrodes  the  heart.  Accustomed  to  a  life  of 
bustle  and  variety,  they  had  now  nothing  to  do  but  loiter  about 
the  dreary  hulk,  look  out  upon  the  sea,  watch  for  the  canoe  of 
Fiesco,  wonder  at  his  protracted  absence,  and  doubt  its  return. 
A  long  time  elapsed,  much  more  than  sufficient  for  the  voyage, 
but  nothing  was  seen  or  heard  of  the  canoe.  Fears  were  enter- 
tained that  their  messenger  had  perished.  If  so,  how  long  were 
they  to  remain  here,  vainly  looking  for  relief  which  was  never 
to  arrive?  Some  sank  into  deep  despondency,  others  became 
peevish  and  impatient.  Murmurs  broke  forth,  and,  as  usual 
witli  men  in  distress,  murmurs  of  the  most  unreasonable  kind. 
Instead  of  sympathizing  with  their  aged  and  infirm  comman- 
der, who  was  involved  in  the  same  calamity,  who  in  suffering 
transcended  them  all,  and  yet  who  was  incessantly  studious 
of  their  welfare,  they  began  to  rail  against  him  as  the  cause  of 
all  their  misfortunes. 

The  factious  feeling  of  an  unreasonable  multitude  would  be 
of  little  importance  if  left  to  itself,  and  might  end  in  idle 
clamor ;  it  is  the  industry  of  one  or  two  evil  spirits  which 
generally  directs  it  to  an  object,  and  makes  it  mischievous. 
Among  the  officers  of  Columbus  were  two  brothers,  Francisco 
and  Diego  de  Porras.  They  were  related  to  the  royal  treasurer 
Morales,  who  had  married  their  sister,  and  had  made  interest 
with  the  admiral  to  give  them  some  employment  in  the  expedi- 
tion.1 To  gratify  the  treasurer,  he  had  appointed  Francisco  de 
Porras  captain  of  one  of  the  caravels,  and  had  obtained  for  his 
brother  Diego  the  situation  of  notary  and  accountant-general 
of  the  squadron.  He  had  treated  them,  as  he  declares,  with  the 
kindness  of  relatives,  though  both  proved  incompetent  to  their 
situations.  They  were  vain  and  insolent  men,  and,  like  many 

i  Hist.  del.  Almiraute,  cap.  102. 


540  LIFE  OF  cnnisTornER  COLUMBUS. 

others  whom  Columbus  had  benefited,  requited  his  kindness 
with  black  ingratitude.1 

These  men,  finding  the  common  people  in  a  highly  impatient 
and  discontented  state,  wrought  upon  them  with  seditious  insin- 
uations, assuring  them  that  all  hope  of  relief  through  the  agency 
of  Mendez  was  idle  ;  it  being  a  mere  delusion  of  the  admiral  to 
keep  them  quiet,  and  render  them  subservient  to  his  purposes. 
He  had  no  desire  nor  intention  to  return  to  Spain  ;  and  in  fact 
was  banished  thence.  Hispaniola  was  equally  closed  to  him,  as 
had  been  proved  by  the  exclusion  of  his  ships  from  its  harbor  in 
a  time  of  peril.  To  him,  at  present,  all  places  were  alike,  and  he 
was  content  to  remain  in  Jamaica  until  his  friends  could  make 
interest  at  court,  and  procure  his  recall  from  banishment.  As 
to  Mendez  and  Fiesco,  they  had  been  sent  to  Spain  by  Columbus 
on  his  own  private  affairs,  not  to  procure  a  ship  for  the  relief  of 
his  followers.  If  this  were  not  the  case,  why  did  not  the  ships 
arrive,  or  why  did  not  Fiesco  return,  as  had  been  promised? 
Or  if  the  canoes  had  really  been  sent  for  succor,  the  long  time 
that  had  elapsed  without  tidings  of  them  gave  reason  to  believe 
they  had  perished  by  the  way.  In  such  case,  their  only  alter- 
native would  be  to  take  the  canoes  of  the  Indians  and  endeavor 
to  reach  Hispaniola.  There  was  no  hope,  however,  of  persuad- 
ing the  admiral  to  such  an  undertaking ;  he  was  too  old,  and 
too  helpless  from  the  gout,  to  expose  himself  to  the  hardships 
of  such  a  voyage.  What  then?  were  they  to  be  sacrificed  to 
his  interests  or  his  infirmities?  —  to  give  up  their  only  chance  for 
escape,  and  linger  and  perish  with  him  in  this  desolate  wreck? 
If  they  succeeded  in  reaching  Hispaniola,  they  would  be  the 
better  received  for  having  left  the  admiral  behind.  Ovando 
was  secretly  hostile  to  him,  fearing  that  he  would  regain  the 
government  of  the  island  ;  on  their  arrival  in  Spain,  the  Bishop 
Fonseca,  from  his  enmity  to  Columbus,  would  be  sure  to  take 
their  part ;  the  brothers  Porras  had  powerful  friends  and  rela- 
tives at  court,  to  counteract  any  representations  that  might  be 
made  by  the  admiral;  and  they  cited  the  case  of  Roldan's 
rebellion,  to  show  that  the  prejudices  of  the  public  and  of  men 
in  power  would  always  be  against  him.  Nay,  the}'  insinuated 
that  the  sovereigns,  who,  on  that  occasion,  had  deprived  him 
of  part  of  his  dignities  and  privileges,  would  rejoice  at  a  pre- 
text for  stripping  him  of  the  remainder.2 

Columbus  was  aware  that  the  minds  of  his  people  were 
imbittered  against  him.  He  had  repeatedly  been  treated  with 

1  letter  of  Columbus  to  his  son  Diego.    Navarrete  Colec. 
*  Hist,  del  Aliniraute,  cap.  102. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  541 

insolent  impatience,  and  reproached  with  being  the  cause  of 
their  disasters.  Accustomed,  however,  to  the  unreasonable- 
ness of  men  in  adversity,  and  exercised,  by  many  trials,  in  the 
mastery  of  his  passions,  he  bore  with  their  petulance,  soothed 
their  irritation,  and  endeavored  to  cheer  their  spirits  by  the 
hopes  of  speedy  succor.  A  little  while  longer,  and  he  trusted 
that  Fiesco  would  arrive  with  good  tidings,  when  the  certainty 
of  relief  would  put  an  end  to  all  these  clamors.  The  mischief, 
however,  was  deeper  than  he  apprehended :  a  complete  mutiny 
had  been  organized. 

On  the  2d  of  January,  1504,  he  was  in  his  small  cabin,  on 
the  stern  of  his  vessel,  being  confined  to  his  bed  by  the  gout, 
which  had  now  rendered  him  a  complete  cripple.  While  rumi- 
nating on  his  disastrous  situation,  Francisco  de  Porras  suddenly 
entered.  His  abrupt  and  agitated  manner  betrayed  the  evil 
nature  of  his  visit.  He  had  the  flurried  impudence  of  a  man 
about  to  perpetrate  an  open  crime.  Breaking  forth  into  bitter 
complaints,  at  their  being  kept,  week  after  week,  and  month 
after  mouth,  to  perish  piecemeal  in  that  desolate  place,  he  ac- 
cused the  admiral  of  having  no  intention  to  return  to  Spain. 
Columbus  suspected  something  sinister  from  his  unusual  arro- 
gance ;  he  maintained,  however,  his  calmness,  and,  raising 
himself  in  his  bed,  endeavored  to  reason  with  Porras.  He 
pointed  out  the  impossibility  of  departing  until  those  who 
had  gone  to  Hispauiola  should  send  them  vessels.  He  repre- 
sented how  much  more  urgent  must  be  his  desire  to  depart,, 
since  he  had  not  merely  his  own  safety  to  provide  for,  but  was 
accountable  to  God  and  his  sovereigns  for  the  welfare  of  all 
who  had  been  committed  to  his  charge.  He  reminded  Porras 
that  he  had  always  consulted  with  them  all,  as  to  the  measures 
to  be  taken  for  the  common  safety,  and  that  what  he  had  done 
had  been  with  the  general  approbation :  still,  if  any  other 
measure  appeared  advisable,  he  recommended  that  they  should 
assemble  together,  and  consult  upon  it,  and  adopt  whatever 
course  appeared  most  judicious. 

The  measures  of  Porras  and  his  comrades,  however,  were 
already  concerted,  and  when  men  are  determined  on  mutiny 
they  are  deaf  to  reason.  He  bluntly  replied  that  there  was  no 
time  for  further  consultations.  '•  Embark  immediately  or  re- 
main in  God's  name,  were  the  only  alternatives."  '•  For  my 
part."  said  he,  turning  his  back  upon  the  admiral,  and  elevat- 
ing his  voice  so  that  it  resounded  all  over  the  vessel,  "  I  am 
for  Castile  !  those  who  choose  may  follow  me  !  "  Shouts  arose 
immediately  from  all  sides,  '•  I  will  follow  you  !  and  1 !  and  I !  " 


542  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

Numbers  of  the  crew  sprang  upon  the  most  conspicuous  parts 
of  the  ship,  brandishing  weapons,  and  uttering  mingled  thivuts 
and  cries  of  rebellion.  Some  called  upon  Porras  for  orders 
what  to  do;  others  shouted  "  To  Castile  !  to  Castile  !"  while, 
amid  the  general  uproar,  the  voices  of  some  desperadoes  were 
heard  menacing  the  life  of  the  admiral. 

Columbus,  hearing  the  tumult,  leaped  from  his  bed,  ill  and 
infirm  as  he  was,  and  tottered  out  of  the  cabin,  stumbling  and 
falling  in  the  exertion,  hoping  by  his  presence  to  pacify  the 
mutineers.  Three  or  four  of  his  faithful  adherents,  however, 
fearing  some  violence  might  be  offered  him,  threw  themselves 
between  him  and  the  throng,  and  taking  him  in  their  arms  com- 
pelled him  to  return  to  his  cabin. 

The  Adelantado  likewise  sallied  forth,  but  in  a  different  mood. 
He  planted  himself,  with  lance  in  hand,  in  a  situation  to  take 
the  whole  brunt  of  the  assault.  It  was  with  the  greatest  diffi- 
culty that  several  of  the  loyal  part  of  the  crew  could  appease 
his  fury,  and  prevail  upon  him  to  relinquish  his  weapon,  and 
retire  to  the  cabin  of  his  brother.  They  now  entreated  Forms 
and  his  companions  to  depart  peaceably,  since  no  one  sought 
to  oppose  them.  No  advantage  could  be  gained  by  violence  ; 
but  should  they  cause  the  death  of  the  admiral,  they  would 
draw  upon  themselves  the  severest  punishment  from  the 
sovereigns.  ! l 

These  representations  moderated  the  turbulence  of  the  mu- 
tineers, and  they  now  proceeded  to  carry  their  plans  into 
execution.  Taking  ten  canoes,  which  the  admiral  had  pur- 
chased of  the  Indians,  they  embarked  in  them  with  as  much 
exultation  as  if  certain  of  immediately  landing  on  the  shores  of 
Spain.  Others,  who  had  not  been  concerned  in  the  mutiny, 
seeing  so  large  a  force  departing,  and  fearing  to  remain  behind, 
when  so  reduced  in  number,  hastily  collected  their  effects  and 
entered  likewise  into  the  canoes.  In  this  way  forty-eight 
abandoned  the  admiral.  Many  of  those  who  remained  were 
only  detained  by  sickness,  for  had  they  been  well,  most  of  them 
would  have  accompanied  the  deserters.2  The  few  who  re- 
mained faithful  to  the  admiral,  and  the  sick,  who  crawled 
forth  from  their  cabins,  saw  the  departure  of  the  mutineers 
with  tears  and  lamentations,  giving  themselves  up  for  lost. 
Notwithstanding  his  malady,  Columbus  left  his  bed,  mingling 
among  those  who  were  loyal,  and  visiting  those  who  were  ill, 
endeavoring  in  every  way  to  cheer  and  comfort  them.  He 

i  T..-M  Casas,  Hi*t.  Ind.,  lib.  ii.  cap.  32.    Hist,  del  Almiraute,  cap.  102. 
*  Hist,  del  Almirante,  cap.  102. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  543 

entreated  them  to  put  their  trust  in  God,  who  would  yet  re- 
lieve them  ;  and  he  promised,  on  his  return  to  Spain,  to  throw 
himself  at  the  feet  of  the  queen,  represent  their  loyalty  and 
constancy,  and  obtain  for  them  rewards  that  should  compen- 
sate for  all  their  sufferings.1 

In  the  mean  time  Francisco  de  Porras  and  his  followers,  in 
their  squadron  of  canoes,  coasted  the  island  to  the  eastward, 
following  the  route  taken  by  Meudez  and  Fiesco.  Wherever 
they  landed  they  committed  outrages  upon  the  Indians,  robbing 
them  of  tlu-ir  provisions,  and  of  whatever  they  coveted  of  their 
effects.  They  endeavored  to  make  their  own  crimes  redound 
to  the  prejudice  of  Columbus,  pretending  to  act  under  his 
authority,  and  affirming  that  he  would  pay  for  every  thing  they 
took.  If  he  refused,  they  told  the  natives  to  kill  him.  TlK-}' 
represented  him  as  an  implacable  foe  to  the  Indians  ;  as  one 
who  had  tyrannized  over  other  islands,  causing  the  misery  and 
death  of  the  natives,  and  who  only  sought  to  gain  a  sway  here 
for  the  purpose  of  inflicting  like  calamities. 

Having  reached  the  eastern  extremity  of  the  island,  they 
waited  until  the  weather  should  be  perfectly  calm  before  they 
ventured  to  cross  the  gulf.  Being  unskilled  in  the  management 
of  canoes,  they  procured  several  Indians  to  accompany  them. 
The  sea  being  at  length  quite  smooth,  they  set  forth  upon  their 
voyage.  Scarcely  had  they  proceeded  four  leagues  from  land 
when  a  contrary  wind  arose,  and  the  waves  began  to  swell. 
The}'  turned  immediately  for  shore.  The  canoes,  from  their 
light  structure,  and  being  nearly  round  and  without  keels,  were 
easily  overturned,  and  required  to  be  carefully  balanced.  They 
were  now  deeply  freighted  by  men  unaccustomed  to  them,  and 
as  the  sea  rose  they  frequently  let  in  the  water.  The  Spaniards 
were  alarmed,  and  endeavored  to  lighten  them  by  throwing 
overboard  every  thing  that  could  be  spared  ;  retaining  only 
their  arms  and  a  part  of  their  provisions.  The  danger  aug- 
mented with  the  wind.  They  now  compelled  the  Indians  to 
leap  into  the  sea,  excepting  such  as  were  absolutely  necessary 
to  navigate  the  canoes.  If  they  hesitated,  they  drove  them 
overboard  with  the  edge  of  the  sword.  The  Indians  were  skil- 
ful swimmers,  but  the  distance  to  land  was  too  great  for  their 
strength.  They  kept  about  the  canoes,  therefore,  taking  hold 
of  them  occasionally  to  rest  themselves  and  recover  breath. 
As  their  weight  disturbed  the  balance  of  the  canoes,  and  en- 
dangered their  overturning,  the  Spaniards  cut  off  their  hands 

i  Las  Casas,  lib.  ii.  cap.  32. 


544  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

and  stabbed  them  with  their  swords.  Some  died  by  the  weap- 
ons of  these  cruel  men,  others  were  exhausted  and  sank  be- 
neath the  waves  ;  thus  eighteen  perished  miserably,  and  none 
survived  but  such  as  had  been  retained  to  manage  the  canoes. 

When  the  Spaniards  got  back  to  land,  different  opinions  arose 
as  to  what  course  the}"  should  next  pursue.  Some  were  for 
crossing  to  Cuba,  for  which  island  the  wind  was  favorable.  It 
was  thought  they  might  easily  cross  thence  to  the  end  of  His- 
paniola.  Others  advised  that  they  should  return  and  make 
their  peace  with  the  admiral,  or  take  from  him  what  remained 
of  arms  and  stores,  having  thrown  almost  every  thing  overboard 
during  their  late  danger.  Others  counselled  another  attempt 
to  cross  over  to  Hispaniola,  as  soon  as  the  sea  should  become 
tranquil. 

This  last  advice  was  adopted.  They  remained  for  a  month  at 
an  Indian  village  near  the  eastern  point  of  the  island,  living  on 
the  substance  of  the  natives,  and  treating  them  in  the  most 
arbitrary  and  capricious  manner.  When  at  length  the  weather 
became  serene,  they  made  a  second  attempt,  but  were  again 
driven  back  by  adverse  winds.  Losing  all  patience,  therefore, 
and  despairing  of  the  enterprise,  they  abandoned  their  canoes, 
and  returned  westward,  wandering  from  village  to  village,  a 
dissolute  and  lawless  gang,  supporting  themselves  by  fair  means 
or  foul,  according  as  they  met  with  kindness  or  hostility,  and 
passing  like  a  pestilence  through  the  island.1 


CHAPTER   III. 

SCARCITY   OF    PROVISIONS  STRATAGEM   OF    COLUMBUS   TO    OBTAIN 

SUPPLIES    FROM   THE    NATIVES. 

[1504.] 

WHILE  Porras  and  his  crew  were  raging  alxnit  with  that  des- 
perate and  joyless  licentiousness  which  attends  the  abandon- 
ment of  principle,  Columbus  presented  the  opposite  picture  of 
a  man  true  to  others  and  to  himself,  and  supported,  amid  hard- 
ships and  difficulties,  by  conscious  rectitude.  Deserted  by  the 
healthful  and  vigorous  portion  of  his  garrison,  he  exerted  him- 
self to  soothe  and  encourage  the  infirm  and  desponding  remnant 

1  Ili.-t.  del  Almirante,  cap.  102.    Las  Casas,  lib.  ii.  cap.  32. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  545 

which  remained.  Regardless  of  his  own  painful  maladies,  he 
was  only  attentive  to  Believe  their  sufferings.  The  few  who 
were  fit  for  service  were  required  to  mount  guard  on  the  wreck 
or  attend  upon  the  sick  ;  there  were  none  to  forage  for  provis- 
ions. The  scrupulous  good  faith  and  amicable  conduct  main- 
tained by  Columbus  toward  the  natives  had  now  their  effect. 
Considerable  supplies  of  provisions  were  brought  by  them  from 
time  to  time,  which  he  purchased  at  a  reasonable  rate.  The  most 
palatable  and  nourishing  of  these,  together  with  the  small  stock 
of  European  biscuit  that  remained,  he  ordered  to  be  appropri- 
ated to  the  sustenance  of  the  infirm.  Knowing  how  much  the 
body  is  affected  by  the  operations  of  the  mind,  he  endeavored 
to  rouse  the  spirits  and  animate  the  hopes  of  the  drooping  suf- 
ferers. Concealing  his  own  anxiety,  he  maintained  a  serene 
and  even  cheerful  countenance,  encouraging  his  men  by  kind 
words,  and  holding  forth  confident  anticipations  of  speedy  re- 
lief. By  his  friendly  and  careful  treatment,  he  soon  recruited 
both  the  health  and  spirits  of  his  people,  and  brought  them 
into  a  condition  to  contribute  to  the  common  safety.  Judicious 
regulations,  calmly  but  firmly  enforced,  maintained  every  thing 
in  order.  The  men  became  sensible  of  the  advantages  of  whole- 
some discipline,  and  perceived  that  the  restraints  imposed  upon 
them  by  their  commander  were  for  their  own  good,  and  ulti- 
mately productive  of  their  own  comfort. 

Columbus  had  thus  succeeded  in  guarding  against  internal 
ills,  when  alarming  evils  began  to  menace  from  without.  The 
Indians,  unused  to  lay  up  any  stock  of  provisions,  and  unwilling 
to  subject  themselves  to  extra  labor,  found  it  difficult  to  furnish 
the  quantity  of  Cood  daily  required  for  so  many  hungry  men. 
The  European  trinkets,  once  so  precious,  lost  their  value  in  pro- 
portion as  they  became  more  common.  The  importance  of  the 
admiral  had  been  greatly  diminished  b}T  the  desertion  of  so 
many  of  his  followers,  and  the  malignant  instigations  of  the 
rebels  had  awakened  jealousy  and  enmity  in  several  of  the  vil- 
lages, which  had  been  accustomed  to  furnish  provisions. 

By  degrees,  therefore,  the  supplies  fell  off.  The  arrange- 
ments for  the  daily  delivery  of  certain  quantities,  made  by  Diego 
Mendez,  were  irregularly  attended  u>.  and  at  length  ceased 
entirely.  The  Indians  no  longer  thronged  to  the  harbor  with 
provisions,  and  often  refused  them  when  applied  for.  The 
Spaniards  were  obliged  to  forage  about  the  neighborhood  for 
their  daily  food,  but  found  more  and  more  difficulty  in  procur- 
ing it ;  thus,  in  addition  to  their  other  causes  for  despondency, 
they  began  to  entertain  horrible  apprehensions  of  famine. 


546  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

The  admiral  heard  their  melancholy  forebodings,  ajid  behold 
the  growing  evil,  but  was  at  a  loss  for  a  remedy.  To  resort  to 
force  was  an  alternative  full  of  danger,  and  of  but  temporary 
efficacy.  It  would  require  all  those  who  were  well  enough  to 
bear  arms  to  sally  forth,  while  he  and  the  rest  of  the  infirm 
would  be  left  defenceless  on  board  of  the  wreck,  exposed  to  the 
vengeance  of  the  natives. 

la  the  mean  time  the  scarcity  daily  increased.  The  Indians 
perceived  the  wants  of  the  white  men,  and  had  learnt  from 
them  the  art  of  making  bargains.  They  asked  ten  times  the 
former  quantit\'  of  European  articles  for  any  amount  of  provis- 
ions, and  brought  their  supplies  in  scanty  quantities,  to  en- 
hance the  eagerness  of  the  hungry  Spaniards.  At  length  even 
this  relief  ceased,  and  there  was  an  absolute  distress  for  food. 
The  jealousy  of  the  natives  had  been  universally  roused  by 
Porras  and  his  followers,  and  they  withheld  all  provisions,  in 
hopes  either  of  starving  the  admiral  and  his  people,  or  of  driv- 
ing them  from  the  island. 

In  this  extremity  a  fortunate  idea  presented  itself  to  Colum- 
bus. From  his  knowledge  of  astronomy,  he  ascertained  that, 
within  three  days,  there  would  be  a  total  eclipse  of  the  moon  in 
the  early  part  of  the  night.  He  sent,  therefore,  an  Indian  of 
Hispauiola,  who  served  as  his  interpreter,  to  summon  the  prin- 
cipal caciques  to  a  grand  conference,  appointing  for  it  the  day 
of  the  eclipse.  When  all  were  assembled  he  told  them  by  his 
interpreter,  that  he  and  his  followers  were  worshippers  of  a 
Deity  who  dwelt  in  the  skies ;  who  favored  such  as  did  well, 
but  punished  all  transgressors.  That,  as  they  must  all  have 
noticed,  he  had  protected  Diego  Meudez  and  his  companions  in 
their  voj'age,  because  they  went  in  obedience  to  the  orders  of 
their  commander,  but  had  visited  Porras  and  his  companions 
with  all  kinds  of  afflictions,  in  consequence  of  their  rebellion. 
This  great  Deity,  he  added,  was  incensed  against  the  Indians 
who  refused  to  furnish  his  faithful  worshippers  with  provisions, 
and  intended  to  chastise  them  with  famine  and  pestilence. 
Lest  they  should  disbelieve  this  warning,  a  signal  would  be 
given  that  night.  They  would  behold  the  moon  change  its 
color  and  gradually  loose  tts  light ;  a  token  of  the  fearful  pun- 
ishment which  awaited  them. 

Many  of  the  Indians  were  alarmed  at  the  prediction,  others 
treated  it  with  derision  —  all,  however,  awaited  with  solicitude 
the  coining  of  the  night.  When  they  beheld  a  dark  shadow 
stealing  over  the  moon  they  began  to  tremble  ;  with  the  prog- 
ress of  the  eclipse  their  fears  increased,  and  when  they  saw  a 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  547 

mysterious  darkness  covering  the  whole  face  of  nature,  there 
were  no  bounds  to  their  terror.  Seizing  upon  whatever  provis- 
ions were  at  hand,  they  hurried  to  the  ships,  threw  themselves 
at  the  feet  of  Columbus,  and  implored  him  to  intercede  with 
his  God  to  withhold  the  threatened  calamities,  assuring  him 
they  would  henceforth  bring  him  whatever  he  required.  Co- 
lumbus shut  himself  up  iu  his  cabin,  as  if  to  commune  with  the 
Deity,  and  remained  there  during  the  increase  of  the  eclipse, 
the  forests  and  shores  all  the  while  resounding  with  the  howl- 
ings  and  supplications  of  the  savages.  When  the  eclipse  was 
about  to  diminish  he  came  forth  and  informed  the  natives  that 
his  God  had  deigned  to  pardon  them,  on  condition  of  their  ful- 
filling their  promises  ;  iu  sign  of  which  he  would  withdraw  the 
darkness  from  the  moon. 

When  the  Indians  saw  that  planet  restored  to  its  brightness, 
and  rolling  in  all  its  beauty  through  the  firmament,  they  over- 
whelmed the  admiral  with  thanks  for  his  intercession,  and  re- 
paired to  their  homes,  joyful  at  having  escaped  such  great 
disasters.  Regarding  Columbus  with  awe  and  reverence,  as  a 
man  in  the  peculiar  favor  and  confidence  of  the  Deity,  since  he 
knew  upon  earth  what  was  passing  in  the  heavens,  they  has- 
tened to  propitiate  him  with  gifts  ;  supplies  again  arrived  daily 
at  the  harbor,  and  from  that  time  forwaid  there  was  no  want  of 
provisions.1 


CHAPTER  IV. 

MISSION   OF   DIEGO   DE    ESCOBAR  TO   THE   ADMIRAL. 

[1504.] 

EIGHT  months  had  now  elapsed  since  the  departure  of  Men- 
dez  and  Fiesco,  without  any  tidings  of  their  fate.  For  a  long 
time  the  Spaniards  had  kept  a  wistful  look-out  upon  the  ocean, 
flattering  themselves  that  every  Indian  canoe,  gliding  at  a  dis- 
tance, might  be  the  harbinger  of  deliverance.  The  hopes  of 
the  most  sanguine  were  now  fast  sinking  into  despondency. 
What  thousand  perils  awaited  such  frail  barks,  and  so  weak  a 
party,  on  an  expedition  of  the  kind  !  Either  the  canoes  had 
been  swallowed  up  by  boisterous  waves  and  adverse  currents, 
or  their  crews  had  perished  among  the  rugged  mountains  and 

»  Hint,  del  Almiraute,  cap.  103.     Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.,  lib.  ii.  cap,  33. 


548  LIFE   OF  CTIRISTOPIIEE   COLUMBUS. 

savage  tribes  of  Hispaniola.  To  increase  their  despondency, 
they  were  informed  that  a  vessel  had  been  seen,  bottom  upward, 
drifting  with  the  currents  along  the  coasts  of  Jamaica.  This 
might  be  the  vessel  sent  to  their  relief  ;  and  if  so,  all  their  hopes 
were  shipwrecked  with  it.  This  rumor,  it  is  affirmed,  was  in- 
vented and  circulated  in  the  island  by  the  rebels,  that  it  might 
reach  the  ears  of  those  who  remained  faithful  to  the  admiral, 
and  reduce  them  to  despair.1  It  no  doubt  had  its  effect. 
Losing  all  hope  of  aid  from  a  distance,  and  considering  them- 
selves abandoned  and  forgotten  by  the  world,  many  grew  wild 
and  desperate  in  their  plans.  Another  conspiracy  was  formed 
by  one  Bernardo,  an  apothecary  of  Valencia,  with  two  confed- 
erates, .Alonzo  de  Zamora  and  Pedro  de  Villatoro.  They  de- 
signed to  seize  upon  the  remaining  canoes,  and  seek  their  way 
to  Hispaniola.2 

The  mutiny  was  on  the  very  point  of  breaking  out,  when  one 
evening,  toward  dusk,  a  sail  was  seen  standing  toward  the 
harbor.  The  transports  of  the  poor  Spaniards  may  be  more 
easily  conceived  than  described.  The  vessel  was  of  sma-11  size  ; 
it  kept  out  to  sea,  but  sent  its  boat  to  visit  the  ships.  Every 
eye  was  eagerly  bent  to  hail  the  countenances  of  Christians 
and  deliverers.  As  the  boat  approached,  they  descried  in  it 
Diego  de  Escobar,  a  man  who  had  been  one  of  the  most  active 
confederates  of  Roldan  in  his  rebellion,  who  had  been  con- 
demned to  death  under  the  administration  of  Columbus,  and 
pardoned  by  his  successor  Bobadilla.  There  was  bad  omen  in 
such  a  messenger. 

Coming  alongside  of  the  ships,  Escobar  put  a  letter  on  board 
from  Ovando,  governor  of  Hispaniola,  together  with  a  barrel  of 
wine  and  a  side  of  bacon,  sent  as  presents  to  the  admiral.  He 
then  drew  off,  and  talked  with  Columbus  from  a  distance.  He 
told  him  that  he  was  sent  by  the  governor  to  express  his  great 
concern  at  his  misfortunes,  and  his  regret  at  not  having  in  port 
a  vessel  of  sufficient  size  to  bring  off  himself  and  his  people, 
but  that  he  would  send  one  as  soon  as  possible.  Escobar  gave 
the  admiral  assurances  likewise  that  his  concerns  in  Hispaniola 
had  been  faithfully  attended  to.  He  requested  him,  if  he  had 
any  letter  to  write  to  the  governor  in  reply,  to  give  it  to  him  as 
soon  as  possible,  as  he  wished  to  return  immediately. 

There  was  something  extremely  singular  in  this  mission,  but 
there  was  no  time  for  comments,  Escobar  was  urgent  to  depart. 
Columbus  hastened,  therefore,  to  write  a  reply  to  Ovando,  d3- 

1  UUl.  del  Almiiaute,  cap.  1W.  2  Las  Cabas,  Hist.  Ijcl.,  lib.  ii,  cap.  a3. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  549 

picting  the  dangers  and  distresses  of  his  situation,  increased  as 
they  were  by  the  rebellion  of  Porras,  but  expressing  his  reli- 
ance on  his  piomise  to  send  him  relief,  confiding  in  which  he 
should  ivmuin  patiently  on  board  of  his  wreck.  He  recom- 
mended Diego  Meodez  and  Bartholomew  Fiesco  to  his  favor, 
assuring  him  that  they  were  not  sent  to  San  Domingo  with  any 
artful  design,  but  simply  to  represent  his  perilous  situation, 
and  to  apply  for  succor.1  When  Escobar  received  this  letter, 
he  returned  immediately  on  board  of  his  vessel,  which  made 
all  sail,  aud  soon  disappeared  in  the  gathering  gloom  of  the 
night. 

If  the  Spaniards  had  hailed  the  arrival  of  this  vessel  with 
transport,  its  sudden  departure  and  the  mysterious  conduct  of 
Escobar  inspired  no  less  wonder  and  consternation.  He  had 
kept  aloof  from  all  communication  with  them,  as  if  he  felt  no 
interest  in  their  welfare,  or  sympathy  in  their  misfortunes. 
Columbus  saw  the  gloom  that  had  gathered  in  their  counte- 
nances, and  feared  the  consequences.  He  eagerly  sought, 
therefore,  to  dispel  their  suspicions,  professing  himself  satis- 
fied with  the  communications  received  from  Ovando,  and  assur- 
ing them  that  vessels  would  soon  arrive  to  take  them  all  away. 
In  confidence  of  this,  he  said,  he  had  declined  to  depart  with 
Escobar,  because  his  vessel  was  too  small  to  take  the  whole, 
preferring  to  remain  with  them  and  share  their  lot,  and  had 
despatched  the  caravel  in  such  haste  that  no  time  might  be  lost 
in  expediting  the  necessary  ships.  These  assurances,  arid  the 
certainty  that  their  situation  was  known  in  San  Domingo, 
cheered  the  hearts  of  the  people.  Their  hopes  again  revived, 
and  the  conspiracy,  which  had  been  on  the  point  of  breaking 
forth,  was  completely  disconcerted. 

In  secret,  however.  Columbus  was  exceedingly  indignant  at 
the  conduct  of  Ovaudo.  He  had  left  him  for  many  months  in 
a  state  of  the  utmost  danger,  and  most  distressing  uncertainty, 
exposed  to  the  hostilities  of  the  natives,  the  seditions  of  his 
men,  and  the  suggestions  of  his  own  despair.  He  had,  at 
length,  sent  a  mere  tantalizing  message,  by  a  man  known  to  be 
one  of  his  bitterest  enewiies,  with  a  present  of  food,  which, 
from  its  scantiness,  seemed  intended  to  mock  their  necessities. 

Columbus  believed  that  Ovando  had  purposely  neglected 
him,  hoping  that  he  might  perish  on  the  island,  being  ap- 
prehensive that,  should  he  return  in  safety,  he  would  be 
reinstated  in  the  government  of  Hispaniola;  and  he  considered 

>  Las  Casas,  Hist,  lad.,  lib.  ii.  cap.  34. 


550  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

Escobar  merely  as  a  spy  sent  to  ascertain  the  state  of  himself 
and  his  crew,  and  whether  they  were  yet  in  existence.  Las 
Casas,  who  was  then  at  San  Domingo,  expresses  similar  suspi- 
cions. He  says  that  Escobar  was  chosen  because  Ovando  was 
certain  that,  from  ancient  enmity,  he  would  have  no  sympathy 
for  the  admiral.  That  he  was  ordered  not  to  go  on  board  of 
the  vessels,  nor  to  land,  neither  was  he  to  hold  conversation 
with  any  of  the  crew,  nor  to  receive  any  letters,  except  those 
of  the  admiral.  In  a  word,  that  he  was  a  mere  scout  to  collect 
information.1 

Others  have  ascribed  the  long  neglect  of  Ovando  to  extreme 
caution.  There  was  a  rumor  prevalent  that  Columbus,  irri- 
tated at  the  suspension  of  his  dignities  by  the  court  of  Spain, 
intended  to  transfer  his  newly-discovered  countries  into  the 
hands  of  his  native  republic  Genoa,  or  of  some  other  power. 
Such  rumors  had  long  been  current,  and  to  their  recent  cir- 
culation Columbus  himself  alludes  in  his  letter  sent  to  the 
sovereigns  by  Diego  Mendez.  The  most  plausible  apology 
given  is,  that  Ovaudo  was  absent  for  several  months  in  the 
interior,  occupied  in  wars  with  the  natives,  and  that  there 
were  no  ships  at  San  Domingo  of  sufficient  burden  to  take 
Columbus  and  his  crew  to  Spain.  He  may  have  feared  that, 
should  the}1  come  to  reside  for  any  length  of  time  on  the  island, 
either  the  admiral  would  interfere  in  public  affairs,  or  en- 
deavor to  make  a  party  in  his  favor ;  or  that,  in  consequence 
of  the  number  of  his  old  enemies  still  resident  there,  former 
scenes  of  faction  and  turbulence  might  be  revived.'2  In  the 
mean  time  the  situation  of  Columbus  in  Jamaica,  while  it  dis- 
posed of  him  quietly  until  vessels  should  arrive  from  Spam, 
could  not,  he  may  have  thought,  be  hazardous.  He  had  suffi- 
cient force  and  arms  for  defence,  and  he  had  made  amicable 
arrangements  with  the  natives  for  the  supply  of  provisions,  as 
Diego  Mendez,  who  had  made  those  arrangements,  had  no 
doubt  informed  him.  Such  may  have  been  the  reasonmg  by 
which  Ovando,  under  the  real  influence  of  his  interest,  may 
have  reconciled  his  conscience  to  a  measure  which  excited  the 
strong  reprobation  of  his  contemporaries,  and  has  continued  to 
draw  upon  him  the  suspicious  of  mankind. 

1  Las  ('asas,  Hist.  Ind.,  lib.  ii.  cap.  33.    Hist,  del  Almirante,  cap.  103. 
1  Las  Cuso-s,  ubi  sup.    Hist,  del  Ahniraule,  ubi  bup. 


LIFE  OF  CUmSTOPUER   COLUMBUS.  551 


CHAPTER  V. 

VOYAGE    OF     DIEGO     MENDEZ    AND    BARTHOLOMEW    FIESCO   IN   A. 
CANOE   TO   HISPAN10LA. 

[1504.] 

'Ir  is  proper  to  give  here  some  account  of  the  mission  of  Diego 
Mendez  and  Bartholomew  Fiesco,  and  of  the  circumstances 
which  prevented  the  latter  from  returning  to  Jamaica.  Hav- 
ing taken  leave  of  the  Adelantado  at  the  east  end  of  the  island, 
they  continued  all  day  in  a  direct  course,  animating  the  Indians 
who  navigated  their  canoes,  and  who  frequently  paused  at  their 
labor.  There  was  no  wind,  the  sky  was  without  a  cloud,  and 
the  sea  perfectly  calm  ;  the  heat  was  intolerable,  and  the  rays 
of  the  sun  reflected  from  the  surface  of  the  ocean  seemed  to 
scorch  their  very  eyes.  The  Indians,  exhausted  by  heat  and 
toil,  would  often  leap  into  the  water  to  cool  and  refresh  them- 
selves, and,  after  remaining  there  a  short  time,  would  return 
with  new  vigor  to  their  labors.  At  the  going  down  of  the  sun 
they  lost  sight  of  land.  During  the  night  the  Indians  took 
turns,  one-half  to  row  while  the  others  slept.  The  Spaniards, 
in  like  manner,  divided  their  forces :  while  one-half  took  repose 
the  others  kept  guard  with  their  weapons  in  hand,  ready  to 
defend  themselves  in  case  of  any  perfidy  on  the  part  of  their 
savage  companions. 

Watching  and  toiling  in  this  way  through  the  night,  they 
were  exceedingly  fatigued  at  the  return  of  day.  Nothing  was 
to  be  seen  but  sea  and  sky.  Their  frail  canoes,  heaving  up 
and  down  with  the  swelling  and  sinking  of  the  ocean,  seemed 
scarcely  capable  of  sustaining  the  broad  undulations  of  a  calm  ; 
how  would  the)'  be  able  to  live  amid  waves  and  surges,  should 
the  wind  arise?  The  commanders  did  all  they  could  to  keep 
up  the  flagging  spirits  of  the  men.  Sometimes  they  permitted 
them  a  respite ;  at  other  times  they  took  the  paddles  and 
shared  their  toils.  But  labor  and  fatigue  were  soon  forgotten 
in  a  new  source  of  suffering.  During  the  preceding  sultry  day 
and  night,  the  Indians,  parched  and  fatigued,  had  drunk  up 
all  the  water.  They  now  began  to  experience  the  torments  of 
thirst.  In  proportion  as  the  day  advanced,  their  thirst  in- 
creased ;  the  calm,  which  favored  the  navigation  of  the  canoes, 
rendered  this  misery  the  more  intense.  There  was  not  a 
breeze  to  fan  the  air,  nor  counteract  the  ardent  luys  of  a 


552  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

tropical  snn.  Their  sufferings  were  irritated  by  the  prospect 
around  them  —  nothing  but  water,  while  they  were  perishing 
witli  thirst.  At  mid-day  their  strength  failed  them,  and  they 
could  work  no  longer.  Fortunately,  at  this  time  the  com- 
manders of  the  canoes  found,  or  pretended  to  find,  two  small 
kegs  of  water,  which  they  had  perhaps  secretly  reserved  for 
such  an  extremity.  Administering  the  precious  contents  from 
time  to  time,  in  sparing  mouthfuls  to  their  companions,  and 
particularly  to  the  laboring  Indians,  they  enabled  them  to 
resume  their  toils.  They  cheered  them  with  the  hopes  of  soon 
arriving  at  a  small  island  called  Navasa,  which  lay  directly  in 
their  way,  and  was  only  eight  leagues  from  Hispaniola.  Here 
they  would  be  able  to  procure  water,  and  might  take  repose. 

For  the  rest  of  the  day  they  continued  faintly  and  wearily 
laboring  forward,  and  keeping  an  anxious  look-out  for  the 
island.  The  day  passed  awa}*,  the  sun  went  down,  yet  there 
was  no  sign  of  land,  not  even  a  cloud  on  the  horizon  that  might 
deceive  them  into  a  hope.  According  to  their  calculations, 
the}'  had  certainly  come  the  distance  from  Jamaica  at  which 
Navasa  lay.  They  began  to  fear  that  they  had  deviated  from 
their  course.  If  so,  they  should  miss  the  island  entirely,  and 
perish  with  thirst  before  they  could  reach  Hispaniola. 

The  night  closed  upon  them  without  any  sight  of  the  island. 
They  now  despaired  of  touching  at  it,  for  it  was  so  small  and 
low  that,  even  if  they  were  to  pass  near,  they  would  scarcely 
be  able  to  perceive  it  in  the  dark.  One  of  the  Indians  sank  and 
died,  under  the  accumulated  sufferings  of  labor,  heat,  and  raging 
thirst.  His  body  was  thrown  into  the  sea.  Others  lay  panting 
and  gasping  at  the  bottom  of  the  canoes.  Their  companions, 
troubled  in  spirit,  and  exhausted  in  strength,  feebly  continued 
their  toils.  Sometimes  they  endeavored  to  cool  their  parched 
palates  by  taking  sea-water  in  their  mouths,  but  its  briny  acri- 
mony rather  increased  their  thirst.  Now  and  then,  but  very 
sparingly,  they  were  allowed  a  drop  of  water  from  the  kegs ; 
but  this  was  only  in  cases  of  the  utmost  extremity,  and  princi- 
pally to  those  who  were  employed  in  rowing.  The  night  had 
far  advanced,  but  those  whose  turn  it  was  to  take  repose  were 
unable  to  sleep,  from  the  intensity  of  their  thirst ;  or  if  they 
slept,  it  was  but  to  be  tantalized  by  dreams  of  cool  fountains 
and  running  brooks,  and  to  awaken  in  redoubled  torment.  The 
last  drop  of  water  had  been  dealt  out  to  the  Indian  rowers,  but 
it  only  served  to  irritate  their  sufferings.  They  scarce  could 
move  their  paddles  ;  one  after  another  gave  up,  and  it  seemed 
impossible  they  should  live  to  reach  llispauiola. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  553 

The  commanders,  by  admirable  management,  had  hitherto 
kept  up  this  weary  struggle  with  suffering  and  despair :  they 
now,  too,  began  to  despond.  Diego  Mendez  sat  watching  the 
horizon,  which  was  gradually  lighting  up  with  those  faint  rays 
which  precede  the  rising  of  the  moon.  As  that  planet  rose,  he 
perceived  it  to  emerge  from  behind  some  dark  mass  elevated 
above  the  level  of  the  ocean.  He  immediately  gave  the  ani- 
mating cry  of  "  land  !  "  His  almost  expiring  companions  were 
roused  by  it  to  new  life.  It  proved  to  be  the  island  of  Navasa, 
but  so  small,  and  low,  and  distant,  that  had  it  not  been  thus 
revealed  by  the  rising  of  the  moon,  they  would  never  have  dis- 
covered it.  The  crrqr  in  their  reckoning  with  respect  to  the 
island  had  arisen  from  miscalculating  the  rate  of  sailing  of 
the  canoes,  and  from  not  making  sufficient  allowance  for  the 
fatigue  of  the  rowers  and  the  opposition  of  the  current. 

New  vigor  was  now  diffused  throughout  the  crews.  They 
exerted  themselves  with  feverish  impatience  ;  by  the  dawn  of 
day  they  reached  the  land,  and,  springing  on  shore,  returned 
thanks  to  God  for  such  signal  deliverance.  The  island  was  a 
mere  mass  of  rocks  half  a  league  in  circuit.  There  was  neither 
tree,  nor  shrub,  nor  herbage,  nor  stream,  nor  fountain.  Hurry- 
ing about,  however,  with  anxious  search,  they  found  to  their 
joy  abundance  of  rain-water  in  the  hollows  of  the  rocks. 
Eagerly  scooping  it  up,  with  their  calabashes,  they  quenched 
their  burning  thirst  by  immoderate  draughts.  In  vain  the 
more  prudent  warned  the  others  of  their  danger.  The  Span- 
iards were  in  some  degree  restrained  \  but  the  poor  Indians, 
whose  toils  had  increased  the  fever  of  their  thirst,  gave  way  to 
a  kind  of  frantic  indulgence.  Several  died  upon  the  spot,  and 
others  fell  dangerously  ill.1 

Having  allayed  their  thirst,  they  now  looked  about  in  search 
of  food.  A  few  shell-fish  were  found  along  the  shore,  and  Diego 
Mendez,  striking  a  light,  and  gathering  drift-wood,  they  were 
enabled  to  boil  them,  and  to  make  a  delicious  banquet.  All  day 
they  remained  reposing  in  the  shade  of  the  rocks,  refreshing 
themselves  after  their  intolerable  sufferings,  and  gazing  upon 
Hispaniola,  whose  mountains  rose  above  the  horizon,  at  eight 
leagues'  distance. 

In  the  cool  of  the  evening  they  once  more  embarked,  invig- 
orated by  repose,  and  arrived  safely  at  Cape  Tiburou  on  the 
following  day,  the  fourth  since  their  departure  from  Jamaica. 

1  Not  far  from  the  island  of  Xavasa  there  gushes  up  in  the  sea  a  pure  fountain  of  freeh 
water  that  sweetens  the  surface1  for  some  di.-tance;  thi-i  circumstance  \vus  of  course  uu- 
knuwu  to  the  Spaniards  at  the  time.  (Oviedo,  Cronica,  lib.  vi.  c;ip.  12.) 


554  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

Here  they  landed  on  the  banks  of  a  beautiful  river,  where  they 
were  kindly  received  and  treated  by  the  natives.  Such  are  the 
particulars,  collected  from  different  sources,  of  this  adventurous 
and  interesting  voyage,  on  the  precarious  success  of  which 
depended  the  deliverance  of  Columbus  and  his  crews.1  The 
voyagers  remained  for  two  days  among  the  hospitable  natives 
on  the  banks  of  the  river  to  refresh  themselves.  Fiesco  would 
have  returned  to  Jamaica,  according  to  promise,  to  give  assur- 
ance to  the  admiral  and  his  companions  of  the  safe  arrival  of 
their  messenger;  but  both  Spaniards  and  Indians  had  suffered 
so  much  during  the  voyage,  that  nothing  could  induce  them  to 
encounter  the  perils  of  a  return  in  the  canoes. 

Parting  with  his  companions,  Diego  Mendez  took  six  Indians 
of  the  island,  and  .set  off  resolutely  to  coast  in  his  canoe  one 
hundred  and  thirty  leagues  to  San  Domingo.  After  proceed- 
ing for  eighty  leagues,  with  infinite  toil,  always  against  the 
currents,  and  subject  to  perils  from  the  native  tribes,  he  was 
informed  that  the  governor  had  departed  for  Xaragua,  fifty 
leagues  distant.  Still  undaunted  by  fatigues  and  difficulties, 
he  abandoned  his  canoe,  and  proceeded  alone  and  on  foot 
through  forests  and  over  mountains,  until  he  arrived  at  Xara- 
gua, achieving  one  of  the  most  perilous  expeditions  ever  under- 
taken by  a  devoted  follower  for  the  safety  of  his  commander. 

Ovando  received  him  with  great  kindness,  expressing  the 
utmost  concern  at  the  unfortunate  situation  of  Columbus.  He 
made  many  promises  of  sending  immediate  relief,  but  suffered 
day  after  day,  week  after  w  ek,  month  after  month  to  elapse, 
without  carrying  his  promises  into  effect.  He  was  at  that  time 
completely  engrossed  by  wars  with  the  natives,  and  had  a  ready 
plea  that  there  were  no  ships  of  sufficient  burden  at  San  Do- 
mingo. Had  he  felt  a  proper  zeal,  however,  for  the  safety  of  a 
man  like  Columbus,  it  would  have  been  easy,  within  eight 
months,  to  have  devised  some  means,  if  not  of  delivering  him 
from  his  situation,  at  least  of  conveying  to  him  ample  re-en- 
forcements  and  supplies. 

The  faithful  Mendez  remained  for  seven  months  in  Xaragua, 
detained  there  under  various  pretexts  by  Ovando,  who  was  un- 
willing that  he  should  proceed  to  San  Domingo  ;  partly,  as  is 
intimated,  from  his  having  some  jealousy  of  his  being  employed 
in  secret  agency  for  the  admiral,  and  partly  from  a  desire  to 
throw  impediments  in  the  way  of  his  obtaining  the  required  re- 
lief. At  length,  by  daily  importunity,  he  obtained  permission 

'  Hist,  del  Alum-ante,  cap.  105.  Las  C'ttuas,  lib.  ii.  cap.  31.  Testament  of  Diego 
Muudt-z.  JS'avarrete,  torn.  i. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  555 

to  go  to  San  Domingo  and  await  the  arrival  of  certain  ships 
which  were  expected,  of  which  he  proposed  to  purchase  one  on 
the  account  of  the  admiral.  He  immediately  set  out  on  foot  a 
distance  of  seventy  leagues,  part  of  his  toilsome  journey  lying 
through  forests  and  among  mountains  infested  by  hostile  and 
exasperated  Indians.  It  was  after  his  departure  that  O  van  do 
despatched  the  caravel  commanded  by  the  pardoned  rebel  Es- 
cobar, on  that  singular  and  equivocal  visit,  which,  in  the  eyes 
of  Columbus,  had  the  air  of  a  mere  scouting  expedition  to  spy 
into  the  camp  of  an  enemy. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

OVERTURES   OF    COLUMBUS   TO   THE    MUTINEERS BATTLE     OF     THE 

ADELANTADO    WITH    PORRAS   AND    HIS   FOLLOWERS, 

[1503.] 

WHEN  Columbus  had  soothed  the  disappointment  of  his  men 
at  the  brief  and  unsatisfactory  visit  and  sudden  departure  of 
Escobar,  he  endeavored  to  turn  the  event  to  some  advantage 
with  the  rebels.  He  knew  them  to  be  disheartened  by  the 
inevitable  miseries  attending  a  lawless  and  dissolute  life ;  that 
many  longed  to  return  to  the  safe  and  quiet  path  of  duty  ;  and 
that  the  most  malignant,  seeing  how  he  had  foiled  all  their 
intrigues  among  the  natives  to  produce  a  famine,  began  to  fear 
his  ultimate  triumph  and  consequent  vengeance.  A  favorable 
opportunity,  he  thought,  now  presented  to  take  advantage  of 
these  feelings,  and  by  gentle  means  to  bring  them  back  to  their 
allegiance.  He  sent  two  of  his  people,  therefore,  who  were 
most  intimate  with  the  rebels,  to  inform  them  of  the  recent 
arrival  of  Escobar  with  letters  from  the  Governor  of  Hispaniola, 
promising  him  a  speedy  deliverance  from  the  island.  He  now 
offered  a  free  pardon,  kind  treatment,  and  a  passage  with  him 
in  the  expected  ships,  on  condition  of  their  immediate  return  to 
obedience.  To  convince  them  of  the  arrival  of  the  vessel,  he 
sent  them  a  part  of  the  bacon  which  had  been  brought  by 
Escobar. 

On  the  approach  of  these  ambassadors,  Francisco  de  Porras 
came  forth  to  meet  them,  accompanied  solely  by  a  few  of  the 
riiigli'julers  of  his  party.  He  imagined  that  there  might  be 
some  propositions  from  the  admiral,  aud  he  was  fearful  of  their 


656  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER    COLUMI1US. 

being  heard  by  the  mass  of  his  people,  who,  in  their  dissatisfied 
and  repentant  mood,  would  he  likely  to  desert  him  on  the  least 
prospect  of  pardon.  Having  listened  to  the  tidings  and  over- 
tures brought  by  the  messengers,  he  and  his  confidential  con- 
federates consulted  for  some  time  together.  Perfidious  in  their 
own  nature,  they  suspected  the  sincerity  of  the  admiral ;  and 
conscious  of  the  extent  of  their  offences,  doubted  his  having 
the  magnanimity  to  pardon  them.  Determined,  therefore,  not 
to  confide  in  his  proffered  amnesty,  they  replied  to  the  messen- 
gers that  they  had  no  wish  to  return  to  the  ships,  but  preferred 
living  at  large  about  the  island.  They  offered  to  engage,  how- 
ever, to  conduct  themselves  peaceably  and  amicably,  on  re- 
ceiving a  solemn  promise  from  the  admiral,  that  should  two 
vessels  arrive,  they  should  have  one  to  depart  in  ;  should  but 
one  arrive,  that  half  of  it  should  be  granted  to  them  ;  and  that, 
moreover,  the  admiral  should  share  with  them  the  stores  and 
articles  of  Indian  traffic  remaining  in  the  ships ;  having  lost  all 
that  they  had,  in  the  sea.  These  demands  were  pronounced 
extravagant  and  inadmissible,  upon  which  they  replied  inso- 
lently that,  if  they  were  not  peaceably  conceded,  they  would 
take  them  by  force ;  arid  with  this  menace  they  dismissed  the 
ambassadors.1 

This  conference  was  not  conducted  so  privately  but  that  the 
rest  of  the  rebels  learnt  the  purport  of  the  mission  ;  and  the 
offer  of  pardon  and  deliverance  occasioned  great  tumult  and 
agitation.  Porras,  fearful  of  their  desertion,  assured  them  that 
these  offers  of  the  admiral  were  all  deceitful ;  that  he  was  nat- 
urally cruel  and  vindictive,  and  onh-  sought  to  get  them  into 
his  power  to  wreak  on  them  his  vengeance.  He  exhorted  them 
to  persist  in  their  opposition  to  his  tyranny  ;  reminding  them 
that  those  who  had  formerly  done  so  in  Hispaniola  had  eventu- 
ally triumphed,  and  sent  him  home  in  irons  ;  he  assured  them 
that  they  might  do  the  same,  and  again  made  vaunting  promises 
of  protection  in  Spain,  through  the  influence  of  his  relatives. 
But  the  boldest  of  his  assertions  was  with  respect  to  the  caravel 
of  Escobar.  It  shows  the  ignorance  of  the  age,  and  the  super- 
stitious awe  which  the  common  people  entertained  with  respect 
to  Columbus  and  his  astronomical  knowledge.  Porras  assured 
them  that  no  real  caravel  had  arrived,  but  a  mere  phantasm 
conjured  up  by  the  admiral,  who  was  deeply  versed  in  necro- 
mancy. In  proof  of  this  he  adverted  to  its  arriving  in  the  dusk 
of  the  evening  ;  its  holding  communication  with  no  one  but  the 

• 

1  Las  Casas,  lib.  ii.  cap.  30.    Hist,  del  Alrairantu,  cap.  106. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  557 

admiral,  and  its  sudden  disappearance  in  the  night.  Had  it 
been  a  real  caravel,  the  crew  would  have  sought  to  talk  with 
their  countrymen  ;  the  admiral,  his  son,  and  brother,  would 
have  eagerly  embarked  on  board,  and  it  would  at  an}7  rate  have 
remained  a  little  while  in  port,  and  not  have  vanished  so  sud- 
denly and  mysteriously.1 

By  these  and  similar  delusions  Porras  succeeded  in  working 
upon  the  feelings  and  credulity  of  his  followers.  Fearful,  how- 
ever, that  they  might  yield  to  after  reflection,  and  to  further 
offers  from  the  admiral,  he  determined  to  involve  them  in  some 
act  of  violence  which  would  commit  them  beyond  all  hopes  of 
forgiveness.  He  marched  them,  therefore,  to  an  Indian  village 
called  Maima,2  about  a  quarter  of  a  league  from  the  ships,  in- 
tending to  plunder  the  stores  remaining  on  boavd  the  wreck, 
and  to  take  the  admiral  prisoner.8 

Columbus  had  notice  of  the  designs  of  the  rebels,  and  of  their 
approach.  Being  confined  by  his  infirmities,  he  sent  his  brother 
to  endeavor  with  mild  words  to  persuade  them  from  their  pur- 
pose, and  win  them  to  obedience ;  but  with  sufficient  force  to 
resist  any  violence.  The  Adelautado,  who  was  a  man  rather 
of  deeds  than  of  words,  took  with  him  fifty  followers,  men  of 
tried  resolution,  and  ready  to  fight  in  any  cause.  They  were 
well  armed  and  full  of  courage,  though  many  were  pale  and 
debilitated  from  recent  sickness,  and  from  long  confinement  to 
the  ships.  Arriving  on  the  side  of  a  hill,  within  a  bow-shot  of 
the  village,  the  Adelantado  discovered  the  rebels,  and  despatched 
the  same  two  messengers  to  treat  with  them,  who  had  already 
carried  them  the  offer  of  pardon.  Porras  and  his  fellow-leaders, 
however,  would  not  permit  them  to  approach.  They  confided 
in  the  superiority  of  their  numbers,  and  in  their  men  being,  for 
the  most  part,  hardy  sailors,  rendered  robust  and  vigorous  by 
the  roving  life  they  had  been  leading  in  the  forests  and  the 
open  air.  They  knew  that  many  of  those  who  were  with  the 
Adelantado  were  men  brought  up  in  a  softer  mode  of  life.  They 
pointed  to  their  pale  countenances,  and  persuaded  their  follow- 
ers that  they  were  mere  household  men,  fair-weather  troops, 
who  could  nevir  stand  before  them.  The}'  did  not  reflect  that, 
with  such  men,  pride  and  lofty  spirit  often  more  than  supply  the 
place  of  bodily  force,  and  they  forgot  that  their  adversaries  had 
the  incalculable  advantage  of  justice  alid  law  upon  their  side. 
Deluded  by  their  words,  their  followers  were  excited  to  a  tran- 


Hist,  del  Almirante,  cap.  106.     IMS  Casa«,  lib.  ii.  cap.  35. 

At  pre.ii.' nl  .Uainiiiee  I3ay.  •>  Hist,  del  Aliuirunte,  nbi  sup. 


558  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

sient  glow  of  courage,  and  brandishing  their  weapons,  refused 
to  listen  to  the  messengers. 

Six  of  the  stoutest  rebels  made  a  league  to  stand  by  one  an- 
other and  attack  the  Adelautado ;  for,  he  being  killed,  the  rest 
would  be  easily  defeated.  The  main  body  formed  themselves 
into  a  squadron,  drawing  their  swords  and  shaking  their  lances. 
They  did  not  wait  to  be  assailed,  but,  uttering  shouts  and  men- 
aces, rushed  upon  the  enemy.  They  were  so  well  received, 
however,  that  at  the  first  shock  four  or  five  were  killed,  most 
of  *hem  the  confederates  who  had  leagued  to  attack  the  Ade- 
lautado. The  latter,  with  his  own  hand  killed  Juan  Sanchez, 
the  same  powerful  mariner  who  had  carried  off  the  cacique 
Quibian ;  and  Juan  Barber  also,  who  had  first  drawn  a  sword 
against  the  admiral  in  this  rebellion.  The  Adelantado  with  his 
usual  vigor  and  courage  was  dealing  his  blows  about  him  in  the 
thickest  of  the  affray,  where  several  lay  killed  and  wounded, 
when  he  was  assailed  by  Francisco  de  Porras.  The  rebel  with 
a  blow  of  his  sword  cleft  the  buckler  of  Don  Bartholomew,  and 
wounded  the  hand  which  grasped  it.  The  sword  remained 
wedged  in  the  shield,  and  before  Porras  could  withdraw  it  the 
Adelautado  closed  upon  him,  grappled  him,  and,  being  assisted 
by  others,  after  a  severe  struggle  took  him  prisoner.1 

When  the  rebels  beheld  their  leader  a  captive,  their  transient 
courage  was  at  an  end,  and  they  fled  in  confusion.  The  Ade- 
lantado would  have  pursued  them,  but  was  persuaded  to  let 
them  escape  with  the  punishment  they  had  received;  especially 
as  it  was  necessary  to  guard  against  the  possibility  of  an  attack 
from  the  Indians. 

The  latter  had  taken  arms  and  drawn  up  in  battle  array, 
gazing  with  astonishment  at  this  fight  between  white  men,  but 
without  taking  part  on  either  side.  When  the  battle  was  over, 
they  approached  the  field,  gazing  upon  the  dead  bodies  of  the 
beings  they  had  once  fancied  immortal.  They  were  curious  in 
examining  the  wounds  made  by  the  Christian  weapons.  Among 
tha  wounded  insurgents  was  Pedro  Ledesma,  the  same  pilot 
who  so  bravely  swam  ashore  at  Veragua,  to  procure  tidings  of 
the  colony.  He  was  a  man  of  prodigious  muscular  force  and  a 
hoarse,  deep  voice.  As  the  Indians,  who  thought  him  dead, 
were  inspecting  the  wounds  with  which  he  was  literally  cov- 
ered, he  suddenly  uttered  an  ejaculation  in  his  tremendous 
voice,  at  the  sound  of  which  the  savages  fled  in  dismay.  This 
man,  having  fallen  into  a  cleft  or  ravine,  was  not  discovered  by 

1  Hist,  del  Aliuiraute,  cap.  107.     Las  Casao,  Iliot.  Intl.,  lib.  ii.  cap.  35. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  559 

the  white  men  until  the  dawning  of  the  following  day,  having 
remained  all  that  time  without  a  drop  of  water.  The  number 
and  severity  of  the  wounds  he  is  said  to  have  received  would 
seem  incredible,  but  they  are  mentioned  by  Fernando  Columbus, 
who  was  an  eye-witness,  and  by  Las  Casas,  who  had  the  account 
from  Ledesma  himself.  For  want  of  proper  remedies  his  wounds 
were  treated  in  the  roughest  manner,  yet,  through  the  aid  of  a 
vigorous  constitution,  he  completely  recovered.  Las  Casas  con- 
versed with  him  several  years  afterward  at  Seville,  when  he 
obtained  from  him  various  particulars  •concerning  this  voyage 
of  Columbus.  Some  few  days  after  this  conversation,  how- 
ever, he  heard  that  Ledesma  had  fallen  under  the  knife  of  an 
assassin.1 

The  Adelantado  returned  in  triumph  to  the  ships,  where  he 
was  received  by  the  admiral  in  the  most  affectionate  manner; 
thanking  him  as  his  deliverer.  He  brought  Porras  and  several 
of  his  followers  prisoners.  Of  his  own  party  only  two  had  been 
wounded  ;  himself  in  the  hand,  and  the  admiral's  steward,  who 
had  received  an  apparently  slight  wound  with  a  lance,  equal  to 
one  of  the  most  insignificant  of  those  with  which  Ledesma  was 
covered  ;  yet,  in  spite  of  careful  treatment,  he  died. 

On  the  next  day,  the  20th  of  May,  the  fugitives  sent  a  petition 
to  the  admiral,  signed  with  all  their  names,  in  which,  says  Las 
Casas,  they  confessed  all  their  misdeeds  and  cruelties,  and  evil 
intentions,  supplicating  the  admiral  to  have  pity  on  them  and 
pardon  them  for  their  rebellion,  for  which  God  had  already 
punished  them.  They  offered  to  return  to  their  obedience,  and 
to  serve  him  faithfully  in  future,  making  an  oath  to  that  effect 
upon  a  cross  and  a  missal,  accompanied  by  an  imprecation 
worthy  of  being  recorded :  "  They  hoped,  should  they  break 
their  oath,  that  no  priest  nor  other  Christian  might  ever  con- 
fess them  ;  that  repentance  might  be  of  no  avail ;  that  they 
might  be  deprived  of  the  hoi}*  sacraments  of  the  church ;  that 
at  their  death  they  might  receive  no  benefit  from  bulls  nor 
indulgences  ;  that  their  bodies  might  be  cast  out  into  the  fields, 
like  those  of  heretics  and  reuegadoes,  instead  of  being  buried 
in  holy  ground  ;  and  that  they  might  not  receive  absolution  from 
the  pope,  nor  from  cardinals,  nor  archbishops,  nor  bishops,  nor 
any  other  Christian  priests.''2  Such  were  the  awful  impreca- 
tions by  which  these  men  endeavored  to  add  validity  to  an  oath. 
The  worthlessness  of  a  man's  word  may  always  be  known  by 
the  extravagant  means  he  uses  to  enforce  it. 

1  Las  Casas,  llist.  lud.,  lib.  ii.  cap.  So.  *  Ibid.,  cap.  02. 


560  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

The  admiral  saw,  by  the  abject  nature  of  this  petition,  how 
completely  the  spirit  of  these  misguided  men  was  broken  ;  with 
his  wonted  magnanimity,  he  readily  granted  their  prayer,  and 
pardoned  their  offences  ;  but  on  one  condition,  that  their  ring- 
leader, Francisco  Porras,  should  remain  a  prisoner. 

As  it  was  difficult  to  maintain  so  many  persons  on  board  of 
the  ships,  and  as  quarrels  might  take  place  between  persons 
who  had  so  recently  been  at  blows,  Columbus  put  the  late  fol- 
lowers of  Porras  under  the  command  of  a  discreet  and  faithful 
man  ;  and  giving  in  his  charge  a  quantity  of  European  articles 
for  the  purpose  of  purchasing  food  of  the  natives,  directed  him 
to  forage  about  the  island  until  the  expected  vessels  should 
arrive. 

At  length,  after  a  long  year  of  alternate  hope  and  despon- 
dency, the  doubts  of  the  Spaniards  were  joyfully  dispelled  by 
the  sight  of  two  vessels  standing  into  the  harbor.  One  proved 
to  be  a  ship  hired  and  well  victualled,  at  the  expense  of  the 
admiral,  by  the  faithful  and  indefatigable  Diego  Mendez  ;  the 
other  had  been  subsequently  fitted  out  by  Ovando,  and  put 
under  the  command  of  Diego  de  Salcedo,  the  admiral's  agent 
employed  to  collect  his  rents  in  San  Domingo. 

The  long  neglect  of  Ovando  to  attend  to  the  relief  of  Colum- 
bus had,  it  seems,  roused  the  public  indignation,  insomuch  that 
animadversions  had  been  made  upon  his  conduct  even  in  the 
pulpits.  This  is  affirmed  by  Las  Casas,  who  was  at  San  Do- 
mingo at  the  time.  If  the  governor  had  really  entertained 
hopes  that,  during  the  delay  of  relief,  Columbus  might  perish 
in  the  island,  the  report  brought  back  by  Escobar  must  have 
completely  disappointed  him.  No  time  was  to  be  lost  if  he 
wished  to  claim  any  merit  in  his  deliverance,  or  to  avoid  the 
disgrace  of  having  totally  neglected  him.  He  exerted  himself, 
therefore,  at  the  eleventh  hour,  and  despatched  a  caravel  at 
the  same  time  with  the  ship  sent  by  Diego  Mendez.  The  latter 
having  faithfully  discharged  this  part  of  his  mission,  and  seen 
the  ships  depart,  proceeded  to  Spain  on  the  further  concerns  of 
the  admiral.1 


th 


1  Rome  brief  notice  of  the  further  fortunes  of  Diego  Mendez  may  be  interesting  to 

•    FMull*!*          \VliiMi     k'inir     li'i  •  r<]  i  IITI  nit     lii. 'it'll    /if     )(i^     t'-i  i  t  li  l'i  i  1     -iiTv),',.^      w.\'<     I  H  ii.il.i      In-     li.i 


•iiiiny  uiiiieiiooK  10  periorm.  ;\  rew  years  aitcrward.  wnen  inc  laud  Bucowueu  10 
the  office  of  his  father,  Mendez  reminded  him  of  the  promise,  but  Don  Diesjo  infoniied 
him  that  he  had  given  the  ollice  to  his  unele,  Don  Bartholomew;  he  assured  him,  how- 


BOOK    XVII. 


CHAPTER  I. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  OVANDO  IN  HISPANIOLA OPPRESSION  OF  THE 

NATIVES. 

[1503.] 

BEFORE  relating  the  return  of  Columbus  to  Hispaniola,  it  is 
proper  to  notice  some  of  the  principal  occurrences  which  took 
place  in  that  island  under  the  government  of  Ovando.  A  great 
crowd  of  adventurers  of  various  ranks  had  thronged  his  fleet  — 
eager  speculators,  credulous  dreamers,  and  broken-down  gentle- 
men of  desperate  fortunes ;  all  expecting  to  enrich  themselves 
suddenly  in  an  island  where  gold  was  to  be  picked  up  from  the 

ever,  that  he  should  receive  something  equivalent.  M"endez  shrewdly  replied,  that  the 
equivalent  had  belter  be  given  to  Don  Bartholomew,  and  the  office  to  himself,  according 
to  agreement.  The  promise,  however,  remained  unperformed,  and  Diego  Mendez  unre- 
warded, lie  was  afterward  engaged  on  voyages  of  discovery  in  vessels  of  his  own  but 
met  with  many  vicissitudes,  and  appears  to  have  died  in  impoverished  circumstances. 
His  last  will,  from  which  these  particulars  are  principally  gathered,  was  dated  in  Val- 
ladolid.  the  19th  of  June,  1536,  by  which  it  is  evident  he  must  have  been  in  the  prime  of 


•with  under  the  successors  of  Don  Diego. 

In  another  clause  of  his  will  he  desired  that  a  large  stone  should  be  placed  upon  his 
sepulchre,  on  which  should  be  engraved,  "  Here  lies  the  honorable  Cavalier  Diego  Mendez, 
who  served  greatly  the  royal  crown  of  Spain,  in  the  conquest  of  the  Indies,  with  the 
admiral  Don  Christopher  Columbus  of  glorious  memory,  who  made  the  discovery ;  and 
afterward  by  himself,  with  ships  at  his  own  cost.  He  died,  etc.,  etc.  Bestow  in  charity 
a  Paternoster,  and  an  Ave  Maria." 


queathed  his  library,  consisting  of   a  few  volumes,  which  accom- 
inderings  —  viz. :  "  The  Art  of  Holy  Dying,  by  Erasmus;  A  Sermon 


\Jt      I  II*J    1  'I  cull   Ul     .  I  t;<lllll.  lulU-Mf  ,    CIIIU   PC  VC1  rtl    UMIVI     PIJVJI  I    II  Cill  Jd*n.  I    Ul?v    l;  1 1 

acteristic  testament  is  iu  the  archives  of  the  Duke  of  Veragua  in  Madrid. 


562  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

surface  of  the  soil  or  gathered  from  the  mountain  brooks. 
They  had  scarcely  landed,  says  Las  Casas,  who  accompanied 
the  expedition,  when  the}7  all  hurried  off  to  the  mines,  about 
eight  leagues'  distance.  The  roads  swarmed  like  ant-hills,  with 
adventurers  of  all  classes.  Every  one  had  his  knapsack  stored 
with  biscuit  or  flour,  and  his  mining  implements  on  his  shoul- 
ders. Those  hidalgos,  or  gentlemen,  who  had  no  servants  to 
carry  their  burdens,  bore  them  on  their  own  backs,  and  lucky 
was  he  who  had  a  horse  for  the  journey  ;  he  would  be  able  to 
bring  back  the  greater  load  of  treasure.  They  all  set  out  in 
high  spirits,  eager  who  should  first  reach  the  golden  land  ;  think- 
ing they  had  but  to  arrive  at  the  mines  and  collect  riches  ;  "•  for 
the}7  fancied,"  says  Las  Casas,  "that  gold  was  to  be  gathered 
as  easily  and  readily  as  fruit  from  the  trees."  When  they 
arrived,  however,  they  discovered,  to  their  dismay,  that  it  was 
necessary  to  dig  painfully  into  the  bowels  of  the  earth  —  a  labor 
to  which  most  of  them  had  never  been  accustomed  ;  that  it  re- 
quired experience  and  sagacity  to  detect  the  veins  of  ore  ;  that, 
in  fact,  the  whole  process  of  mining  was  exceedingly  toilsome, 
demanded  vast  patience  and  much  experience,  and,  after  all, 
was  full  of  uncertainty.  They  digged  eagerly  for  a  time,  but 
found  no  ore.  '  They  grew  hungry,  threw  by  their  implements, 
sat  down  to  eat,  and  then  returned  to  work.  It  was  all  in  vain. 
"Their  labor,"  says  Las  Casas,  "gave  them  a  keen  appetite 
and  quick  digestion,  but  no  gold."  They  soon  consumed  their 
provisions,  exhausted  their  patience,  cursed  their  infatuation, 
and  in  eight  days  set  off  drearily  on  their  return  along  the  roads 
they  had  lately  trod  so  exultingly.  They  arrived  at  San  Do- 
mingo without  an  ounce  of  gold,  half-famished,  downcast,  and 
despairing.1  Such  is  too  often  the  case  of  those  who  ignorantly 
engage  in  mining  —  of  all  speculations  the  most  brilliant,  prom- 
ising, and  fallacious. 

Poverty  soon  fell  upon  these  misguided  men.  They  ex- 
hausted the  little  property  brought  from  Spain.  Many  suffered 
extremely  from  hunger,  and  were  obliged  to  exchange  even 
their  apparel  for  bread.  Some  formed  connections  with  the 
old  settlers  of  the  island  ;  but  the  greater  part  were  like  men 
lost  and  bewildered,  and  just  awakened  from  a  dream.  The 
miseries  of  the  mind,  as  usual,  heightened  the  sufferings  of  the 
body.  Some  wasted  away  and  died  broken-hearted ;  others 
were  hurried  off  by  raging  fevers,  so  that  there  soon  perished 
upward  of  a  thousand  men. 

*  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.,  lib.  ii.  cap.  6. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  668 

Ovando  was  reputed  a  man  of  great  prudence  and  sagacity, 
and  he  certainly  took  several  judicious  measures  for  the  regula- 
tion of  the  island  and  the  relief  of  the  colonists.  He  made  ar- 
rangements for  distributing  the  married  persons  and  the  families 
which  had  come  out  in  his  fleet,  iu  four  towns  in  the  interior, 
granting  them  important  privileges.  He  revived  the  drooping 
zeal  for  mining,  by  reducing  the  royal  share  of  the  product 
from  one-half  to  a  third,  and  shortly  after  to  a  fifth  ;  but  he 
empowered  the  Spaniards  to  avail  themselves,  in  the  most 
oppressive  manner,  of  the  labor  of  the  unhappy  natives  in 
working  the  mines.  The  charge  of  treating  the  natives  with 
severity  had  been  one  of  those  chiefly  urged  against  Columbus. 
It  is  proper,  therefore,  to  notice  in  this  respect  the  conduct  of 
his  successor,  a  man  chosen  for  his  prudence  and  his  supposed 
capacity  to  govern. 

It  will  be  recollected  that  when  Columbus  was  in  a  manner 
compelled  to  assign  lands  to  the  rebellious  followers  of  Fran- 
cisco Roldan,  in  1499,  he  had  made  an  arrangement  that  the 
caciques  in  their  vicinity  should,  iu  lieu  of  tribute,  furnish  a 
number  of  their  subjects  to  assist  them  in  cultivating  their 
estates.  This,  as  has  been  observed,  was  the  commencement 
of  the  disastrous  system  of  repartimientos,  or  distributions  of 
Indians.  When  Bobadilla  administered  the  government,  he 
constrained  the  caciques  to  furnish  a  certain  number  of  Indians 
to  each  Spaniard,  for  the  purpose  of  working  the  mines,  where 
they  were  employed  like  beasts  of  burden.  He  made  an  enu- 
meration of  the  natives,  to  prevent  evasion ;  reduced  them 
into  classes,  and  distributed  them  among  the  Spanish  inhabit- 
ants. The  enormous  oppressions  which  ensued  have  been 
noticed.  They  roused  the  indignation  of  Isabella ;  and  when 
Ovando  was  sent  out  to  supersede  Bobadilla,  in  1502,  the  natives 
were  pronounced  free  ;  they  immediately  refused  to  labor  in  the 
mines. 

Ovando  represented  to  the  Spanish  sovereigns,  in  1503,  that 
ruinous  consequences  resulted  to  the  colony  from  this  entire 
liberty  granted  to  the  Indians.  He  stated  that  the  tribute  could 
not  be  collected,  for  the  Indians  were  lazy  and  improvident ; 
that  they  could  only  be  kept  from  vices  and  irregularities  by 
occupation  :  that  they  now  kept  aloof  from  the  Spaniards,  and 
from  all  instruction  in  the  Christian  faith. 

The  last  representation  had  an  influence  with  Isabella,  and 
drew  a  letter  from  the  sovereigns  to  Ovando,  in  1503,  in  which 
he  was  ordered  to  spare  no  pains  to  attach  the  natives  to  the 
Spanish  nation  and  the  Catholic  religion.  To  make  them  labor 


564  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

moderately,  if  absolutely  essential  to  their  own  good ;  but  to 
temper  authority  with  persuasion  and  kindness.  To  pay  them 
regularly  and  fairly  for  their  labor,  and  to  have  them  instructed 
iu  religion  on  certain  days. 

Ovando  availed  himself  of  the  powers  given  him  by  this  let- 
ter to  their  fullest  extent.  He  assigned  to  each  Castilian  a 
certain  number  of  Indians,  according  to  the  quality  of  the  ap- 
plicant, the  nature  of  the  application,  or  his  own  pleasure.  It 
was  arranged  in  the  form  of  an  order  on  a  cacique  for  a  certain 
number  of  Indians,  who  were  to  be  paid  by  their  employer, 
and  instructed  in  the  Catholic  faith.  The  pay  was  so  small  as 
to  be  little  better  than  nominal ;  the  instruction  was  little  more 
than  the  mere  ceremoin'  of  baptism  ;  and  the  term  of  labor  was 
at  first  six  months,  and  then  eight  months  iu  the  year.  Under 
cover  of  this  hired  labor,  intended  for  the  good  both  of  their 
bodies  and  their  souls,  more  intolerable  toil  was  exacted  from 
them,  and  more  horrible  cruelties  were  inflicted,  than  in  the 
worst  days  of  Bobadilla.  They  were  separated  often  the  dis- 
tance of  several  days'  journey  from  their  wives  and  children, 
and  doomed  to  intolerable  labor  of  all  kinds,  extorted  by  the 
cruel  infliction  of  the  lash.  For  food  they  had  the  cassava 
bread,  an  unsubstantial  support  for  men  obliged  to  labor  ;  some- 
times a  scanty  portion  of  pork  was  distributed  among  a  great 
number  of  them,  scarce  a  mouthful  to  each.  When  the  Span- 
iards who  superintended  the  mines  were  at  their  repast,  says 
Las  Casas,  the  famished  Indians  scrambled  under  the  table,  like 
dogs,  for  any  bone  thrown  to  them.  After  they  had  gnawed 
and  sucked  it,  they  pounded  it  between  stones  and  mixed  it 
with  their  cassava  bread,  that  nothing  of  so  precious  a  morsel 
might  be  lost.  As  to  those  who  labored  in  the  fields,  they  never 
tasted  either  flesh  or  fish  ;  a  little  cassava  bread  and  a  few  roots 
were  their  support.  While  the  Spaniards  thus  withheld  the 
nourishment  necessary  to  sustain  their  health  and  strength,  they 
exacted  a  degree  of  lal>or  sufficient  to  break  down  the  most 
vigorous  man.  If  the  Indians  fled  from  this  incessant  toil  and 
barbarous  coercion,  and  took  refuge  in  the  mountains,  they 
were  hunted  out  like  wild  beasts,  scourged  in  the  most  inhuman 
manner,  and  laden  with  chains  to  prevent  a  second  escape. 
Many  perished  long  before  their  term  of  labor  had  expired. 
Those  who  survived  their  term  of  six  or  eight  months  were 
permitted  to  return  to  their  homes  until  the  next  term  com- 
menced. But  their  homes  were  often  forty,  sixty,  and  eighty 
leagues  distant.  They  had  nothing  to  sustain  them  through 
the  journey  but  a  few  roots  or  agi  peppers,  or  a  little  cassava 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  565 

bread.  Worn  clown  by  long  toil  and  cruel  hardships,  which 
their  feeble  constitutions  were  incapable  of  sustaining,  many 
had  not  strength  to  perform  the  journey,  but  sank  down  and 
died  b}-  the  way ;  some  by  the  side  of  a  brook,  others  under 
the  shade  of  a  tree,  where  they  had  crawled  for  shelter  from 
the  sun.  "  I  have  found  many  dead  in  the  road,"  says  Las 
Casas,  "  others  gasping  under  the  trees,  and  others  in  the  pangs 
of  death,  faintly  crying  Hunger!  hunger!"1  Those  who 
reached  their  homes  most  commonly  found  them  desolate. 
During  the  eight  months  they  had  been  absent,  their  wives  and 
children  had  either  perished  or  wandered  away  ;  the  fields  on 
which  they  depended  for  food  were  overrun  with  weeds,  and 
nothing  was  left  them  but  to  lie  down,  exhausted  and  despair- 
ing, and  die  at  the  threshold  of  their  habitations.4 

It  is  impossible  to  pursue  an\-  farther  the  picture  drawn  by 
the  venerable  Las  Casas,  not  of  what  he  had  heard,  but  of 
what  he  had  seen  ;  nature  and  humanity  revolt  at  the  details. 
Suffice  it  to  sa}-,  that,  so  intolerable  were  the  toils  and  suffer- 
ings inflicted  upon  this  weak  and  unoffending  race,  that  they 
sank  under  them,  dissolving,  as  it  were,  from  the  face  of  the 
earth.  Many  killed  themselves  in  despair,  and  even  mothers 
overcame  the  powerful  instinct  of  nature,  and  destroyed  tha 
infants  at  their  breasts,  to  spare  them  a  life  of  wretchedness. 
Twelve  years  had  not  elapsed  since  the  discovery  of  the  island, 
and  several  hundred  thousand  of  its  native  inhabitants  had 
perished,  miserable  victims  to  the  grasping  avarice  of  the  white 
men. 


CHAPTER  n. 

MASSACRE   AT   XARAGUA  —  FATE   OF   ANACAONA. 
[1503.] 

THE  sufferings  of  the  natives  under  the  civil  policy  of  Ovando 
have  been  briefly  shown  ;  it  remains  to  give  a  concise  view  of 
the  military  operations  of  this  commander,  so  lauded  by  cer- 
tain of  the  early  historians  for  his  prudence.  By  this  notice  a 
portion  of  the  eventful  history  of  this  island  will  be  recounted 
which  is  connected  with  the  fortunes  of  Columbus,  and  which 
comprises  the  thorough  subjugation,  and,  it  may  almost  be 
said,  extermination  of  the  native  inhabitants.  And  first,  we 

i  Las  Casaa,  Ilist.  lud.,  lib.  ii.  cap.  14,  MS.          *  Ibid.,  ubi  sup. 


566  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

must  treat  of  the  disasters  of  the  beautiful  province  of  Xara- 
gua,  the  seat  of  hospitality,  the  refuge  of  the  suffering  Span- 
iards ;  and  of  the  fate  of  the  female  cacique,  Auacaoua,  once 
the  pride  of  the  island,  and  the  generous  friend  of  white  men. 

Behechio,  the  ancient  cacique  of  this  province,  being  dead, 
Anacaoua,  his  sister,  had  succeeded  to  the  government.  The 
marked  partiality  which  she  once  manifested  for  the  Spaniards 
had  been  greatly  weakened  by  the  general  misery  they  had 
produced  in  her  country,  and  by  the  brutal  profligacy  exhibited 
in  her  immediate  dominions  by  the  followers  of  Roldan.  The 
unhappy  story  of  the  loves  of  her  beautiful  daughter  Higuena- 
mota,  with  the  young  Spaniard  Heruando  de  Guevara,  had  also 
caused  her  great  affliction  ;  and,  finally,  the  various  and  endur- 
ing hardships  inflicted  on  her  once  happy  subjects  by  the 
grinding  systems  of  labor  enforced  by  Bobadilla  and  Ovando, 
had  at  length,  it  is  said,  converted  her  friendship  into  absolute 
detestation. 

This  disgust  was  kept  alive  and  aggravated  by  the  Spaniards 
who  lived  in  her  immediate  neighborhood,  and  had  obtained 
grants  of  laud  there ;  a  remnant  of  the  rebel  faction  of  Roldan, 
who  retained  the  gross  licentiousness  and  open  profligacy  in 
which  they  had  been  indulged  under  the  loose  misrule  of  that 
commander,  and  who  made  themselves  odious  to  the  inferior 
caciques,  by  exacting  services  tyrannically  and  capriciously 
under  the  baneful  system  of  repartimientos. 

The  Indians  of  this  province  were  uniformly  represented  as  a 
more  intelligent,  polite,  and  generous-spirited  race  than  any 
others  of  the  islands.  They  were  the  more  prone  to  feel  and 
resent  the  overbearing  treatment  to  which  they  were  subjected. 
Quarrels  sometimes  took  place  between  the  caciques  and  their 
oppressors.  These  were  immediately  reported  to  the  governor 
as  dangerous  mutinies,  and  a  resistance  to  any  capricious  and 
extortionate  exaction  was  magnified  into  a  rebellious  resistance 
to  the  authority  of  government.  Complaints  of  this  kind  were 
continually  pouring  in  upon  Ovando,  until  he  was  persuaded 
by  some  alarmists,  or  some  designing  mischief-maker,  that  there 
was  a  deep-laid  conspiracy  among  the  Indians  of  this  province 
to  rise  upon  the  Spaniards. 

Ovando  immediately  set  out  for  Xaragua  at  the  head  of  three 
hundred  foot-soldiers,  armed  with  swords,  arquebuses,  and 
cross-bows,  and  seventy  horsemen,  with  cuirasses,  bucklers, 
and  lances.  He  pretended  that  he  was  going  on  a  mere  visit 
of  friendship  to  Anacaoua,  and  to  make  arrangements  about 
the  payment  of  tribute. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  567 

When  Anacaona  heard  of  the  intended  visit,  she  summoned 
all  her  tributary  caciques  and  principal  subjects,  to  assemble 
at  her  chief  town,  that  they  might  receive  the  commander  of 
the  .Spaniards  with  becoming  homage  and  distinction.  As 
Ovando,  at  the  head  of  his  little  army,  approached,  she  went 
forth  to  meet  him,  according  to  the  custom  of  her  nation, 
attended  by  a  great  train  of  her  most  distinguished  subjects, 
male  and  female ;  who,  as  has  been  before  observed,  were 
noted  for  superior  grace  and  beauty.  The}1  received  the  Span- 
iards with  their  popular  areytos,  their  national  songs ;  the 
young  women  waving  palm  branches  and  dancing  before  them, 
in  the  way  that  had  so  much  charmed  the  followers  of  the 
Adelautado,  on  his  first  visit  to  the  province. 

Auacaona  treated  the  governor  with  that  natural  gracious- 
ness  and  dignity  for  which  she  was  celebrated.  She  gave  him 
the  largest  house  in  the  place  for  his  residence,  and  his  people 
were  quartered  in  the  houses  adjoining.  For  several  days  the 
Spaniards  were  entertained  with  all  the  natural  luxuries  that 
the  province  afforded.  National  songs  and  dances  and  games 
were  performed  for  their  amusement,  and  there  was  every  out- 
ward demonstration  of  the  same  hospitality,  the  same  amity, 
that  Anacaona  had  uniformly  shown  to  white  men. 

Notwithstanding  all  this  kindness,  and  notwithstanding  her 
uniform  integrity  of  conduct  and  open  generosity  of  character, 
Ovando  was  persuaded  that  Anacaona  was  secretly  meditating 
a  massacre  of  himself  and  his  followers.  Historians  tell  us 
nothing  of  the  grounds  for  such  a  belief.  It  was  too  probably 
produced  by  the  misrepresentations  of  the  unprincipled  adven- 
turers who  infested  the  province.  Ovando  should  have  paused 
and  reflected  before  he  acted  upon  it.  He  should  have  consid- 
ered the  improbability  of  such  an  attempt  by  naked  Indians 
against  so  large  a  force  of  steel-clad  troops,  armed  with 
European  weapons ;  and  he  should  have  reflected  upon  the 
general  character  and  conduct  of  Anacaoua.  At  any  rate,  the 
example  set  repeatedly  by  Columbus  and  his  brother  the  Ade- 
lantado  should  have  convinced  him  that  it  was  a  sufficient  safe- 
guard against  the  machinations  of  the  natives,  to  seize  upon 
their  caciques  and  detain  them  as  hostages.  The  policy  of 
Ovando,  however,  was  of  a  more  rash  and  sanguinary  nature  ; 
he  acted  upon  suspicion  as  upon  conviction.  He  determined  to 
anticipate  the  alleged  plot  by  a  counter  artifice,  and  to  over- 
whelm this  defenceless  people  in  an  indiscriminate  and  bloody 
vengeance. 

As   the   Indians   had   entertained  their  guests  with  various 


508  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

national  games,  Ovando  invited  them  in  return  to  witness 
certain  games  of  his  country.  Among  these  was  a  tilting 
match  or  joust  with  reeds  ;  a  chivalrous  game  which  the  Span- 
iards had  learnt  from  the  Moors  of  Granada.  The  Spanish 
cavalry,  in  those  days,  were  as  remarkable  for  the  skilful 
management  as  for  the  ostentatious  caparison  of  their  horses. 
Among  the  troops  brought  out  from  Spain  by  Ovando,  one 
horseman  had  disciplined  his  horse  to  prance  and  curvet  in 
time  to  the  music  of  a  viol.1  The  joust  was  appointed  to  take 
place  of  a  Sunday  after  dinner,  in  the  public  square,  before  the 
house  where  Ovando  was  quartered.  The  cavalry  and  foot- 
soldiers  had  their  secret  instructions.  The  former  were  to 
parade,  not  merely  with  reeds  or  blunted  tilting-lauces,  but  with 
weapons  of  a  more  deadly  character.  The  foot-soldiers  were 
to  come  apparently  as  mere  spectators,  but  likewise  armed  and 
ready  for  action  at  a  concerted  signal. 

At  the  appointed  time  the  square  was  crowded  with  the 
Indians,  waiting  to  see  this  military  spectacle.  The  caciques 
were  assembled  in  the  house  of  Ovando,  which  looked  upon 
the  square.  None  were  armed ;  an  unreserved  confidence 
prevailed  among  them,  totally  incompatible  with  the  dark 
treachery  of  which  they  were  accused.  To  prevent  all  sus- 
picion, and  take  off  all  appearance  of  sinister  design,  Ovando, 
after  dinner,  was  playing  at  quoits  with  some  of  his  principal 
officers,  when  the  cavalry  having  arrived  in  the  square,  the 
caciques  begged  the  governor  to  order  the  joust  to  commence.2 
Anacaona,  and  her  beautiful  daughter  Higuenamota,  with  sev- 
eral of  her  female  attendants,  were  present  and  joined  in  the 
request. 

Ovando  left  his  game  and  came  forward  to  a  conspicuous 
place.  When  he  saw  that  every  thing  was  disposed  according 
to  his  orders,  he  gave  the  fatal  signal.  Some  say  it  was  by 
taking  hold  of  a  piece  of  gold  which  was  suspended  about  his 
neck  ; 3  others  by  laying  his  hand  on  the  cross  of  Alcantara, 
which  was  embroidered  on  his  habit.4  A  trumpet  was  imme- 
diately sounded.  The  house  in  which  Anacaona,  and  all  the 
principal  caciques  were  assembled  was  surrounded  by  soldiery, 
commanded  by  Diego  Valasquez  and  Rodrigo  Mexiatrillo,  and 
no  one  was  permitted  to  escape.  They  entered,  and  seizing 
upon  the  caciques,  bound  them  to  the  posts  which  supported 

i  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.,  lib.  ii.  cap.  9. 

1  Oviedo,  Cronica  de  las  Indias,  lib.  iii.  cap.  12. 

&  Las  C'asas,  Hist.  Ind.,  lib.  ii.  qap.  9. 

*  Charlevoix,  Hist.  Sau  Domingo,  lib.  xxiv.  p.  235. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  569 

the  roof.  Anacaona  was  led  forth  a  prisoner.  The  unhappy 
caciques  were  then  put  to  horrible  tortures,  until  some  of  them, 
in  the  extremity  of  anguish,  were  made  to  accuse  their  queen 
and  themselves  of  the  plot  with  which  they  were  charged. 
When  this  cruel  mockery  of  judicial  form  had  been  executed, 
instead  of  preserving  them  for  after-examination,  fire  was  set 
to  tlie  house,  and  all  the  caciques  perished  miserably  in  the 
flames. 

While  these  barbarities  were  practised  upon  the  chieftains, 
a  horrible  massacre  took  place  among  the  populace.  At  the 
signal  of  Ovando,  the  horsemen  rushed  into  the  midst  of  the 
naked  and  defenceless  throng,  trampling  them  under  the  hoofs 
of  their  steeds,  cutting  them  down  witli  their  swords,  and 
transfixing  them  with  their  spears.  No  mercy  was  shown  to 
age  or  sex  ;  it  was  a  savage  and  indiscriminate  butchery.  Now 
and  then  a  Spanish  horseman,  either  through  an  emotion  of 
pity  or  an  impulse  of  avarice,  caught  up  a  child,  to  bear  it  off 
in  safety,  but  it  was  barbarously  pierced  by  the  lances  of  his 
companions.  Humanity  turns  with  horror  from  such  atroci- 
ties, and  would  fain  discredit  them  ;  but  they  are  circumstan- 
tially and  still  more  minutely  recorded  by  the  venerable 
bishop  Las  Casas,  who  was  resident  in  the  island  at  the  time, 
and  conversant  with  the  principal  actors  in  this  tragedy.  He 
may  have  colored  the  picture  strongly,  in  his  usual  indignation 
when  the  wrongs  of  the  Indians  are  in  question  ;  yet,  from  all 
concurring  accounts,  and  from  many  precise  facts  which  speak 
for  themselves,  the  scene  must  have  been  most  sanguinary 
and  atrocious.  Oviedo,  who  is  loud  in  extolling  the  justice,  and 
devotion,  and  charity,  and  meekness  of  Ovando,  and  his  kind 
treatment  of  the  Indians,  and  who  visited  the  province  of 
Xaragna  a  few  years  afterward,  records  several  of  the  preced- 
ing circumstances ;  especially  the  cold-blooded  game  of  quoits 
played  by  the  governor  on  the  verge  of  such  a  horrible  scene, 
and  the  burning  of  the  caciques,  to  the  number,  he  says,  of 
more  than  forty.  Diego  Mendez,  who  was  at  Xaragua  at  the 
time,  and  doubtless  present  on  such  an  important  occasion, 
says  incidentally,  in  his  last  will  and  testament,  that  there  were 
eighty-four  caciques  either  burnt  or  hanged.1  Las  Casas  says 
that  there  were  eighty  who  entered  the  house  with  Anacaona. 
The  slaughter  of  the  multitude  must  have  been  great ;  and  this 
was  inflicted  on  an  unarmed  and  unresisting  throng.  Several 
who  escaped  from  the  massacre  fled  in  their  canoes  to  an  island 

1  Relacioij  becba  por  Don  Diego  Mendez.    Xavarrtte  Col.,  torn.  i.  p.  314. 


570  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

about  eight  leagues  distant,  called  Guanabo.  They  were  pur- 
sued and  taken,  and  condemned  to  slavery. 

As  to  the  princess  Anacaona,  she  was  carried  in  chains  to 
San  Domingo.  The  mockery  of  a  trial  was  given  her,  in  which 
she  was  found  guilty  on  the  confessions  wrung  by  tortures  from 
her  subjects,  and  on  the  testimony  of  their  butchers ;  and  she 
was  ignominionsly  hanged  in  the  presence  of  the  people  whom 
she  had  so  long  and  so  signally  befriended.1  Oviedo  has  sought 
to  throw  a  stigma  on  the  character  of  this  unfortunate  princess, 
accusing  her  of  great  licentiousness  ;  but  he  was  prone  to  crimi- 
nate the  character  of  the  native  princes,  who  fell  victims  to  the 
ingratitude  and  injustice  of  his  countrymen.  Contemporary 
writers  of  great  authority  have  concurred  in  representing  Ana- 
caona as  remarkable  for  her  native  propriety  and  dignity.  She 
was  adored  by  her  subjects,  so  as  to  hold  a  kind  of  dominion 
over  them  even  during  the  lifetime  of  her  brother ;  she  is  said 
to  have  been  skilled  in  composing  the  areytos,  or  legendary 
ballads  of  her  nation,  and  may  have  conduced  much  toward 
producing  that  superior  degree  of  refinement  remarked  among 
her  people.  Her  grace  and  beauty  had  made  her  renowned 
throughout  the  island,  and  had  excited  the  admiration  both  of 
the  savage  and  the  Spaniard.  Her  magnanimous  spirit  was 
evinced  in  her  amicable  treatment  of  the  white  men,  although 
her  husband,  the  brave  Caonabo,  had  perished  a  prisoner  in 
their  hands ;  and  defenceless  parties  of  them  had  been  repeat- 
edly in  her  power,  and  lived  at  large  in  her  dominions.  After 
having  for  several  years  neglected  all  safe  opportunities  of  ven- 
geance, she  fell  a  victim  to  the  absurd  charge  of  having  con- 
spired against  an  armed  body  of  nearly  four  hundred  men, 
seventy  of  them  horsemen  ;  a  force  sufficient  to  have  subjugated 
large  armies  of  naked  Indians. 

After  the  massacre  of  Xaragna  the  destruction  of  its  inhab- 
itants still  continued.  The  favorite  nephew  of  Anacaona,  the 
cacique  Guaora,  who  had  fled  to  the  mountains,  was  hunted 
like  a  wild  beast,  until  he  was  taken,  and  likewise  hanged.  For 
six  months  the  Spaniards  continued  ravaging  the  country  with 
horse  and  foot,  under  pretext  of  quelling  insurrections ;  for, 
wherever  the  affrighted  natives  took  refuge  in  their  despair, 
herding  in  dismal  caverns  and  in  the  fastnesses  of  the  moun- 
tains, they  were  represented  as  assembling  in  arms  to  make  a 
head  of  rebellion.  Having  at  length  hunted  them  out  of  their 
retreats,  destroyed  many,  and  reduced  the  survivors  to  the  most 

1  Oviedo,  Cronica  de  las  Indias,  lib.  Hi.  cap  12.    Las  Caeas,  Hist.  Ind.,  lib.  ii.  cap.  9. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  571 

deplorable  misery  and  abject  submission,  the  whole  of  that  part 
of  the  island  was  considered  as  restored  to  good  order ;  and  in 
commemoration  of  this  great  triumph  Ovando  founded  a  town 
near  to  the  lake,  which  he  called  Santa  Maria  de  la  Verdadera 
Paz  (St.  Mary  of  the  True  Peace).1 

Such  is  the  tragical  history  of  the  delightful  region  of  Xara- 
gua,  and  of  its  amiable  and  hospitable  people.  A  place  which 
the  Europeans,  by  their  own  account,  found  a  perfect  paradise, 
but  which,  by  their  vile  passions,  they  filled  with  horror  aud 
desolation. 


CHAPTER  III. 

WAR   WITH   THE   NATIVES   OF   HIGUEY. 
[1504.] 

THE  subjugation  of  four  of  the  Indian  sovereignties  of  His- 
pauiola,  and  the  disastrous  fate  of  their  caciques,  have  been 
already  related.  Under  the  administration  of  Ovando  was  also 
accomplished  the  downfall  of  Higuey,  the  last  of  those  inde- 
pendent districts ;  a  fertile  province  which  comprised  the  east- 
ern extremity  of  the  island. 

The  people  of  Higuey  were  of  a  more  warlike  spirit  than 
those  of  the  other  provinces,  having  learned  the  effectual  use 
of  their  weapons,  from  frequent  contests  with  their  Carib  in- 
vaders. They  were  governed  by  a  cacique  named  Cotabana- 
m  a.  Las  Casas  describes  this  chieftain  from  actual  observa- 
tion, and  draws  the  picture  of  a  native  hero.  He  was,  he  says, 
the  strongest  of  his  tribe,  and  more  perfectly  formed  than  one 
man  in  a  thousand,  of  any  nation  whatever.  He  was  taller  in 
stature  than  the  tallest  of  his  countrymen,  a  yard  in  breadth 
from  shoulder  to  shoulder,  and  the  rest  of  -his  body  in  admira- 
ble proportion.  His  aspect  was  not  handsome,  but  grave  and 
courageous.  His  bow  was  not  easily  bent  by  a  common  man  ; 
his  arrows  were  three  pronged,  tipped  with  the  bones  of  fishes, 
and  his  weapons  appeared  to  be  intended  for  a  giant.  In  a 
word,  he  was  so  nobly  proportioned  as  to  be  the  admiration 
even  of  the  Spaniards. 

While  Columbus  was  engaged  in  his  fourth  voyage,  and 
shortly  after  the  accession  of  Ovaudo  to  office,  there  was  au 

1  Oviedo,  Crouica  de  laa  Indian,  lib.  iii.  cap.  12. 


572  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

insurrection  of  this  cacique  and  his  people.  A  shallop,  with 
eight  Spaniards,  was  surprised  at  the  small  island  of  Saoua, 
adjacent  to  Higuey,  and  all  the  crew  slaughtered.  This  was 
iu  revenge  for  the  death  of  a  cacique,  torn  to  pieces  by  a  dog 
wantonly  set  upon  him  by  a  Spaniard,  and  for  which  the  natives 
had  in  vain  sued  for  redress. 

Ovando  immediately  despatched  Juan  de  Esquibel,  a  cour- 
ageous officer,  at  the  head  of  four  hundred  men,  to  quell  the 
insurrection  and  punish  the  massacre.  Cotabanama  assembled 
his  warriors,  and  prepared  for  vigorous  resistance,  Distrustful 
of  the  mercy  of  the  Spaniards,  the  chieftain  rejected  all  over- 
tures- of  peace,  and  the  war  was  prosecuted  with  some  advan- 
tage to  the  natives.  The  Indians  had  now  overcome  their 
superstitious  awe  of  the  white  men  as  supernatural  beings,  and 
though  they  could  ill  withstand  the  superiority  of  European 
arms,  the}'  manifested  a  courage  and  dexterity  that  rendered 
them  enemies  not  to  be  despised.  Las  Casas  and  other  his- 
torians relate  a  bold  and  romantic  encounter  between  a  single 
Indian  and  two  mounted  cavaliers  named  Valteuebro  and  Porte- 
vedra,  in  which  the  Indian,  though  pierced  through  the  body  by 
the  lances  and  swords  of  both  his  assailants,  retained  his  lierce- 
ness,  and  continued  the  combat  until  he  fell  dead  in  the  possess- 
ion of  all  their  weapons.1  This  gallant  action,  says  Las  Casas, 
was  public  and  notorious. 

The  Indians  were  soon  defeated  and  driven  to  their  mountain 
retreats.  The  Spaniards  pursued  them  into  their  recesses,  dis- 
covered their  wives  and  children,  wreaked  on  them  the  most 
indiscriminate  slaughter,  and  committed  their  chieftains  to  the 
flames.  An  aged  female  cacique  of  great  distinction,  named 
Higuanama,  being  taken  prisoner,  was  hanged. 

A  detachment  was  sent  in  a  caravel  to  the  island  of  Saona, 
to  take  particular  vengeance  for  the  destruction  of  the  shallop 
and  its  crew.  The  natives  made  a  desperate  defence  and  fled. 
The  island  was  mountainous  and  full  of  caverns,  in  which  the 
Indians  vainly  sought  for  refuge.  Six  or  seven  hundred  were 
imprisoned  in  a  dwelling,  and  all  put  to  the  sword  or  poniarded. 
Those  of  the  inhabitants  who  were  spared  were  earned  off  as 
slaves,  and  the  island  was  left  desolate  and  deserted. 

The  natives  of  Higuey  were  driven  to  despair,  seeing  that 
there  was  no  escape  for  them  even  in  the  bowels  of  the  earth  ; 2 
they  sued  for  peace,  which  was  granted  them,  and  protection 
promised  on  condition  of  their  cultivating  a  large  tract  of  land, 

»  Las  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.,  lib.  ii.  cap.  9.  *  Ibid.,  ubi  sup. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  573 

and  paying  a  great  quantity  of  bread  in  tribute.  The  peace 
being  concluded,  Cotabanaraa  visited  the  Spanish  camp,  where 
bis  gigantic  proportions  and  martial  demeanor  made  him  an 
object  of  curiosity  and  admiration.  He  was  received  with 
groat  distinction  by  Esquibel,  and  they  exchanged  names,  an 
Indian  league  of  fraternity  and  perpetual  friendship.  The 
natives  thenceforward  called  the  cacique  Juan  de  Esquibel,  and 
the  Spanish  commander  Cotabanama.  Esquibel  then  built  a 
wooden  fortress  in  an  Indian  village  near  the  sea,  and  left  in  it 
nine  men,  with  a  captain,  named  Martin  de  Villaman.  After 
this  the  troops  dispersed,  every  man  returning  home,  with  his 
proportion  of  slaves  gained  in  this  expedition. 

The  pacification  was  not  of  long  continuance.  About  the  time 
that  succors  were  sent  to  Columbus,  to  rescue  him  from  the 
wrecks  of  his  vessels  at  Jamaica,  a  new  revolt  broke  out  in 
lliguey,  in  consequence  of  the  oppressions  of  the  Spaniards,  and 
a  violation  of  the  treaty  made  by  Esquibel.  Martin  dc  Villa- 
man demanded  that  the  natives  should  not  only  raise  the 
grain  stipulated  for  by  the  treaty,  but  convey  it  to  San  Do- 
mingo, and  he  treated  them  with  the  greatest  severity  on 
their  refusal.  He  connived  also  at  the  licentious  conduct  of 
his  men  toward  the  Indian  women  ;  the  Spaniards  often  taking 
from  the  natives  their  daughters  and  sisters,  and  even  their 
wives.1  The  Indians,  roused  at  last  to  fury,  rose  on  their 
tyrants,  slaughtered  them,  and  burnt  their  wooden  fortress  to 
the  ground.  Only  one  of  the  Spaniards  escaped,  and  bore  the 
tidings  of  this  catastrophe  to  the  city  of  San  Domingo. 

Ovando  gave  immediate  orders  to  carry  fire  and  sword 
into  the  province  of  Higuey.  The  Spanish  troops  mustered 
from  various  quarters  on  the  confines  of  that  province,  when 
Juan  de  Esquibel  took  the  command,  and  had  a  great  number 
of  Indians  with  him  as  allies.  The  towns  of  Higuey  were 
generally  built  among  the  mountains.  Those  mountains  rose 
in  terraces  from  ten  to  fifteen  leagues  in  length  and  breadth  ; 
rough  and  rocky,  interspersed  with  glens  of  a  red  soil,  remark- 
ably fertile,  where  they  raised  their  cassava  bread.  The  ascent 
from  terrace  to  terrace  was  about  fifty  feet ;  steep  and  precipi- 
tous, formed  of  the  living  rock,  and  resembling  a  wall  wrought 
with  tools  into  rough  diamond  points.  Each  village  had  four 
wide  streets,  a  stone's  throw  in  length,  forming  a  cross,  the 
trees  being  cleared  away  from  them,  and  from  a  public  square 
in  the  centre. 

1  Las  Casas,  ubi  sup. 


574  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMIiUS. 

When  the  Spanish  troops  arrived  on  the  frontiers,  alarm  fires 
along  the  mountains  and  columns  of  smoke  spread  the  intelli- 
gence by  night  and  day.  The  old  men,  the  women,  and  children, 
were  sent  off  to  the  forests  and  caverns,  and  the  warriors  pre- 
pared for  battle.  The  Castilians  paused  in  one  of  the  plains 
clear  of  forests,  where  their  horses  could  be  of  use.  They 
made  prisoners  of  several  of  the  natives,  and  tried  to  learn 
from  them  the  plans  and  forces  of  the  enemy.  They  applied 
tortures  for  the  purpose,  but  in  vain,  so  devoted  was  the 
loyalty  of  these  people  to  their  caciques.  The  Spaniards  pene- 
trated into  the  interior.  They  found  the  warriors  of  several 
towns  assembled  in  one,  and  drawn  up  in  the  streets  with  their 
bows  and  arrows,  but  perfectly  naked,  and  without  defensive 
armor.  They  uttered  tremendous  yells,  and  discharged  a 
shower  of  arrows  ;  but  from  such  a  distance  that  they  fell  short 
of  their  foe.  The  Spaniards  replied  with  their  cross-bows,  and 
with  two  or  three  arquebuses,  for  at  this  time  they  had  but 
few  fire-arms.  When  the  Indians  saw  several  of  their  com- 
rades fall  dead,  they  took  to  flight,  rarely  waiting  for  the 
attack  with  swords ;  some  of  the  wounded,  in  whose  bodies 
the  arrows  from  the  cross-bows  had  penetrated  to  the  very 
feather,  drew  them  out  with  their  hands,  broke  them  with  their 
teeth,  and  hurling  them  at  the  Spaniards  with  impotent  fury, 
fell  dead  uix>n  the  sjXDt. 

The  whole  force  of  the  Indians  was  routed  and  dispersed ; 
each  family,  or  baud  of  neighbors,  fled  in  its  own  direction, 
and  concealed  itself  in  the  fastness  of  the  mountains.  The 
Spaniards  pursued  them,  but  found  the  chase  difficult  amid 
the  close  forests,  and  the  broken  and  stony  heights.  They 
took  several  prisoners  as  guides,  and  inflicted  incredible  tor- 
ments on  them,  to  compel  them  to  betray  their  countrymen. 
They  drove  them  before  them,  secured  by  cords  fastened 
round  their  necks ;  and  some  of  them,  as  they  passed  along 
the  brinks  of  precipices,  suddenly  threw  themselves  headlong 
down,  iu  hopes  of  dragging  after  them  the  Spaniards.  When 
at  length  the  pursuers  came  upon  the  unhappy  Indians  in  their 
concealments,  they  spared  neither  age  nor  sex ;  even  pregnant 
women,  and  mothers  with  infants  in  their  arms,  fell  beneath 
their  merciless  swords.  The  cold-blooded  acts  of  cruelty  which 
followed  this  first  slaughter  would  be  shocking  to  relate. 

Hence  Ksquibel  inarched  to  attack  the  town  where  Cota- 
banama  resided,  and  where  that  cacique  had  collected  a  great 
force  to  resist  him.  He  proceeded  direct  for  the  place  along 
the  seacoast,  and  came  to  where  two  roads  led  up  the  mountain 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  575 

to  the  town.  One  of  the  roads  was  open  and  inviting ;  the 
branches  of  the  trees  being  lopped,  and  all  the  underwood 
cleared  away.  Here  the  Indians  had  stationed  an  ambuscade 
to  take  the  Spaniards  in  the  rear.  The  other  road  was  almost 
closed  up  by  trees  and  bushes  cut  down  and  thrown  across 
each  other.  Ksquibel  was  wary  and  distrustful ;  he  suspected 
the  stratagem,  and  chose  the  encumbered  road.  The  town  was 
about  a  league  and  a  half  from  the  sea.  The  Spaniards  made 
tlu-ir  way  with  great  difficulty  for  the  first  half  league.  The 
rest  of  the  road  was  free  from  all  embarrassment,  which  con- 
firmed their  suspicion  of  a  stratagem.  They  now  advanced 
with  great  rapidity,  and,  having  arrived  near  the  village,  sud-. 
dcnly  turned  into  the  other  road,  took  the  party  in  arnbush  by 
surprise,  and  made  great  havoc  among  them  with  their  cross- 
bows. 

The  warriors  now  sallied  from  their  concealment,  others 
rushed  out  of  the  houses  into  the  streets,  and  discharged 
h"ights  of  arrows,  but  from  such  a  distance  as  generally  to  fall 
harmless.  They  then  approached  nearer,  and  hurled  stones 
with  their  hands,  being  unacquainted  with  the  use  of  slings. 
Instead  of  being  dismayed  at  seeing  their  companions  fall,  it 
rather  increased  their  fury.  An  irregular  battle,  probably 
little  else  than  wild  skirmishing  and  bush-fighting,  was  kept 
up  from  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  until  night.  Las  Casas 
was  present  on  the  occasion,  and,  from  his  account,  the  Indians 
must  have  shown  instances  of  great  personal  bravery,  though 
the  inferiority  of  their  weapons,  and  the  want  of  all  defensive 
armor,  rendered  their  valor  totally  ineffectual.  As  the  even- 
ing shut  in,  their  hostilities  gradually  ceased,  and  they  dis- 
appeared in  the  profound  gloom  and  closed  thickets  of  the 
surrounding  forest.  A  deep  silence  succeeded  to  their  yells 
and  war-whoops,  and  throughout  the  night  the  Spaniards  re- 
mained in  undisturbed  possession  of  the  village. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

CLOSE   OF   THE    WAR   WITH    IIIGUEY  —  FATE    OF   COTABANAMA. 

(1504.] 

ONT  the  morning  after  the  battle  not  an  Indian  was  to  be  seen. 
Finding  that  even  their  great  chief,  Cotabanama,  was  incapable 
of  vying  with  the  prowess  of  the  white  men,  they  had  given  up 


576  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

the  contest  in  despair,  and  fled  to  the  mountains,  The  Span- 
iards, separating  into  small  parties,  hunted  them  with  the  utmost 
diligence  ;  their  object  was  to  seize  the  caciques,  and,  above  all, 
Cotabanama.  They  explored  all  the  glens  and  concealed  paths 
leading  into  the  wild  recesses  where  the  fugitives  had  taken 
refuge.  The  Indians  were  cautions  and  stealthy  in  their  mod;; 
of  retreating,  treading  in  each  other's  footprints,  so  that  twenty 
would  make  no  more  track  than  one,  and  stepping  so  lightly  as 
scarce  to  disturb  the  herbage ;  yet  there  were  Spaniards  so 
skilled  in  hunting  Indians  that  they  could  trace  them  even  by 
the  turn  of  a  withered  leaf,  aud  among  the  confused  tracks  of  a 
thousand  animals. 

They  could  scent  afar  off  also  the  smoke  of  the  fires  which 
the  Indians  made  whenever  they  halted,  aud  thus  they  would 
come  upon  them  in  their  most  secret  haunts.  Sometimes  they 
would  hunt  down  a  straggling  Indian,  and  compel  him,  by  tor- 
ments, to  betray  the  hiding-place  of  his  companions,  binding 
him,  and  driving  him  before  them  as  a  guide.  Wherever  they 
discovered  one  of  these  places  of  refuge,  filled  with  the  aged 
and  the  infirm,  with  feeble  women  and  helpless  children,  they 
massacred  them  without  mere}7.  They  wished  to  inspire  terror 
throughout  the  land,  and  to  frighten  the  whole  tribe  into  sub- 
mission. They  cut  off  the  hands  of  those  whom  they  took 
roving  at  large,  and  sent  them,  as  they  said,  to  deliver  them  as 
letters  to  their  friends,  demanding  their  surrender.  Number- 
less were  those,  says  Las  Casas,  whose  hands  were  amputated 
in  this  manner,  and  many  of  them  sank  down  and  died  by  the 
way,  through  anguish  and  loss  of  blood. 

The  conquerors  delighted  in  exercising  strange  and  ingenious 
cruelties.  They  mingled  horrible  levity  with  their  blood-thirsti- 
ness. They  erected  gibbets  long  and  low,  so  that  the  feet  of 
the  sufferers  might  reach  the  ground,  and  their  death  be  linger- 
ing. They  hanged  thirteen  together,  in  reverence,  says  the 
indignant  Las  Casas,  of  our  blessed  Saviour  aud  the  twelve 
apostles.  While  their  victims  were  suspended,  and  still  living, 
they  hacked  them  with  their  swords,  to  prove  the  strength  of 
their  arms  and  the  edge  of  their  weapons.  They  wrapped 
them  in  dry  straw,  and  setting  fire  to  it  terminated  their  exist- 
ence by  the  fiercest  agony. 

These  are  horrible  details,  yet  a  veil  is  drawn  over  others  still 
more  detestable.  They  are  related  circumstantially  by  Las 
Casas,  who  was  an  eye-witness.  He  was  young  at  the  time, 
but  records  them  in  his  advanced  years.  "  All  these  things," 
said  the  venerable  bishop,  4i  and  others  revolting  to  human 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUM Ill's.  577 

nature,  did  my  own  eyes  behold ;  and  now  I  almost  fear  to 
repeat  them,  scarce  believing  myself,  or  whether  I  have  not 
dreamt  them."  1 

These  details  would  have  been  withheld  from  the  present 
work  as  disgraceful  to  human  nature,  and  from  an  unwilling- 
ness (o  advance  any  thing  which  might  conve}r  a  stigma  upon  a 
brave  and  generous  nation.  But  it  would  be  a  departure  from 
historical  veracity,  having  the  documents  before  my  eyes,  to 
pass  silently  over  transactions  so  atrocious,  and  vouched  for 
by  witnesses  beyond  all  suspicion  of  falsehood.  Such  occur- 
rences show  the  extremity  to  which  human  cruelty  may  extend, 
when  stimulated  by  avidity  of  gain,  by  a  thirst  of  vengeance,  or 
even  by  a  perveted  zeal  in  the  holy  cause  of  religion.  Every 
nation  has  in  turn  furnished  proofs  of  this  disgraceful  truth. 
As  in  the  present  instance,  they  are  commonly  the  crimes  of 
individuals  rather  than  of  the  nation.  Yet  it  behooves  govern- 
ments to  keep  a  vigilant  eye  upon  those  to  whom  they  delegate 
power  in  remote  and  helpless  colonies.  It  is  the  imperious 
duty  of  the  historian  to  place  these  matters  upon  record,  that 
they  may  serve  as  warning  beacons  to  future  generations. 

Juan  de  Ksquibel  found  that,  with  all  his  severities,  it  would 
be  impossible  to  subjugate  the  tribe  of  Higuey  as  long  as  the 
cacique  Cotabanama  was  at  large.  That  chieftain  had  retired 
to  the  little  island  of  Saona,  about  two  leagues  from  Hie  coast 
of  Higuey,  in  the  centre  of  which,  amid  a  labyrinth  of  rocks 
and  forests,  he  had  taken  shelter,  with  his  wife  and  children, 
in  a  vast  cavern. 

A  caravel,  recently  arrived  from  the  city  of  San  Domingo 
with  supplies  for  the  camp,  was  employed  by  Ksquibel  to  entrap 
the  cacique.  He  knew  that  the  latter  kept  a  vigilant  look-out, 
•tattooing  scouts  upon  the  lofty  rocks  of  his  island  to  watch 
the  movements  of  the  caravel.  Esquibel  departed  by  night, 
therefore,  in  the  vessel,  with  fifty  followers,  and  keeping  under 
the  deep  shadows  cast  by  the  land,  ai  rived  at  Saona  unper- 
ceived,  at  the  dawn  of  morning.  Here  he  anchored  close  in 
with  the  shore,  hid  by  its  cliffs  and  forests,  and  landed  forty 
men,  before  the  spies  of  Cotabanama  had  taken  their  station. 
Two  of  these  were  surprised  and  brought  to  Esquibel,  who, 
having  learnt  from  them  that  the  cacique  was  at  hand,  poniarded 
one  of  the  spies,  and  bound  the  other,  making  him  serve  as 
guide. 

A  number  of  Spaniards  ran  in  advance,  each  anxious  to  sig- 

1  Las  Curias,  lib.  ii.  cap.  17,  MS. 


578  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

nalize  himself  by  the  capture  of  the  cacique.  They  came  to 
two  roads,  and  the  whole  party  pursued  that  to  the  right, 
excepting  one  Juan  Lopez,  a  powerful  man,  skilful  in  Indian 
warfare.  He  proceeded  in  a  foot-path  to  the  left,  winding 
among  little  hills,  so  thickly  wooded  that  it  was  impossible  to 
see  any  one  at  a  distance  of  half  a  how-shot.  Suddenly,  in  a 
narrow  pass,  overshadowed  by  rocks  and  trees,  he  encountered 
twelve  Indian  warriors,  armed  with  bows  and  arrows,  and  fol- 
lowing each  other  in  single  file  according  to  their  custom. 
The  Indians  were  confounded  at  the  sight  of  Lopez,  imagining 
that  there  must  be  a  party  of  soldiers  behind  him.  They 
might  readily  have  transfixed  him  with  their  arrows,  but  they 
had  lost  all  presence  of  mind.  He  demanded  their  chieftain. 
The}'  replied  that  he  was  behind,  and  opening  to  let  him  pass, 
Lopez  beheld  the  cacique  in  the  rear.  At  sight  of  the  Spaniard 
Cotabanama  bent  his  gigantic  bow,  and  was  on  the  point  of 
launching  one  of  his  three-pronged  arrows,  but  Lopez  rushed 
upon  him  and  wounded  him  with  his  sword.  The  other 
Indians,  struck  with  panic,  had  already  fled.  Cotabanama, 
dismayed  at  the  keenness  of  the  sword,  cried  out  that  he  was 
Juan  de  Esquibel,  claiming  respect  as  having  exchanged  names 
with  the  Spanish  commander.  Lopez' seized  him  with  one  hand 
by  the  hair,  and  with  the  other  aimed  a  thrust  at  his  body  ;  but 
the  cacique  struck  down  the  sword  with  his  hand,  and,  grap- 
pling with  his  antagonist,  threw  him  with  his  back  upon  the 
rocks.  As  they  were  both  men  of  great  power,  the  struggle 
was  long  and  violent.  The  sword  was  beneath  them,  but 
Cotabanama,  seizing  the  Spaniard  by  the  throat  with  his  mighty 
hand,  attempted  to  strangle  him.  The  sound  of  the  contest 
brought  the  other  Spaniards  to  the  spot.  They  found  their 
companion  writhing  and  gasping,  and  almost  dead,  in  the  gripe 
of  the  gigantic  Indian.  They  seized  the  cacique,  bound  him, 
and  carried  him  captive  to  a  deserted  Indian  village  in  the 
vicinity.  They  found  the  way  to  his  secret  cave,  but  his  wife 
and  children  having  received  notice  of  his  capture  by  the 
fugitive  Indians,  had  taken  refuge  in  another  part  of  the 
island.  In  the  cavern  was  found  the  chain  with  which  a  num- 
ber of  Indian  captives  had  been  bound,  who  had  risen  upon 
and  slain  three  Spaniards  who  had  them  in  charge,  and  had 
made  their  escape  to  this  island.  There  were  also  the  swords 
of  the  same  Spaniards,  which  they  had  brought  off  as  trophies 
to  their  cacique.  The  chain  was  now  employed  to  manacle 
Cotabanama. 

The  Spaniards  prepared  to  execute  the  chieftain  on  the  spot, 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  579 

in  the  centre  of  the  deserted  village.  For  this  purpose  a  pyre 
was  built  of  logs  of  wood  laid  crossvvays,  in  form  of  a  gridiron, 
on  which  he  was  to  be  slowly  broiled  to  death.  On  further 
consultation,  however,  they  were  induced  to  forego  the  pleasure 
of  this  horrible  sacrifice.  Perhaps  they  thought  the  cacique 
too  important  a  personage  to  be  executed  thus  obscurely. 
Granting  him,  therefore,  a  transient  reprieve,  they  conveyed 
him  to  the  caravel  and  sent  him,  bound  with  heavy  chains,  to 
San  Domingo.  Ovando  saw  him  in  his  power,  and  incapable  of 
doing  further  harm  ;  but  he  had  not  the  magnanimity  to  forgive 
a  fallen  enem}-,  whose  only  crime  was  the  defence  of  his  native 
soil  and  lawful  territory.  He  ordered  him  to  be  publicly  hanged 
like  a  common  culprit.1  In  this  ignominious  manner  was  the 
cacique  Cotabanama  executed,  the  last  of  the  five  sovereign 
princes  of  Hayti.  His  death  was  followed  by  the  complete 
subjugation  of  his  people,  and  sealed  the  last  struggle  of  the 
natives  against  their  oppressoi-s.  The  island  was  almost  un- 
peopled of  its  original  inhabitants,  and  meek  and  mournful 
submission  and  mute  despair  settled  upou  the  scanty  remnant 
that  survived. 

Such  was  the  ruthless  system  which  had  been  pursued,  dur- 
ing the  absence  of  the  admiral,  by  the  commander  Ovando  ;  this 
man  of  boasted  prudence  and  moderation,  who  was  sent  to  re- 
form the  abuses  of  the  island,  and  above  all,  to  redress  the 
wrongs  of  the  natives.  The  system  of  Columbus  may  have 
borne  hard  upon  the  Indians,  born  and  brought  up  in  untaskod 
freedom,  but  it  was  never  cruel  or  sanguinary.  He  inflicted 
no  wanton  massacres  nor  vindictive  punishments  ;  his  desire 
was  to  cherish  and  civilize  the  Indians,  and  to  render  them  use- 
ful subjects  ;  not  to  oppress,  and  persecute,  and  destroy  them. 
When  he  beheld  the  desolation  that  had  swept  them  from  the 
laud  during  his  suspension  from  authority,  he  could  not  restrain 
the  strong  expression  of  his  feelings.  In  a  letter  written  to 
the  king  after  his  return  to  Spain,  he  thus  expresses  himself  on 
the  subject:  '"The  Indians  of  Hispaniola  were  and  are  the 
riches  of  the  island ;  for  it  is  they  who  cultivate  and  make  the 
bread  and  the  provisions  for  the  Christians ;  who  dig  the  gold 
from  the  mines,  and  perform  all  the  offices  and  labors  both  of 
men  and  beasts.  I  am  informed  that,  since  I  left  this  island, 
six  parts  out  of  seven  of  the  natives  are  dead  ;  all  through  ill 
treatment  and  inhumanity  ;  some  b}'  the  sword,  others  by  blows 
and  cruel  usage,  others  through  hunger.  The  greater  part  have 


1  Lai  Casas,  Hist.  Ind.,  lib.  ii.  cap.  18. 


580  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

perished  in  the  mountains  and  glens,  whither  they  have  fled, 
from  not  being  able  to  support  the  labor  imposed  upon  them." 
For  his  own  part,  he  added,  although  he  had  sent  many  Indians 
to  Spain  to  be  sold,  it  was  always  with  a  view  to  their  being 
instructed  in  the  Christian  faith,  and  in  civilized  arts  and  usages, 
and  afterward  sent  back  to  their  island  to  assist  in  civilizing 
their  countrymen I1 

The  brief  view  that  has  been  given  of  the  policy  of  Ovando  on 
certain  points  on  which  Columbus  was  censured,  may  enable 
the  reader  to  judge  more  correctly  of  the  conduct  of  the  latter. 
It  is  not  to  be  measured  by  the  standard  of  right  and  wrong 
established  iu  the  present  more  enlightened  age.  We  must  con- 
sider him  in  connection  with  the  era  in  which  he  lived.  By  com- 
paring his  measures  with  those  of  men  of  his  own  times  praised 
for  their  virtues  and  abilities,  placed  in  precisely  his  own  situa- 
tion, and  placed  there  expressly  to  correct  his  faults,  we  shall 
be  the  better  able  to  judge  how  virtuously  and  wisely,  under  the 
peculiar  circumstances  of  the  case,  he  may  be  considered  to 
have  governed. 

i  Las  Casas,  Hist,  lad.,  lib.  ii.  cap  36. 


BOOK    XVIII. 


CHAPTER  I. 

DEPARTURE   OF   COLUMBUS   FOR    SAN    DOMINGO HIS    RETURN    TO 

SPAIN. 

THE  arrival  at  Jamaica  of  the  two  vessels  under  the  command 
of  Salcedo  had  caused  a  joyful  reverse  in  the  situation  of  Co- 
lumbus. He  hastened  to  leave  the  wreck  in  which  he  had  been 
so*  long  immured,  and  hoisting  his  flag  on  board  of  one  of  the 
ships,  felt  as  if  the  career  of  enterprise  and  glory  were  once 
more  open  to  him.  The  late  partisans  of  Porras,  when  they 
heard  of  the  arrival  of  the  ships,  came  wistful  and  abject  to  the 
harbor,  doubting  how  far  the}'  might  trust  to  the  magnanimity 
of  a  man  whom  they  had  so  greatly  injured,  and  who  had  now 
an  opportunity  of  vengeance.  The  generous  mind,  however, 
lu-vi-r  harbors  revenge  in  the  hour  of  returning  prosperity;  but 
feels  noble  satisfaction  in  sharing  its  happiness  even  with  its 
enemies.  Columbus  forgot,  in  his  present  felicity,  all  that  he 
had  suffered  from  these  men ;  he  ceased  to  consider  them  ene- 
mies, now  that  they  had  lost  the  power  to  injure ;  and  he  not 
only  fulfilled  all  that  he  had  promised  them,  by  taking  them  on 
board  the  ships,  but  relieved  their  necessities  from  his  own 
purse,  until  their  return  to  Spain  ;  and  afterward  took  unwearied 
pains  to  recommend  them  to  the  bounty  of  the  sovereigns. 
Francisco  Porras  alone  continued  a  prisoner,  to  be  tried  by  the 
tribunals  of  his  country. 

Oviedo  assures  us  that  the  Indians  wept  when  they  beheld 
the  departure  of  the  Spaniards  ;  still  considering  them  as  beings 
from  the  skies.  From  the  admiral,  it  is  true,  they  had  experi- 
enced nothing  but  just  and  gentle  treatment,  and  continual 
benefits ;  and  the  idea  of  his  immediate  influence  with  the 
Deity,  manifested  on  the  memorable  occasion  of  the  eclipse, 
may  have  made  them  consider  him  as  more  than  human,  and 
his  presence  as  propitious  to  their  island  ;  but  it  is  not  easy  to 

581 


582  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

believe  mat  a  lawless  gang  like  that  of  Porras  could  have  been 
ranging  for  months  among  their  villages,  without  giving  cause 
for  the  greatest  joy  at  their  departure. 

On  the  28th  of  June  the  vessels  set  sail  for  San  Domingo. 
The  adverse  winds  and  currents  which  had  opposed  Columbus 
throughout  this  ill-starred  expedition  still  continued  to  harass 
him.  After  a  weary  struggle  of  several  weeks  he  reached,  on 
the  3d  of  August,  the  little  island  of  Beata,  on  the  coast  of 
Hispauiola.  Between  this  place  and  San  Domingo  the  currents 
are  so  violent  that  vessels  are  often  detained  months,  waiting 
for  sufficient  wind  to  enable  them  to  stem  the  stream.  Hence 
Columbus  despatched  a  letter  by  land  to  Ovando,  to  inform  him 
of  his  approach,  and  to  remove  certain  absurd  suspicions  of  his 
views,  which  he  had  learnt  from  Salcedo  were  still  entertained 
by  the  governor;  who'feared  his  arrival  in  the  island  might  pro- 
duce factions  and  disturbances.  In  this  letter  he  expresses, 
with  his  usual  warmth  and  simplicity,  the  joy  he  felt  at  his  de- 
liverance, which  was  so  great,  he  says,  that,  since  the  arrival 
of  Diego  de  Salcedo  with  succor,  he  had  scarcely  been  able  to 
sleep.  The  letter  had  barely  time  to  precede  the  writer,  for,  a 
favorable  wind  springing  up,  the  vessels  again  made  sail,  and, 
on  the  loth  of  August,  anchored  in  the  harbor  of  San  Domingo. 

If  it  is  the  lot  of  prosperity  to  awaken  envy  and  excite  de- 
traction, it  is  certainly  the  lot  of  misfortune  to  atone  for  a  mul- 
titude of  faults.  San  Domingo  had  been  the  veiy  hot-bed  of 
sedition  against  Columbus  in  the  day  of  his  power;  he  had  been 
hurried  from  it  in  ignominious  chains,  amid  the  shouts  and 
taunts  of  the  triumphant  rabble;  he  had  l)een  excluded  from  its 
harbor  when,  as  commander  of  a  squadron,  he  craved  shelter 
from  an  impending  tempest ;  but  now  that  he  arrived  in  its 
waters,  a  broken  down  and  shipwrecked  man,  all  past  hostility 
was  overpowered  by  the  popular  sense  of  his  late  disasters. 
There  was  a  momentary  burst  of  enthusiasm  in  his  favor  ;  what 
had  been  denied  to  his  merits  was  granted  to  his  misfortunes  ; 
and  even  the  envious,  appeased  by  his  present  reverses,  seemed 
to  forgive  him  for  having  once  been  so  triumphant. 

The  governor  and  principal  inhabitants  came  forth  to  meet 
him,  and  received  him  with  signal  distinction.  He  was  lodged 
as  a  guest  in  the  house  of  Ovaudo,  who  treated  him  with  the 
utmost  courtesy  and  attention.  The  governor  was  a  shrewd 
and  discreet  man  and  much  of  a  courtier ;  but  there  were 
causes  of  jealousy  and  distrust  between  him  and  Columbus  too 
deep  to  permit  of  cordial  intercourse.  The  admiral  and  his  son 
Fernando  always  pronounced  the  civility  of  Ovando  over-strained 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  583 

and  hypocritical ;  intended  to  obliterate  the  remembrance  of 
past  neglect,  and  to  conceal  lurking  enmity.  While  he  pro- 
fessed the  utmost  friendship  and  sympathy  for  the  admiral,  he 
set  at  lilKM'ty  the  traitor  Porras,  who  was  still  a  prisoner,  to  be 
taken  to  Spain  for  trial.  He  also  talked  of  punishing  those  of 
the  admiral's  people  who  had  taken  arms  in  his  defence,  and  in 
the  affray  at  Jamaica  had  killed  several  of  the  mutineers.  These 
circumstances  were  loudly  complained  of  by  Columbus ;  but, 
in  fact,  they  rose  out  of  a  question  of  jurisdiction  between  him 
and  the  governor.  Their  powers  were  so  undefined  as  to  clash 
with  each  other,  and  they  were  both  disposed  to  be  extremely 
punctilious.  Ovaudo  assumed  a  right  to  take  cognizance  of  all 
transactions  at  Jamaica ;  as  happening  within  the  limits  of  his 
government,  which  included  all  the  islands  and  Terra  Firma. 
Columbus,  on  the  other  hand,  asserted  the  absolute  command, 
and  the  jurisdiction  both  civil  and  criminal  given  to  him  by  the 
sovereigns,  over  all  persons  who  sailed  in  his  expedition,  from 
the  time  of  departure  until  they  returned  to  Spain.  To  prove 
this  he  produced  his  letter  of  instructions.  The  governor  heard 
him  with  great  courtesy  and  a  smiling  countenance ;  but  ob- 
served that  the  letter  of  instructions  gave  him  no  authority 
within  the  bounds  of  his  government.1  He  relinquished  the 
idea,  however,  of  investigating  the  conduct  of  the  followers  of 
Columlms,  and  sent  Porras  to  Spain,  to  be  examined  by  the 
board  which  had  charge  of  the  affairs  of  the  Indies. 

The  sojourn  of  Columbus  at  San  Domingo  was  but  little  cal- 
culated to  yield  him  satisfaction.  He  was  grieved  at  the  deso- 
lation of  the  island  by  the  oppressive  treatment  of  the  natives, 
and  the  horrible  massacre  which  had  been  perpetrated  by 
Ovando  and  his  agents.  He  had  fondly  hoped,  at  one  time,  to 
render  the  natives  civilized,  industrious,  and  tributary  subjects 
to  the  crown,  and  to  derive  from  their  well-regulated  labor  a 
great  and  steady  revenue.  How  different  had  been  the  event ! 
The  five  great  tribes  which  peopled  the  mountains  and  the 
valleys  at  the  time  of  the  discovery,  and  rendered,  by  their 
mingled  towns  and  villages  and  tracts  of  cultivation,  the  rich 
levels  of  the  Vega  so  man)*  "  painted  gardens,"  had  almost  all 
passed  away,  and  the  native  princes  had  perished  chiefly  by 
violent  or  ignominious  deaths.  Columbus  regarded  the  affairs 
of  the  island  with  a  different  eye  from  Ovando.  He  had  a 
paternal  feeling  for  its  prosperity,  and  his  fortunes  were  impli- 
cated in  its  judicious  management.  He. complained,  in  subse- 

1  I x-tter  of  Columbus  to  bis  sou  l>iego,  Seville,  Xov.  :il,  lOJi.  Navarrete,  Colec., 
torn  i. 


584  LIFE  OF  cnnisTornER  COLUMBUS. 

qucnt  letters  to  the  sovereigns,  that  all  the  public  affairs  were 
ill  conducted  ;  that  the  ore  collected  lay  unguarded  in  large 
quantities  in  houses  slightly  built  and  thatched,  inviting  depre- 
dation ;  that  Ovando  was  unpopular,  the  people  were  dissolute, 
and  the  property  of  the  crown  and  the  security  of  the  island  in 
continual  risk  from  mutiny  and  sedition.1  While  he  saw  all 
this,  he  had  no  power  to  interfere,  and  any  observation  or 
remonstrance  on  his  part  was  ill  received  by  the  governor. 

He  found  his  own  immediate  concerns  in  great  confusion. 
His  rents  and  dues  were  either  uncollected,  or  he  could  not 
obtain  a  clear  account  and  a  full  liquidation  of  them.  What- 
ever he  could  collect  was  appropriated  to  the  fitting  out  of  the 
vessels  which  were  to  convey  himself  and  his  crews  to  Spain. 
He  accuses  Ovando,  in  his  subsequent  letters,  of  having 
neglected,  if  not  sacrificed,  his  interests  during  his  long  ab- 
sence, and  of  having  impeded  those  who  were  appointed  to 
attend  to  his  concerns.  That  he  had  some  grounds  for  these 
complaints  would  appear  from  two  letters  still  extant,-  written 
by  Queen  Isabella  to  Ovaudo,  on  the  '27th  of  November,  1503, 
in  which  she  informs  him  of  the  complaint  of  Alonzo  .Sanchez 
de  Carvajal,  that  he  was  impeded  in  collecting  the  rents  of 
the  admiral ;  and  expressly  commands  Ovando  to  observe  the 
capitulations  granted  to  Columbus ;  to  respect  his  agents,  and 
to  facilitate,  instead  of  obstructing  his  concerns.  These  letters, 
while  they  imply  ungenerous  conduct  on  the  part  of  the  gov- 
ernor toward  his  illustrious  predecessor,  evince  likewise  the 
personal  interest  taken  by  Isabella  in  the  affairs  of  Columbus, 
during  his  absence.  She  had,  in  fact,  signified  her  displeasure 
at  his  being  excluded  from  the  port  of  San  Domingo,  when  he 
applied  there  for  succor  for  his  squadron,  and  for  shelter  from 
a  storm,  and  had  censured  Ovanda  for  not  taking  his  advice 
and  detaining  the  fleet  of  Bobadilla,  by  which  it  would  have 
escaped  its  disastrous  fate.3  And  here  it  may  be  observed  that 
the  sanguinary  acts  of  Ovando  toward  the  natives,  in  particular 
the  massacre  at  Xaragua  and  the  execution  of  the  unfortunate 
Anacaona,  awakened  equal  horror  and  indignation  in  Isabella  ; 
she  was  languishing  on  her  death-bed  when  she  received  the 
intelligence,  and  with  her  dying  breath  she  exacted  a  promise 
from  King  Ferdinand  that  Ovando  should  immediately  be  re- 
called from  his  government.  The  promise  was  tardily  and 

1  F.etUT  of  C'ohmilm*  to  liis  *on  Diego,  dated  Seville,  3d  Dec.,  1504.  Xavarrcle,  torn, 
i.  p.  .'HI. 

*  Xavurrctf.  f'olcc.,  toin.  ii..  diT:id.  1">1,  1-V2. 
s  llcrrcra,  Ili.-l.  liul.,  dccud.  i.  lib.  v.  cap.  12. 


LIFE   OF  CURISTOPHER   COLUM11US.  585 

reluctantly  fulfilled,  after  an  interval  of  about  four  years,  and 
not  until  induced  by  other  circumstances;  forOvando  contrived 
to  propitiate  the  monarch,  by  forcing  a  revenue  from  the  island. 

The  continual  misunderstandings  between  the  admiral  and 
the  governor,  though  always  qualified  on  the  part  of  the  latter 
with  great  complaisance,  induced  Columbus  to  hasten  as  much 
as  possible  his  departure  from  the  island.  The  ship  in  which 
he  had  returned  from  Jamaica  was  repaired  and  fitted  out,  and 
put  under  the  command  of  the  Adehintado ;  another  vessel  was 
freighted,  in  which  Columbus  embarked  with  his  sou  and  his 
domestics.  The  greater  part  of  his  late  crews  remained  at  San 
Domingo ;  as  they  were  in  great  poverty,  he  relieved  their 
necessities  from  his  own  purse,  and  advanced  the  funds  neces- 
sary for  the  voyage  home  of  those  who  chose  to  return.  Many 
thus  relieved  by  his  generosity  had  been  among  the  most  violent 
of  the  rebels. 

On  the  12th  of  September  he  set  sail;  but  had  scarcely  left 
the  harbor  when,  in  a  sudden  squall,  the  mast  of  his  ship  was 
carried  away.  He  immediately  went  with  his  family  on  board 
of  the  vessel  commanded  by  the  Adelautado,  and,  sending  back 
the  damaged  ship  to  port,  continued  on  'iis  course.  Through- 
out the  voyage  he  experienced  the  most  tempestuous  weather. 
In  one  storm  the  main-mast  was  sprung  in  four  places.  He  was 
confined  to  his  bed  at  the  time  by  the  gout;  by  his  advice, 
however,  and  the  activity  of  the  Adelautado,  the  damage  was 
skilfully  repaired  ;  the  mast  was  shortened  ;  the  weak  parts 
were  fortified  by  wood  taken  from  the  castles  or  cabins,  which 
the  vessels  in  those  days  carried  on  the  prow  and  stern  ;  and 
the  whole  was  well  secured  by  cords.  They  were  still  more 
damaged  in  a  succeeding  tempest,  in  which  the  ship  sprung  her 
fore-mast.  In  this  crippled  state  they  had  to  traverse  seven 
hundred  leagues  of  a  stormy  ocean.  Fortune  continued  to  per- 
secute Columbus  to  the  end  of  this,  his  last  and  most  disastrous 
expedition.  For  several  weeks  he  was  tern  pest- tossed  —  suf- 
fering at  the  same  time  the  most  excruciating  pains  from  his 
malady  —  until,  on  the  seventh  da}'  of  November,  his  crazy  and 
shattered  bark  anchored  in  the  harbor  of  San  Lucar.  Hence 
he  had  himself  conveyed  to  Seville,  where  he  hoped  to  enjoy 
repose  of  mind  and  body,  and  to  recruit  his  health  after  such  a 
long  series  of  fatigues,  anxieties,  and  hardships.1 

1  llist.  del  Almirauic,  cup.  103.     Las  Casas,  Hist.  lud.,  lib.  ii.  cap.  36. 


586  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 


CHAPTER  n. 

ILLNESS    OF   COLUMBUS    AT    SEVILLE APPLICATION  TO  THE  CROWN 

FOR  A   RESTITUTION   OF   HIS    HONORS  —  DEATH    OF    ISABELLA. 

[1504.J 

BROKEN  by  age  and  infirmities,  and  worn  down  by  the  toils 
and  hardships  of  his  recent  expedition,  Columbus  had  looked 
forward  to  Seville  as  to  a  haven  of  rest,  where  he  might  repose 
a  while  from  his  troubles.  Care  and  sorrow,  however,  followed 
him  by  sea  and  land.  In  varying  the  scene  he  but  varied  the 
nature  of  his  distress.  ''Wearisome  days  and  nights"  were 
appointed  to  him  for  the  remainder  of  his  life  ;  and  the  very 
margin  of  his  grave  was  destined  to  be  strewed  with  thorns. 

On  arriving  at  Seville,  he  found  all  his  affairs  in  confusion. 
Ever  since  he  had  been  sent  home  in  chains  from  San  Domingo, 
when  his  house  and  effects  had  been  taken  possession  of  by 
Bobadilla,  his  rents  and  dues  had  never  been  properly  collected ; 
and  such  as  had  been  gathered  had  been  retained  in  the  hands 
of  the  governor  Ovando.  "I  have  much  vexation  from  the 
governor,"  says  he  in  a  letter  to  his  sou  Diego  2  "•  All  tell  me 
that  I  have  there  eleven  or  twelve  thousand  castellanos  ;  and  I 
have  not  received  a  quarto.  *  *  *  I  know  well  that,  since 
my  departure  he  must  have  received  upward  of  five  thousand 
castellauos."  He  entreated  that  a  letter  might  be  written  by 
the  king,  commanding  the  payment  of  these  arrears  without 
delay ;  for  his  agents  would  not  venture  even  to  speak  to 
Ovaudo  on  the  subject,  unless  empowered  by  a  letter  from  the 
sovereign. 

Columbus  was  not  of  a  mercenary  spirit ;  but  his  rank  and 
situation  required  large  expenditure.  The  world  thought  him 
in  the  possession  of  sources  of  inexhaustible  wealth  ;  but  as 
yet  those  sources  had  furnished  him  but  precarious  and  scanty 
streams.  His  last  voyage  had  exhausted  his  finances,  and  in- 
volved him  in  perplexities.  All  that  he  had  been  able  to  collect 
of  the  money  due  to  him  in  Hispaniola,  to  the  amount  of  twelve 
hundred  castellauos,  had  been  expended  in  bringing  home 
many  of  his  late  crew,  who  were  in  distress ;  and  for  the 
greater  part  of  the  sum  the  crown  remained  his  debtor. 


*  Let.  Seville,  13  Dec.,  1504.     Navarrute,  v.  i.  p.  343. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  587 

While  struggling  to  obtain  his  mere  pecuniary  duos,  he  was 
absolutely  suffering  a  degree  of  penury.  He  repeatedly  urges 
the  necessity  of  economy  to  his  son  Diego,  until  he  can  obtain 
a  restitution  of  his  property,  and  the  payment  of  his  arrears. 
'•  I  receive  nothing  of  the  revenue  due  to  me,"  says  he,  in  one 
letter;  "'I  live  by  Ixmxwing."  "-Little  have  I  profited,"  lie 
adds,  in  another,  "  by  twenty  years  of  service,  with  such  toils 
and  perils  ;  since,  at  present,  I  do  not  own  a  roof  in  Spain.  If 
I  desire  to  eat  or  sleep,  I  have  no  resort  but  an  inn  ;  and,  for 
the  most  times,  have  not  wherewithal  to  pay  my  bill." 

Yet  in  the  midst  of  these  personal  distresses  he  was  more 
solicitous  for  the  payment  of  his  seamen  than  of  himself.  He 
wrote  strongly  and  repeatedly  to  the  sovereigns,  entreating 
the  discharge  of  their  arrears,  and  urged  his  sou  Diego,  who 
was  at  court,  to  exert  himself  in  their  behalf.  u  They  are 
poor."  said  he,  *'  and  it  is  now  nearly  three  years  since  they 
left  their  homes.  They  have  endured  infinite  toils  and  perils, 
and  they  bring  invaluable  tidings,  for  which  their  majesties 
ought  to  give  thanks  to  God  and  rejoice."  Notwithstanding 
his  generous  solicitude  for  these  men,  he  knew  several  of  them 
to  have  been  his  enemies  ;  nay,  that  some  of  them  were  at  this 
very  time  disj)osed  to  do  him  harm  rather  than  good  ;  such  was 
the  magnanimity  of  his  spirit  and  his  forgiving  disposition. 

The  same  zeal,  also,  for  the  interests  of  his  sovereigns,  which 
had  ever  actuated  his  loyal  mind,  mingled  with  his  other  causes 
of  solicitude.  He  represented,  in  his  letter  to  the  king,  the 
mismanagement  of  the  royal  rents  in  Hispaniola,  under  the 
administration  of  Ovando.  Immense  quantities  of  ore  lay  un- 
protected in  slightly  built  houses,  and  liable  to  depredations. 
It  required  a  person  of  vigor,  and  one  who  had  an  individual 
interest  in  the  property  of  the  island,  to  restore  its  affairs  to 
order,  and  draw  from  it  the  immense  revenues  which  it  was 
capable  of  yielding ;  and  Columbus  plainly  intimated  that  he 
was  the  proper  person. 

In  fact,  as  to  himself,  it  was  not  so  much  pecuniary  indemni- 
fication that  he  sought,  as  the  restoration  of  his  offices  and 
dignities.  He  regarded  them  as  the  trophies  of  his  illustrious 
achievements ;  he  had  received  the  royal  promise  that  he 
should  be  reinstated  in  them  ;  and  he  felt  that  as  long  as  they 
were  withheld,  a  tacit  censure  rested  upon  his  name.  Had  he 
not  been  proudly  impatient  on  this  subject  he  would  have 
belied  the  loftiest  part  of  his  character ;  for  he  who  can  be  in- 
dii'ivrent  to  the  wreath  of  triumph  is  deficient  in  the  noble  ambi- 
tion which  incites  to  glorious  deeds. 


588  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

The  unsatisfactory  replies  received  to  his  letters  disquieted 
his  mind.  He  knew  that  Jie  had  active  enemies  at  court  ready 
to  turn  all  things  to  his  disadvantage,  and  felt  the  importance 
of  being  there  in  person  to  defeat  their  machinations  ;  but  his 
infirmities  detained  him  at  Seville.  He  made  an  attempt  to 
set  forth  on  the  journey,  but  the  severity  of  the  winter  and  the 
virulence  of  his  malady  obliged  him  to  relinquish  it  in  despair. 
All  that  he  could  do  was  to  reiterate  his  letters  to  the  sover- 
eigns, and  to  entreat  the  intervention  of  his  few  but  faithful 
friends.  He  feared  the  disastrous  occurrences  of  the  last 
voyage  might  be  represented  to  his  prejudice.  The  great  ob- 
ject of  the  expedition,  the  discovery  of  a  strait  opening  from 
the  Caribbean  to  a  southern  sea,  had  failed.  The  secondary 
object,  the  acquisition  of  gold,  had  not  been  completed.  He 
had  discovered  the  gold  mines  of  Veragua,  it  is  true;  but  he 
had  brought  home  no  treasure  ;  because,  as  he  said,  in  one  of 
his  letters,  "•  I  would  not  rob  nor  outrage  the  country  ;  since 
reason  requires  that  it  should  be  settled,  and  then  the  gold  may 
be  procured  without  violence." 

He  was  especially  apprehensive  that  the  violent  scenes  in 
the  island  of  Jamaica  might,  by  the  perversity  of  his  enemies 
and  the  effrontery  of  the  delinquents,  be  wrested  into  matters 
of  accusation  against  him,  as  had  been  the  case  with  the  re- 
bellion of  Roldan.  Porras,  the  ringleader  of  the  late  faction, 
had  been  sent  home  by  Ovaudo,  to  appear  before  the  board  of 
the  Indies,  but  without  any  written  process,  setting  forth  the 
offences  charged  against  him.  While  at  Jamaica  Columbus 
had  ordered  an  inquest  of  the  affair  to  be  taken  ;  but  the  notary 
of  the  squadron  who  took  it,  and  the  papers  which  he  drew  up, 
were  on  board  of  the  ship  in  which  the  admiral  had  sailed  from 
Hispaniola,  but  which  had  put  back  dismasted.  No  cognizance 
of  the  case,  therefore,  was  taken  by  the  Council  of  the  Indies  ; 
and  Porras  went  at  large,  armed  with  the  power  and  the  dis- 
position to  do  mischief.  Being  related  to  Morales,  the  royal 
treasurer,  he  had  access  to  people  in  place,  and  an  opportunity 
of  enlisting  their  opinions  and  prejudices  on  his  side.  Colum- 
bus wrote  to  Morales,  enclosing  a  copy  of  the  petition  which 
the  rebels  had  sent  to  him  when  in  Jamaica,  in  which  they 
acknowledged  their  culpability,  and  implored  his  forgiveness ; 
and  he  entreated  the  treasurer  not  to  be  swayed  by  the  repre- 
sentations of  his  relative,  nor  to  pronounce  an  opinion  unfav- 
orable to  him,  until  he  had  an  opportunity  of  being  heard. 

T!ie  faithful  and  indefatigable  Diego  Mcndi-x  was  at  this  time 
at  the  court,  as  well  as  Alouzo  Sanchez  de  Carvajal,  and  uu 


LIFE   OF  CIIEISTOPI1ER   COLUMBUS.  589 

active  friend  of  Columbus  named  Geronimo.  They  could  bear 
the  most  important  testimony  as  to  his  conduct,  and  he  wrote 
to  his  son  Diego  to  call  upon  them  for  their  good  offices.  "  I 
trust,"  said  he,  "  that  the  truth  and  diligence  of  Diego  Mendez 
will  be  of  as  much  avail  as  the  lies  of  Porras."  Nothing  can 
surpass  the  affecting  earnestness  and  simplicity  of  the  general 
declaration  of  loyalty,  contained  in  one  of  his  letters.  "•  1  have 
served  their  majesties,"  says  he,  "  with  as  much  zeal  and  dili- 
gence as  if  it  had  been  to  gain  Paradise  ;  and  if  I  have  failed  in 
any  thing,  it  has  been  because  my  knowledge  and  powers  went 
no  further." 

While  reading  these  touching  appeals  we  can  scarcely  realize 
the  fact  that  the  dejected  individual  thus  wearily  and  vainly 
applying  for  unquestionable  rights,  and  pleading  almost  like  a 
culprit,  iu  cases  wherein  he  had  been  flagrantl}*  injured,  was 
the  same  who  but  a  few  years  previously  had  been  received  at 
this  very  court  with  almost  regal  honors,  and  idolized  as  a  na- 
tional benefactor ;  that  this,  in  a  word,  was  Columbus,  the 
discoverer  of  the  New  World  ;  broken  in  health,  and  impover- 
ished in  his  old  da}'S  by  his  very  discoveries. 

At  length  the  caravel  bringing  the  official  proceedings  relative 
to  the  brothers  Porras  arrived  at  the  Algarves,  iu  Portugal, 
and  Columbus  looked  forward  with  hope  that  all  matters  would 
soon  be  placed  in  a  proper  light.  His  anxiety  to  get  to  court 
became  every  day  more  intense.  A  litter  was  provided  to  con- 
vey him  thither,  and  was  actually  at  the  door,  but  the  inclem- 
ency of  the  weather  and  his  increasing  infirmities  obliged  him 
again  to  abandon  the  journey.  His  resource  of  letter-writing 
began  to  fail  him  :  he  could  only  write  at  night,  for  in  the  day- 
time the  severity  of  his  malady  deprived  him  of  the  use  of  his 
hands.  The  tidings  from  the  court  were  every  day  more  and 
more  adverse  to  his  hopes ;  the  intrigues  of  his  enemies  were 
prevailing :  the  cold-hearted  Ferdinand  treated  all  his  appli- 
cations with  indifference  ;  the  generous  Isabella  lay  dangerously 
ill.  On  her  justice  and  magnanimity  he  still  relied  for  the  full 
restoration  of  his  rights,  and  the  redress  of  all  his  grievances. 
"May  it  please  the  Holy  Trinity,"  says  he,  "to  restore  our 
sovereign  queen  to  health ;  for  by  her  will  ever}'  thing  be  ad- 
justed which  is  now  in  confusion."  Alas!  while  writing  that 
letter,  his  noble  benefactress  was  a  corpse  ! 

The  health  of  Isabella  had  long  been  undermined  by  the 
shocks  of  repeated  domestic  calamities.  The  death  of  her  only 
son,  the  Prince  Juan  ;  of  her  beloved  daughter  and  bosom 
friend,  the  Princess  Isabella;  and  of  her  grandson  and  prospec- 


590  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

tive  heir,  the  Prince  Miguel,  had  been  three  cruel  wounds  to  a 
heart  full  of  the  tenderest  sensibility.  To  these  was  added  the 
constant  grief  caused  by  the  evident  infirmity  of  intellect  of 
her  daughter  Juana,  and  the  domestic  unhappiness  of  that 
princess  with  her  husband,  the  archduke  Philip.  The  desola- 
tion which  walks  through  palaces  admits  not  the  familiar  sympa- 
thies and  sweet  consolations  which  alleviate  the  sorrows  of 
common  life.  Isabella  pined  in  state,  amidst  the  obsequious 
homages  of  a  court,  surrounded  by  the  trophies  of  a  glorious 
and  successful  reign,  and  placed  at  the  summit  of  earthy  gran- 
deur. A  deep  and  incurable  melancholy  settled  upon  her, 
which  undermined  her  constitution,  and  gave  a  fatal  acuteness 
to  her  bodily  maladies.  After  four  months  of  illness  she  died, 
on  the  26th  of  November,  1504,  at  Medina  del  Campo,  in  the 
fifty-fourth  year  of  her  age ;  but  long  before  her  eyes  closed 
upon  the  world,  her  heart  had  closed  on  all  its  pomps  and 
vanities.  "  Let  my  body,"  said  she  in  her  will,  "  be  interred  in 
the  monastery  of  San  Francisco,  which  is  in  the  Alhambra  of 
the  city  of  Granada,  in  a  low  sepulchre,  without  any  iflouument 
except  a  plain  stone,  with  the  inscription  cut  on  it.  But  I 
desire  and  command,  that  if  the  king,  nn-  lord,  should  choose 
a  sepulchre  in  any  church  or  monastery  in  any  other  part  or 
place  of  these  my  kingdoms,  my  body  be  transported  thither, 
and  buried  beside  the  body  of  his  highness ;  so  that  the  union 
we  have  enjoyed  while  living,  and  which,  through  the  mercy 
of  God,  we  hope  our  souls  will  experience  in  heaven,  may  be 
represented  by  our  bodies  in  the  earth."  1 

Such  was  one  of  several  passages  in  the  will  of  this  admirable 
woman,  which  bespoke  the  chastened  humility  of  her  heart ;  and 
in  which,  as  has  been  well  observed,  the  affections  of  conjugal 
love  were  delicately  intwiued  with  piety,  and  with  the  most 
tender  melancholy.2  She  was  one  of  the  purest  spirits  that 
ever  ruled  over  the  destinies  of  a  nation.  Had  she  been  spared, 
her  benignant  vigilance  would  have  prevented  many  a  scene  of 
horror  in  the  colonization  of  the  New  World,  and  might  have 
softened  the  lot  of  its  native  inhabitants.  As  it  is,  her  fair 
name  will  ever  shine  with  celestial  radiance  in  the  dawning  of 
its  history. 

The  news  of  the  death  of  Isabella  reached  Columbus  when  he 

1  The  dying  command  of  Isabella  has  been  ol>eyed.  The  author  of  this  work  haa 
Been  her  loiub  in  the  royal  chapel  of  the  Cathedral  of  Granada,  in  which  her  remain* 
are  interred  with  those  of  Ferdinand.  Their  edifies.  sculptured  i:i  white  marMe,  lie 
Bide  by  fide  on  a  magnificent  sepulchre.  The  altar  of  the  chapel  is  adorned  with  baa- 
reliefs  representing  the  conquest  and  surrender  of  <ira;iada. 

1  Elogio  de  la  licina  Calulica  per  D.  Diegu  Cleiueiicid.     Illustration  19. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  591 

was  writing  a  letter  to  his  son  Diego.  He  notices  it  in  a  post- 
script or  memorandum,  written  in  the  haste  and  brevity  of  the 
moment,  but  in  beautifully  touching  and  mournful  terms.  "  A 
memorial,"  he  writes,  "  for  thee,  my  dear  son  Diego,  of  what 
is  at  present  to  be  done.  The  principal  thing  is  to  commend 
affectionately,  and  with  great  devotion,  the  soul  of  the  queen 
our  sovereign  to  God.  Her  life  was  always  catholic  and  holy, 
and  prompt  to  all  things  in  his  holy  service  ;  for  this  reason  we 
may  rest  assured  that  she  is  received  into  his  glory,  and  beyond 
the  cares  of  this  rough  and  weary  world.  The  next  thing  is  to 
watch  and  labor  in  all  matters  for  the  service  of  our  sovereign 
the  king,  and  to  endeavor  to  alleviate  his  grief.  His  majesty 
is  the  head  of  Christendom.  Remember  the  proverb  which 
says,  when  the  head  suffers  all  the  members  suffer.  Therefore, 
all  good  Christians  should  pray  for  his  health  and  long  life  ; 
and  we  who  are  in  his  employ  ought  more  than  others  to  do  this 
with  all  study  and  diligence."  * 

It  is  impossible  to  read  this  mournful  letter  without  being 
moved  by  the  simply  eloquent  }'et  artless  language  in  which 
Columbus  expresses  his  tenderness  for  the  memory  of  his  bene- 
factress, his  weariness  under  the  gathering  cares  and  ills  of  life, 
and  his  persevering  and  enduring  loyalty  toward  the  sovereign 
who  was  so  ungratefully  neglecting  him.  It  is  in  these  unstudied 
and  conlideutial  letters  that  we  read  the  heart  of  Columbus. 


CHAPTER  III. 

COLUMBUS    ARRIVES   AT    COURT  —  FRUITLESS    APPLICATION    TO   THE 
KING    FOR   REDRESS. 

[1505.] 

THE  death  of  Isabella  was  a  fatal  blow  to  the  fortunes  of 
Columbus.  While  she  lived  he  had  every  thing  to  anticipate 
from  her  high  sense  of  justice,  her  regard  for  her  royal  word, 
her  gratitude  for  his  services,  and  her  admiration  of  his  char- 
acter. With  her  illness,  however,  his  interests  had  languished, 
and  when  she  died  he  was  left  to  the  justice  and  generosity  of 
Ferdinand  ! 

During  the  remainder  of  the  winter  and  a  part  of  the  spring  he 

.  i  Letter  to  bis  sou  Diego,  Dec.  3, 1504. 


592  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

continued  at  Seville,  detained  by  painful  illness,  and  endeavor- 
ing to  obtain  redress  from  the  government  by  ineffectual  letters. 
His  brother  the  Adelantado,  who  supported  him  with  his  accus- 
tomed fondness  and  devotion  through  all  his  trials,  proceeded 
to  court  to  attend  to  his  interests,  taking  with  him  the  admiral's 
younger  son  Fernando,  then  aged  about  seventeen.  The  latter, 
the  affectionate  father  repeatedly  represents  to  his  son  Diego  as 
a  man  in  understanding  and  conduct,  though  but  a  stripling  in 
years ;  and  inculcates  the  strongest  fraternal  attachment,  allud- 
ing to  his  own  brethren  with  one  of  those  simply  eloquent  and 
affecting  expressions  which  stamp  his  heart  upon  his  letters. 
"  To  thy  brother  conduct  thyself  as  the  elder  brother  should 
unto  the  younger.  Thou  hast  no  other,  and  I  praise  God  that 
this  is  such  a  one  as  thou  dost  need.  Ten  brothers  would  not 
be  too  many  for  thee.  Never  have  I  found  a  better  friend  to 
right  or  left,  than  my  brothers." 

Among  the  persons  whom  Columbus  employed  at  this  time 
in  his  missions  to  the  court  was  Amerigo  Vespucci.  He  de- 
scribes him  as  a  worthy  but  unfortunate  man,  who  had  not 
profited  as  much  as  he  deserved  by  his  undertakings,  and  who 
had  always  been  disposed  to  render  him  service.  His  object  in 
employing  him  appears  to  have  been  to  prove  the  value  of  his 
last  voyage,  and  that  he  had  been  in  the  most  opulent  parts  of 
the  New  World  ;  Vespucci  having  since  touched  upon  the  same 
coast,  in  a  voyage  with  Alonzo  de  Ojeda. 

One  circumstance  occurred  at  this  time  which  shed  a  gleam 
of  hope  and  consolation  over  his  gloomy  prospects  Diego  de 
Deza,  who  had  been  for  some  time  Bishop  of  Palencia,  was 
expected  at  court.  This  was  the  same  worthy  friar  who  had 
aided  him  to  advocate  his  theory  before  the  board  of  learned 
men  at  Salamanca,  and  had  assisted  him  with  his  purse  when 
making  his  proposals  to  the  Spanish  court.  He  had  just  been 
promoted  and  made  Archbishop  of  Seville,  but  had  not  yet  been 
installed  in  office.  Columbus  directs  his  son  Diego  to  intrust 
his  interests  to  this  worthy  prelate.  "  Two  things,"  says  he, 
"require  particular  attention.  Ascertain  whether  the  queen, 
who  is  now  with  God,  has  said  any  thing  concerning  me  in  her 
testament,  and  stimulate  the  Bishop  of  Palencia,  he  who  was 
the  cause  that  their  highnesses  obtained  possession  of  the  Indies, 
who  induced  me  to  remain  in  Castile  when  I  \vas  on  the  road 
to  leave  it."1  In  another  letter  he  says:  "If  the  Bishop  of 
Palencia  has  arrived,  or  should  arrive,  tell  him  how  much  I 

1  Letter  of  December  21,  1501.    Kavarrete,  torn.  i.  p.  346. 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  593 

have  been  gratified  by  his  prosperity,  and  that  if  I  come,  I  shall 
lodge  with  his  grace,  even  though  he  should  not  invite  me,  for 
we  must  return  to  our  ancient  fraternal  affection." 

The  incessant  applications  of  Columbus,  both  by  letter  and 
by  the  intervention  of  friends,  appear  to  have  been  listened  to 
with  cool  indifference.  No  compliance  was  yielded  to  his  re- 
quests, and  no  deference  was  paid  to  his  opinions,  on  various 
points,  concerning  which  he  interested  himself.  New  instruc- 
tions were  sent  out  to  Ovando,  but  not  a  word  of  their  purport 
was  mentioned  to  the  admiral.  It  was  proposed  to  send  out 
three  bishops,  and  he  entreated  in  vain  to  be  heard  previous  to 
their  election.  In  short,  he  was  not  in  any  way  consulted  in 
the  affairs  of  the  New  World.  He  felt  deeply  this  neglect,  and 
became  every  day  more  impatient  of  his  absence  from  court. 
To  enable  himself  to  perform  the  journey  with  more  ease,  he 
applied  for  permission  to  use  a  mule,  a  royal  ordinance  having 
prohibited  the  employment  of  those  animals  under  the  saddle, 
in  consequence  of  their  universal  use  having  occasioned  a  de- 
cline in  the  breed  of  horses.  A  royal  permission  was  accord- 
ingly granted  to  Columbus,  in  consideration  that  his  age  and 
infirmities  incapacitated  him  from  riding  on  horseback  ;  but  it 
was  a  considerable  time  before  the  state  of  his  health  would 
permit  him  to  avail  himself  of  that  privilege. 

The  foregoing  particulars,  gleaned  from  letters  of  Columbus 
recently  discovered,  show  the  real  state  of  his  affairs,  and  the 
mental  and  bodily  affliction  sustained  by  him  during  his  winter's 
residence  at  Seville,  on  his  return  from  his  last  disastrous  voy- 
age. He  has  generally  been  represented  as  reposing  there  from 
his  toils  and  troubles  Never  was  honorable  repose  more 
merited,  more  desired,  and  less  enjoyed. 

It  was  not  until  the  month  of  May  that  he  was  able,  in  com- 
pany with  his  brother  the  Adelantado,  to  accomplish  his  journey 
to  court,  at  that  time  held  at  Segovia.  He  who  but  a  few  years 
before  had  entered  the  city  of  Barcelona  in  triumph,  attended 
by  the  nobility  and  chivalry  of  Spain,  and  hailed  with  rapture 
by  the  multitude,  now  arrived  within  the  gates  of  Segovia,  a 
way-worn,  melancholy,  and  neglected  man  ;  oppressed  more 
by  sorrow  than  even  by  his  years  and  infirmities.  When  he 
presented  himself  at  court  he  met  with  none  of  that  distin- 
guished attention,  that  cordial  kindness,  that  cherishing  sym- 
pathy, which  his  unparalleled  services  and  his  recent  sufferings 
had  merited.1 


1  Las  Casas,  Hist.  lad.,  lib.  ii.  cap.  37.    Jlerrera,  Hist,  lud.,  decad.  i.  lib.  vi.  cap.  13. 


594  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

The  selfish  Ferdinand  had  lost  sight  of  his  past  services,  in 
what  appeared  to  him  the  inconvenience  of  his  present  demands. 
He  received  him  with  many  professions  of  kindness  ;  but  with 
those  cold,  ineffectual  smiles  which  pass  like  wintry  sunshine 
over  the  countenance,  and  convey  no  warmth  to  the  heart. 

The  admiral  now  gave  a  particular  account  of  his  late  voy- 
age, describing  the  great  tract  of  Terra  Firma,  which  he  had 
explored,  and  the  riches  of  the  province  of  Veragua.  He  re- 
lated also  the  disaster  sustained  in  the  island  of  Jamaica ;  the 
insurrection  of  the  Porras  and  their  l)and  ;  and  all  the  other 
griefs  and  troubles  of  this  unfortunate  expedition.  He  had  but 
a  cold-hearted  auditor  in  the  king  ;  and  the  benignant  Isabella 
was  no  more  at  hand  to  soothe  him  with  a  smile  of  kindness  or 
a  tear  of  sympathy.  "•  I  know  not,"  says  the  venerable  Las 
Casas,  '"  what  could  cause  this  dislike  and  this  want  of  princely 
countenance  in  the  king  toward  one  who  had  rendered  him  such 
pre-eminent  benefits ;  unless  it  was  that  his  mind  was  swayed 
by  the  false  testimonies  which  had  been  brought  against  the 
admiral ;  of  which  I  have  been  enabled  to  learn  something  from 
persons  much  in  favor  with  the  sovereigns."  J 

After  a  few  days  had  elapsed  Columbus  urged  his  suit  in 
form,  reminding  the  king  of  all  that  he  had  done,  and  all  that 
had  been  promised  him  under  the  royal  word  and  seal,  and 
supplicating  that  the  restitutions  and  indemnifications  which 
had  been  so  frequently  solicited,  might  be  awarded  to  him  : 
offering  in  return  to  serve  his  majesty  devotedly  for  the  short 
time  he  had  yet  to  live  ;  and  trusting,  from  what  he  felt  within 
him,  and  from  what  he  thought  he  knew  with  certainty,  to 
render  services  which  should  surpass  all  that  he  had  yet  per- 
formed a  hundred-fold.  The  king,  in  reply,  acknowledged  the 
greatness  of  his  merits,  and  the  importance  of  his  services,  but 
observed  that,  for  the  more  satisfactory  adjustment  of  his 
claims,  it  would  be  advisable  to  refer  all  points  in  dispute  to 
the  decision  of  some  discreet  and  able  person.  The  admiral 
immediately  proposed  as  arbiter  his  friend  the  archbishop  of 
.Seville,  Don  Diego  de  Deza,  one  of  the  most  able  and  upright 
men  about  the  court,  devotedly  loyal,  high  in  the  confidence  of 
the  king,  and  one  who  had  always  taken  great  interest  in  the 
affairs  of  the  New  World.  The  king  consented  to  the  arbitra- 
tion, but  artfully  extended  it  to  questions  which  he  knew  would 
never  be  put  at  issue  by  Columbus ;  among  these  was  his 
claim  to  the  restoration  of  his  office  of  viceroy.  To  this  Colum- 

1  Las  Casas,  [list.  lud.,  lib.  ii.  cap.  37,  MS. 


LIFE  OF  CURISTOPUER   COLUMBUS.  595 

bus  objected  with  becoming  spirit,  as  compromising  a  right 
which  was  too  clearly  defined  and  solemnly  established,  to  be 
put  for  a  moment  in  dispute.  It  was  the  question  of  rents  and 
revenues  alone,  he  observed,  which  he  was  willing  to  submit  to 
the  decision  of  a  learned  man,  not  that  of  the  government  of 
the  Indies.  As  the  monarch  persisted,  however,  in  embracing 
both  questions  in  the  arbitration,  the  proposed  measure  was 
never  carried  into  effect. 

It  was,  in  fact,  on  the  subject  of  his  dignities  alone  that 
Columbus  was  tenacious ;  all  other  matters  he  considered  of 
minor  imix)rtance.  In  a  conversation  with  the  king,  he 
absolutely  disavowed  all  wish  of  entering  into  any  suit  or 
pleading  as  to  his  pecuniary  dues  ;  on  the  contrary,  he  offered 
to  put  all  his  privileges  and  writings  into  the  hands  of  his  sov- 
ereign, and  to  receive  out  of  the  dues  arising  from  them,  what- 
ever his  majesty  might  think  proper  to  award.  All  that  he 
claimed  without  qualification  or  reserve,  were  his  official 
dignities,  assilred  to  him  under  the  royal  seal  with  all  the 
solemnity  of  a  treaty.  He  entreated,  at  all  events,  that  these 
matters  might  speedily  be  decided,  so  that  he  might  be  released 
from  a  state  of  miserable  suspense,  and  enabled  to  retire  to 
some  quiet  corner,  in  search  of  that  tranquillity  and  repose 
Eecessary  to  his  fatigues  and  his  infirmities. 

To  this  frank  appeal  to  his  justice  and  generosity,  Ferdinand 
replied  with  many  courteous  expressions,  and  with  those  gen- 
eral evasive  promises,  which  beguile  the  ear  of  the  court  appli- 
cant, but  convey  no  comfort  to  his  heart.  "As  far  as  actions 
went,"  observes  Las  Casas,  "the  king  not  merely  showed  him 
no  signs  of  favor,  but,  on  the  contrary,  discountenanced  him  as 
much  as  possible ;  yet  he  was  never  wanting  in  complimentary 
expressions." 

Many  months  were  passed  by  Columbus  in  unavailing  solici- 
tation, during  which  he  continued  to  receive  outward  demon- 
strations of  respect  from  the  king,  and  due  attention  from 
Cardinal  Ximenes,  Archbishop  of  Toledo,  and  other  principal 
personages ;  but  he  had  learned  to  appreciate  and  distrust  the 
hollow  civilities  of  a  court.  His  claims  were  referred  to  a 
tribunal,  called,  "The  council  of  the  discharges  of  the  con- 
science of  the  deceased  queen,  and  of  the  king."  This  is  a  kind 
of  tribunal  commonly  known  by  the  name  of  the  Junta  de 
Descargos,  composed  of  persons  nominated  by  the  sovereign, 
to  superintend  the  accomplishment  of  the  last  will  of  his  prede- 
cessor, and  the  discharge  of  his  debts.  Two  consultations  were 
held  by  this  body,  but  nothing  was  determined.  The  wishes  of 


596  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUM1WS. 

the  king  were  too  well  known  to  be  thwarted.  "It  was 
believed,"  says  Las  Casas,  "  that  if  the  king  could  have  done 
so  with  a  safe  conscience,  and  without  detriment  to  his  fame, 
he  would  have  respected  few  or  none  of  the  privileges  which  he 
and  the  queen  had  conceded  to  the  admiral,  and  which  hud  been 
so  justly  merited."1 

Columbus  still  flattered  himself  that,  his  claims  being  of  such 
importance,  and  touching  a  question  of  sovereignty,  the  adjust- 
ment of  them  might  be  only  postponed  by  the  king  until  he 
could  consult  with  his  daughter  Juana,  who  had  succeeded  to 
her  mother  as  Queen  of  Castile,  and  who  was  dairy  expected 
from  Flanders  with  her  husband,  King  Philip.  He  endeavored, 
therefore,  to  bear  his  delays  with  patience ;  but  he  had  no 
longer  the  physical  strength  and  glorious  anticipations  which 
once  sustained  him  through  his  long  application  at  this  court. 
Life  itself  was  drawing  to  a  close. 

He  was  once  more  confined  to  his  bed  by  a  tormenting  attack 
of  the  gout,  aggravated  by  the  sorrows  and  disappointments 
which  preyed  upon  his  heart.  From  this  couch  of  anguish  he 
addressed  one  more  appeal  to  the  justice  of  the  king.  He  no 
longer  petitioned  for  himself ;  it  was  for  his  sou  Diego.  Nor 
did  he  dwell  upon  his  pecuniary  dues  ;  it  was  the  honorable 
trophies  of  his  services  which  he  wished  to  secure  and  perpetu- 
ate in  his  family.  He  entreated  that  his  son  Diego  might  be 
appointed,  in  his  place,  to  the  government  of  which  he  had  been 
so  wrongfully  deprived.  C1  This,"  he  said,  "  is  a  matter  which 
concerns  my  honor ;  as  to  all  the  rest,  do  as  your  majesty  may 
think  proper ;  give  or  withhold,  as  may  be  most  for  your 
interest,  and  I  shall  be  content.  I  believe  the  anxiety  caused 
by  the  delay  of  this  affair  is  the  principal  cause  of  my  ill 
health."  A  petition  to  the  same  purpose  was  presented  at  the 
same  time  by  his  son  Diego,  offering  to  take  with  him  such 
persons  for  counsellors  as  the  king  should  appoint,  and  to  be 
guided  by  their  advice. 

These  petitions  were  treated  by  Ferdinand  with  his  usual 
professions  and  evasions.  "The  more  applications  were  made 
to  him,"  observes  Las  Casas,  "  the  more  favorably  did  he  reply  ; 
but  still  he  delayed,  hoping,  by  exhausting  their  patience,  to 
induce  them  to  waive  their  privileges,  and  accept  in  place 
thereof  titles  and  estates  in  Castile."  Columbus  rejected  all 
propositions  of  the  kind  with  indignation,  as  calculated  to  com- 
promise those  titles  which  were  the  trophies  of  his  achievements. 

1  L«s  Casas,  ILst.  Iiul.,  lib.  ii.  cap.  SI. 


LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMUUS.  597 

Ho  saw,  however,  that  all  further  hope  of  redress  from  Fer- 
dinand was  vain.  From  the  bed  to  which  he  was  confined  he 
addressed  a  letter  to  his  constant  friend  Diego  de  Deza,  expres- 
sive of  his  despair.  "  It  appears  that  his  majesty  does  not 
think  fit  to  fulfil  that  which  he,  with  the  queen,  who  is  now  in 
glory,  promised  me  by  word  and  seal.  For  me  to  contend  for 
the  contrary  would  be  to  contend  with  the  wind.  I  have  done 
all  that  I  could  do.  I  .leave  the  rest  to  God,  whom  I  have  ever 
found  propitious  to  me  in  my  necessities."1 

The  cold  and  calculating  Ferdinand  beheld  this  illustrious 
man  sinking  under  infirmity  of  body,  heightened  by  that 
deferred  hope  which  "  maketh  the  heart  sick."  A  little  more 
delay,  a  little  more  disappointment,  and  a  little  longer  infliction 
of  ingratitude,  and  this  loyal  and  generous  heart  would  cease  to 
beat :  he  should  then  be  delivered  from  the  just  claims  of  a  well- 
tried  servant,  who,  in  ceasing  to  be  useful,  was  considered  by 
him  to  have  become  importunate. 


CHAPTER    IV. 

DEATH   OF   COLUMBUS. 

IN  the  midst  of  illness  and  despondency,  when  both  life  and 
hope  were  expiring  in  the  bosom  of  Columbus,  a  new  gleam 
was  awakened  and  blazed  up  for  the  moment  with  characteris- 
tic fervor.  He  heard  with  joy  of  the  landing  of  King  Philip 
and  Queen  Juana,  who  had  just  arrived  from  Flanders  to  take 
possession  of  their  throne  of  Castile.  In  the  daughter  of  Isa- 
bella he  trusted  once  more  to  find  a  patroness  and  a  friend. 
King  Ferdinand  and  all  the  court  repaired  to  Laredo  to  receive i 
the  youthful  sovereigns.  Columbus  would  gladly  have  done 
the  same,  but  he  was  confined  to  his  bed  by  a  severe  return  of 
his  malady ;  neither  in  his  painful  and  helpless  situation  could 
he  dispense  with  the  aid  and  ministry  of  his  son  Diego.  His 
brother,  the  Adelantado,  therefore,  his  main  dependence  in  all 
emergencies,  was  sent  to  represent  him,  and  to  present  his 
homage  and  congratulations.  Columbus  wrote  by  him  to  the 
new  king  and  queen  expressing  his  grief  at  being  prevented  by 
illness  from  coming  in  person  to  manifest  his  devotion,  but 
begging  to  be  considered  among  the  most  faithful  of  their 

1  Navarrete,  Colec.,  torn.  i.  , 


598  LIFE  OF  CURISTOPUER   COLUMBUS. 

subjects.  He  expressed  a  hope  that  he  should  receive  at  their 
hands  the  restitution  of  his  houors  and  estates,  and  assured 
them  that,  though  cruelly  tortured  at  present  by  disease,  he 
would  yet  be  able  to  render  them  services,  the  like  of  which 
had  never  been  witnessed. 

Such  was  the  last  sally  of  his  sanguine  and  unconquerable 
spirit;  which,  disregarding  age  and  infirmities,  and  all  past 
sorrows  and  disappointments,  spoke  from  his  dying  bed  with 
all  the  confidence  of  youthful  hope  ,  and  talked  of  still  greater 
enterprises,  as  if  he  had  a  long  and  vigorous  life  before  him. 
The  Adelantado  took  leave  of  his  brother,  whom  he  was  never 
to  behold  again,  and  set  out  on  his  mission  to  the  new  sover- 
eigns. He  experienced  the  most  gracious  reception.  The  claims 
of  the  admiral  were  treated  with  great  attention  by  the  young 
king  and  queen,  and  flattering  hopes  were  given  of  a  speedy 
and  prosperous  termination  to  his  suit 

In  the  mean  time  the  cares  and  troubles  of  Columbus  were 
drawing  to  a  close  The  momentary  fire  which  had  reanimated 
him  was  soon  quenched  by  accumulating  infirmities.  Immedi- 
ately after  the  departure  of  the  Adelantado,  his  illness  increased 
in  violence.  His  last  voyage  had  shattered  beyond  repair  a 
frame  already  worn  and  wasted  by  a  life  of  hardship ;  and  con- 
tinual anxieties  robbed  him  of  that  sweet  repose  so  necessary 
to  recruit  the  weariness  and  debility  of  age.  The  cold  ingrati- 
tude of  his  sovereign  chilled  his  heart.  The  continue  I  suspen- 
sion of  his  honors,  and  the  enmity  and  defamation  experienced 
at  every  turn,  seemed  to  throw  a  shadow  over  that  glory  which 
had  been  the  great  object  of  his  ambition.  This  shadow,  it  is 
true,  could  be  but  of  transient  duration  ;  but  it  is  difficult  for 
the  most  illustrious  man  to  look  beyond  the  present  cloud 
which  may  obscure  his  fame,  and  anticipate  its  permanent 
lustre  in  the  admiration  of  posterity. 

Being  admonished  by  failing  strength  and  increasing  suffer- 
ings that  his  end  was  approaching,  he  prepared  to  leave  his 
affairs  in  order  for  the  benefit  of  his  successors. 

Jt  is  said  that  on  the  4th  of  May  he  wrote  an  informal  testa- 
mentary codicil  on  the  blank  page  of  a  little  breviary,  given 
him  by  Pope  Alexander  VI.  In  this  he  bequeathed  that  book 
to  the  Republic  of  Genoa,  which  he  also  appointed  successor  to 
his  privileges  and  dignities,  on  the  extinction  of  his  male  line. 
He  directed  likewise  the  erection  of  an  hospital  in  that  city 
with  the  produce  of  his  possessions  in  Italy.  The  authenticity 
of  this  document  is  questioned,  and  has  become  a  point  of 
warm  contest  among  commentators.  It  is  not,  however,  of 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  599 

much  importance.  The  paper  is  such  as  might  readily  have 
been  written  by  a  person  like  Columbus  in  the  paroxysm  of 
disease,  when  he  imagined  his  end  suddenly  approaching,  and 
shows  the  affection  with  which  his  thoughts  were  bent  on  his 
native  city.  It  is  termed  among  commentators  a  military 
codicil,  because  testamentary  dispositions  of  this  kind  are 
executed  by  the  soldier  at  the  point  of  death,  without  the  usual 
formalities  required  by  the  civil  law.  About  two  weeks  after- 
ward, on  the  eve  of  his  death,  he  executed  a  final  and  regularly 
authenticated  codicil,  in  which  he  bequeathed  his  dignities  and 
estates  with  better  judgment. 

In  these  last  and  awful  moments,  when  the  soul  has  but  a 
brief  space  in  which  to  make  up  its  accounts  between  heaven 
and  earth,  all  dissimulation  is  at  an  end,  and  we  read  un- 
equivocal evidences  of  character.  The  last  codicil  of  Columbus, 
made  at  the  very  verge  of  the  grave,  is  stamped  with  his  rul- 
ing" passion  and  his  benignant  virtues.  He  repeats  and  en- 
forces several  clauses  of  his  original  testament,  constituting  his 
son  Diego  his  universal  heir  The  entailed  inheritance,  or 
mayorazgo,  in  case  he  died  without  male  issue,  was  to  go  to 
his  brother  Don  Fernando,  and  from  him,  in  like  case,  to  pass 
to  his  uncle  Don  Bartholomew,  descending  always  to  the  near- 
est male  heir ;  in  failure  of  which  it  was  to  pass  to  the  female 
nearest  in  lineage  to  the  admiral.  He  enjoined  upon  whoever 
should  inherit  his  estate  never  to  alienate  or  diminish  it,  but  to 
endeavor  by  all  means  to  augment  its  prosperity  and  impor- 
tance. He  likewise  enjoined  upon  his  heirs  to  be  prompt  and 
devoted  at  all  times,  with  person  and  estate,  to  serve  their 
sovereign  and  promote  the  Christian  faith.  He  ordered  that 
Don  Diego  should  devote  one  tenth  of  the  revenues  which 
might  arise  from  his  estate,  when  it  came  to  be  productive,  to 
the  relief  of  indigent  relatives,  and  of  other  persons  in  ne- 
cessity ;  that,  out  of  the  remainder  he  should  yield  certain 
yearly  proportions  to  his  brother  Don  Fernando,  and  his  uncles 
Don  Bartholomew  and  Don  Diego ;  and  that  the  part  allotted 
to  Don  Fernando  should  be  settled  upon  him  and  his  male 
heirs  in  an  entailed  and  uualienable  inheritance.  Having  thus 
provided  for  the  maintenance  and  perpetuity  of  his  family  and 
dignities,  he  ordered  that  Don  Diego,  when  his  estates  should 
be  snHieiently  productive,  should  erect  a  chapel  in  the  island 
of  Hispaniola,  which  God  had  given  to  him  so  marvellously,  at 
the  town  of  Conception,  in  the  Vega,  where  masses  should  be 
daily  performed  for  the  repose  of  the  souls  of  himself,  his 
father,  his  mother,  his  wife,  and  of  all  who  died  in  the  faith. 


600  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

Another  clause  recommends  to  the  care  of  Don  Diego,  Beatrix 
Enriquez,  the  mother  of  his  natural  son  Fernando.  His  con- 
nection with  her  had  never  been  sanctioned  by  matrimony, 
and  either  this  circumstance,  or  some  neglect  of  her,  seems  to 
have  awakened  deep  compunction  in  his  dying  moments.  He 
orders  Don  Diego  to  provide  for  her  respectable  maintenance  ; 
"  and  let  this  be  done,"  he  adds,  "  for  the  discharge  of  my  con- 
science, for  it  weighs  heavy  on  my  soul."1  Finally  he  noted 
with  his  own  hand  several  minute  sums,  to  be  paid  to  persons 
at  different  and  distant  places,  without  their  being  told  whence 
they  received  them.  These  appear  to  have  been  trivial  debts 
of  conscience,  or  rewards  for  petty  services  received  in  times 
long  past.  Among  them  is  one  of  half  a  mark  of  silver  to  a 
poor  Jew,  who  lived  at  the  gate  of  the  Jewry,  in  the  city  of  Lis- 
bon. These  minute  provisions  evince  the  scrupulous  attention 
to  justice  in  all  his  dealings,  and  that  love  of  punctuality  in  the 
fulfilment  of  duties,  for  which  he  was  remarked.  In  the  same 
spirit  he  gave  much  advice  to  his  sou  Diego,  as  to  the  conduct 
of  his  affairs,  enjoining  upon  him  to  take  every  mouth  an 
account  with  his  own  hand  of  the  expenses  of  his  household, 
and  to  sign  it  with  his  name ;  for  a  want  of  regularity  in  this, 
he  observed,  lost  both  property  and  servants,  and  turned  the 
last  into  enemies.2  His  dying  bequests  were  made  in  presence 
of  a  few  faithful  followers  and  servants,  and  among  them  we 
find  the  name  of  Bartholomeo  Fiesco,  who  had  accompanied 
Diego  Mendez  in  the  perilous  voyage  in  a  canoe  from  Jamaica 
to  Hispaniola. 

Having  thus  scrupulously  attended  to  all  the  claims  of  affec- 
tion, loyalty,  and  justice  upon  earth,  Columbus  turned  his 
thoughts  to  heaven  ;  and  having  received  the  holy  sacrament, 
and  performed  all  the  pious  offices  of  a  devout  Christian,  he 
expired  with  great  resignation  on  the  day  of  Ascension,  the 
20th  of  May,  1506,  being  about  seventy  years  of  age.3  His  last 
words  were,  "  In  manus  tuas  Domine,  commando  spirituin, 
meum:  "  Into  thy  hands,  O  Lord,  I  commend  my  spirit.4 

His  body  was  deposited  in  the  convent  of  St.  Francisco,  and 
his  obsequies  were  celebrated  with  funeral  pomp  at  Vallado- 

1  Diego,  the  eon  of  the  admiral,  notes  in  his  own  testament  this  bequest  of  his  father, 
and  «ays,  that  he  was  charged  by  him  to  pay  Beatrix  Enriquez  10,000  maravedis  a  year, 
which  for  some  time  he  had  faithfully  performed;  but  as  he  believes  that  for  three  or 
four  years  previous  to  her  death  he  had  neglected  to  do  *o,  he  orders  that  the  deficiency 
shall  be  ascertained  and  paid  to  her  heirs.  Memorial  ajustado  eobre  la  propriedad  del 
mayorazgo  que  fondo  D.  Christ.  Colon.  §  245. 

1  Memorial  ajustado,  §  248. 

'  Cura  de  los  Palacios,  cap.  121. 

*  Las  Casa*,  Hut.  lud.,  lib.  ii.  cap.  38.    Ilist.  del  Almirante,  cap.  108. 


LIFE  OF  CniilSTOPUER   COLUMBUS.  601 

lid,  in  the  parochial  church  of  Santa  Maria  do  la  Antigua.  His 
remains  were  transported  afterward,  in  1513,  to  the  Carthusian 
monastery  of  Las  Cuevas  of  Seville,  to  the  chapel  of  St.  Ann  or 
of  Santo  Christo,  in  which  chapel  were  likewise  deposited  those 
of  his  son  Don  Diego,  who  died  in  the  village  of  Montalban,  on 
the  23d  of  February,  1520.  In  the  year  1536  the  bodies  of  Co- 
lumbus and  his  son  Diego  were  removed  to  Hispaniola,  and 
interred  in  the  principal  chapel  of  the  cathedral  of  the  city  of 
Sun  Domingo ;  but  even  here  they  did  not  rest  in  quiet,  having 
since  been  again  disinterred  and  conveyed  to  the  Havana,  in 
the  island  of  Cuba. 

We  are  told  that  Ferdinand,  after  the  death  of  Columbus, 
showed  a  sense  of  his  merits  by  ordering  a  monument  to  be 
erected  to  his  memory,  on  wfiich  was  inscribed  the  motto 
already  cited,  which  had  formerly  been  granted  to  him  by  the 
sovereigns  :  A  CASTILLA  Y  A  LEON  NUEVO  MUNUO  DIO  COLON  ( To 
Castile  and  Leon  Columbus  gave  a  new  world).  However 
great  an  honor  a  monument  may  be  for  a  subject  to  receive,  it 
is  certainly  but  a  cheap  reward  for  a  sovereign  to  bestow.  As 
to  the  motto  inscribed  upon  it,  it  remaines  engraved  in  the 
memory  of  mankind,  more  indelibly  than  in  brass  or  marble  ; 
a  record  of  the  great  debt  of  gratitude  due  to  the  discoverer, 
which  the  monarch  had  so  faithlessly  neglected  to  discharge. 

Attempts  have  been  made  in  recent  days,  by  loyal  Spanish 
writers,  to  vindicate  the  conduct  of  Ferdinand  toward  Colum- 
bus. They  were  doubtless  well  intended,  but  they  have  been 
futile,  nor  is  their  failure  to  be  regretted.  To  screen  such  in- 
justice in  so  eminent  a  character  from  the  reprobation  of  man- 
kind is  to  deprive  history  of  one  of  its  most  important  uses. 
Let  the  ingratitude  of  Ferdinand  stand  recorded  in  its  full 
extent,  and  endure  throughout  all  time.  The  dark  shadow 
which*  it  casts  upon  his  brilliant  renown  will  be  a  lesson  to  all 
rulers,  teaching  them  what  is  important  to  their  own  fame  in 
their  treatment  of  illustrious  meu. 


602  LIFE   OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

CHAPTER  V. 

OBSERVATIONS    ON   THE   CHARACTER   OF   COLUMBUS. 

TN  narrating  the  story  of  Columbus,  it  has  been  the  endeavor 
of  the  author  to  place  him  iu  a  clear  and  familiar  point  of  view  ; 
for  this  purpose  he  has  rejected  no  circumstance,  however 
trivial,  which  appeared  to  evolve  some  point  of  character ;  and 
he  has  sought  all  kinds  of  collateral  facts  which  might  throw 
light  upon  his  views  and  motives.  With  this  view  also  he  has 
detailed  many  facts  hitherto  passed  over  in  silence,  or  vaguely 
noticed  by  historians,  probably  ^because  they  might  be  deemed 
instances  of  error  or  misconduct  on  the  part  of  Columbus  ;  but 
he  who  paints  a  great  man  merely  in  great  and  heroic  traits, 
though  he  may  produce  a  fine  picture,  will  never  present  a  faith- 
ful portrait.  Great  men  are  compounds  of  great  and  little 
qualities.  Indeed,  much  of  their  greatness  arises  from  their 
mastery  over  the  imperfections  of  their  nature,  and  their 
noblest  actions  are  sometimes  struck  forth  by  the  collision  of 
their  merits  and  their  defects. 

In  Columbus  were  singularly  combined  the  practical  and  the 
poetical.  His  mind  had  grasped  all  kinds  of  knowledge,  whether 
procured  by  study  or  observation,  which  bore  upon  his  theories  ; 
impatient  of  the  scanty  aliment  of  the  day,  *'  his  impetuous 
ardor,"  as  has  well  been  observed,  '•  threw  him  into  the  study 
of  the  fathers  of  the  church,  the  Arabian  Jews,  and  the  ancient 
geographers ;'  while  his  daring  but  irregular  genius,  bursting 
from  the  limits  of  imperfect  science,  bore  him  to  conclusions 
far  beyond  the  intellectual  vision  of  his  contemporaries.  If 
some  of  his  conclusions  were  erroneous,  they  were  at  lea'st  in- 
genious and  splendid  ;  and  their  error  resulted  from  the  clouds 
which  still  hung  over  his  peculiar  path  of  enterprise.  His  own 
discoveries  enlightened  the  ignorance  of  the  age ;  guided  con- 
jecture to  certainty,  and  dispelled  that  very  darkness  with  which 
he  had  been  obliged  to  struggle. 

In  the  progress  of  his  discoveries  he  has  been  remarked  for 
the  extreme  sagacity  and  the  admirable  justness  with  which 
he  seized  upon  the  phenomena  of  the  exterior  world.  The 
variations,  for  instance,  of  terrestrial  magnetism,  the  direction 
of  currents,  the  groupings  of  marine  plants,  fixing  one  of  the 
grand  climacteric  divisions  of  the  ocean,  the  temperatures 
changing  not  solely  with  the  distance  to  the  equator,  but  also 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  603 

with  the  difference  ot  meridians  :  these  and  similar  phenomena, 
as  they  broke  upon  him  were  discerned  with  wonderful  quick- 
ness of  perception,  and  made  to  contribute  important  principles 
to  the  stock  of  general  knowledge.  This  lucidity  of  spirit,  this 
quick  convertibility  of  facts  to  principles,  distinguish  him  from 
the  dawn  to  the  close  of  his  sublime  enterprise,  insomuch  that, 
with  all  the  sallying  ardor  of  his  imagination,  his  ultimate  suc- 
cess has  been  admirably  characterized  as  a  "  conquest  of  reflec- 
tion."1 

It  has  been  said  that  mercenary  views  mingled  with  the  am- 
bition of  Columbus,  and  that  his  stipulations  with  the  Spanish 
court  were  selfish  and  avaricious.  The  charge  is  inconsiderate 
mid  unjust.  He  aimed  at  dignity  and  wealth  in  the  same  lofty 
spirit  in  which  he  sought  renown  ;  they  were  to  be  part  and 
parcel  of  his  achievement,  and  palpable  evidence  of  his  success  ; 
they  were  to  arise  from  the  territories  he  should  discover,  and 
be  commensurate  in  importance.  No  condition  could  be  more 
just.  He  asked  nothing  of  the  sovereigns  but  a  command  of 
the  countries  he  hoped  to  give  them,  and  a  share  of  the  profits 
to  support  the  dignity  of  his  command.  If  there  should  be  no 
country  discovered,  his  stipulated  viceroyalty  would  be  of 
no  avail ;  and  if  no  revenues  should  be  produced,  his  labor  and 
peril  would  produce  no  gam.  If  his  command  and  revenues 
ultimately  proved  magnificent,  it  was  from  the  magnificence  of 
the  regions  he  had  attached  to  the  Castilian  crown.  What 
monarch  would  not  rejoice  to  gain  empire  on  such  conditions? 
But  he  did  not  risk  merely  a  loss  of  labor,  and  a  disappointment 
of  ambition,  in  the  enterprise  ;  —  on  his  motives  being  ques- 
tioned, he  voluntarily  undertook,  and,  with  the  assistance  of 
his  coadjutors,  actually  defrayed  one-eighth  of  the  whole  charge 
of  the  first  expedition. 

It  was,  in  fact,  this  rare  union  already  noticed,  of  the  practi- 
cal man  of  business  with  the  poetical  projector,  which  enabled 
him  to  carry  his  grand  enterprises  into  effect  through  so  many 
difficulties ;  but  the  pecuniary  calculations  and  cares,  which 
gave  feasibility  to  his  schemes,  were  never  suffered  to  chill  the 
glowing  aspirations  of  his  soul.  The  gains  that  promised  to 
arise  from  his  discoveries  he  intended  to  appropriate  in  the 
same  princely  and  pious  spirit  in  which  they  were  demanded. 
He  contemplated  works  and  achievements  of  benevolence  and 
religion  ;  vast  contributions  for  the  relief  of  the  poor  of  Ins 
native  city  ;  the  foundation  of  churches,  where  masses  should 

»  D.  Humboldt.    Exameu  Critique. 


604  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

be  said  for  the  souls  of  the  departed  ;  and  armies  for  the  recov- 
ery of  the  holy  sepulchre  in  Palestine.  Thus  his  ambition  was 
truly  noble  and  lofty ;  instinct  with  high  thought  and  prone  to 
generous  deed. 

In  the  discharge  of  his  office  he  maintained  the  state  and 
ceremonial  of  a  viceroy,  and  was  tenacious  of  his  rank  and 
privileges ;  not  from  a  mere  vulgar  love  of  titles,  but  because 
he  prized  them  as  testimonals  and  trophies  of  his  achievements  : 
these  he  jealously  cherished  as  his  great  rewards.  In  hw 
repeated  applications  to  the  king,  he  insisted  merely  on  the 
restitution  of  his  dignities.  As  to  his  pecuniary  dues  and  all 
questions  relative  to  mere  revenue,  he  offered  to  leave  them  to 
arbitration  or  even  to  the  absolute  disposition  of  the  monarch  ; 
but  not  so  his  official  dignities  :  "  these  things,"  said  he  nobly, 
"  affect  my  honor."  In  his  testament,  he  enjoined  on  his  son 
Diego,  and  whoever  after  him  should  inherit  his  estates,  what- 
ever dignities  and  titles  might  afterward  be  granted  by  the 
king,  always  to  sign  himself  simply  "  the  admiral,"  by  way  of 
perpetuating  in  the  family  its  real  source  of  greatness. 

His  conduct  was  characterized  by  the  grandeur  of  his  views 
and  the  magnanimity  of  his  spirit.  Instead  of  scouring  the 
newly-found  countries,  like  a  grasping  adventurer  eager  only 
for  immediate  gain,  as  was  too  generally  the  case  with  contem- 
porary discoverers,  he  sought  to  ascertain  their  soil  and  produc- 
'Cions,  their  rivers  and  barbel's  ;  he  was  desirous  of  colonizing 
and  cultivating  them  ;  of  conciliating  and  civilizing  the  natives  ; 
of  building  cities  ;  introducing  the  useful  arts  ;  subjecting  every 
thing  to  the  control  of  law,  order,  and  religion  ;  and  thus  of 
founding  regular  "and  prosperous  empires.  In  this  glorious 
plan  he  was  constantly  defeated  by  the  dissolute  rabble  which 
it  was  his  misfortune  to  command  ;  with  whom  all  law  was 
tyranny,  and  all  order  restraint.  They  interrupted  all  useful 
works  by  their  seditious  ;  provoked  the  peaceful  Indians  to  hos- 
tility ;  and  after  they  had  thus  drawn  down  misery  and  warfare 
Upon  their  own  heads,  and  overwhelmed  Columbus  with  the 
ruins  of  the  edifice  he  was  building,  they  charged  him  with  be- 
ing the  cause  of  the  confusion. 

Well  would  it  have  been  for  Spain  had  those  who  followed  in 
the  track  of  Columbus  possessed  his  sound  policy  and  liberal 
views.  The  New  World,  in  such  cases,  would  have  been  settled 
by  pacific  colonists,  and  civilized  by  enlightened  legislators ; 
instead  of  being  overrun  by  desperate  adventurers,  and  deso- 
lated by  avaricious  conquerors. 

Columbus  was  a  man  of  quick  sensibility,  liable  to  great  ex- 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  605 

citement,  to  sudden'and  strong  impressions,  and  powerful  im- 
pulses. He  was  naturally  irritable  and  impetuous,  and  keenly 
sensible  to  injury  and  injustice  ;  yet  the  quickness  of  his  temper 
wa$  counteracted  by  the  benevolence  and  generosity  of  his 
heart.  The  magnanimity  of  his  nature  shone  forth  through  all 
the  troubles  of  his  stormy  career.  Though  continually  outraged 
in  his  dignity,  and  braved  in  the  exercise  of  his  command  ; 
though  foiled  in  his  plans,  and  endangered  in  his  person  by  the 
seditions  of  turbulent  and  worthless  men,  and  that  too  at  times 
when  suffering  under  anxiety  of  mind  and  anguish  of  body 
sufficient  to  exasperate  the  most  patient,  yet  he  restrained  his 
valiant  and  indignant  spirit,  by  the  strong  powers  of  his  mind, 
and  brought  himself  to  forbear,  and  reason,  and  even  to  suppli- 
cate ;  nor  should  we  fail  to  notice  how  free  he  was  from  all 
feeling  of  revenge,  how  ready  to  forgive  and  forget,  on  the 
least  sign  of  repentance  and  atonement.  He  has  been  extolled 
for  his  skill  in  controlling  others ;  but  far  greater  praise  is  due 
to  him  for  his  firmness  in  governing  himself. 

His  natural  benignity  made  him  accessible  to  all  kinds  of 
pleasurable  sensations  from  external  objects.  In  his  letters 
and  journals,  instead  of  detailing  circumstances  with  the  tech- 
nical precision  of  a  mere  navigator,  he  notices  the  beauties  of 
nature  with  the  enthusiasm  of  a  poet  cr  a  painter.  As  he 
coasts  the  shores  of  the  New  World,  the  reader  participates  in 
the  enjoyment  with  which  he  describes  in  his  imperfect  but 
picturesque  Spanish,  the  varied  objects  around  him  ;  the  bland- 
ness  of  the  temperature,  the  purity  of  the  atmosphere,  the 
fragrance  of  the  air,  4k  full  of  dew  and  sweetness,"  the  verdure 
of  the  forests,  the  magnificence  of  the  trees,  the  grandeur  of 
the  mountains,  and  the  limpidity  and  freshness  of  the  running 
streams.  New  delight  springs  up  for  him  in  every  scene.  He 
extols  each  new  discovery  as  more  beautiful  than  the  last,  and 
each  as  the  most  beautiful  in  the  world  ;  until,  with  his  simple 
earnestness,  he  tells  the  sovereigns  that,  having  spoken  so 
highly  of  the  preceding  islands,  he  fears  that  they  will  not 
credit  him,  when  he  declares  that  the  one  he  is  actually  describ- 
ing surpasses  them  all  in  excellence. 

In  the  same  ardent  and  unstudied  way  he  expresses  his  emo- 
tions on  various  occasions,  readily  affected  by  impulses  of  joy 
or  grief,  of  pleasure  or  indignation.  When  surrounded  and 
overwhelmed  by  the  ingratitude  and  violence  of  worthless  men, 
he  often,  in  the  retirement  of  his  cabin,  gave  way  to  bursts  of 
sorrow,  and  relieved  his  overladen  heart  by  sighs  and  groans. 
When  he  returned  in  chains  to  Spam,  and  came  into  the  pres- 


606  LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS. 

ence  of  Isabella,  instead  of  continuing  the  lofty  pride  with 
which  he  had  hitherto  sustained  his  injuries,  he  was  touchecl 
with  grief  and  tenderness  at  her  sympathy,  and  burst  forth  into 
sobs  and  tears.  4 

He  was  devoutly  pious :  religion  mingled  with  the  whole 
course  of  his  thoughts  and  actions,  and  shone  forth  in  his  most 
private  and  unstudied  writings.  Whenever  he  made  any  great 
discovery,  he  celebrated  it  by  solemn  thanks  to  God.  The 
voice  of  prayer  and  melody  of  praise  rose  from  his  ships  when 
they  first  beheld  the  New  World,  and  his  first  action  on  landing 
was  to  prostrate  himself  upon  the  earth  and  return  thanksgiv- 
ings. Every  evening  the  Salve  Regina  and  other  vesper  hymns 
were  chanted  by  his  crew,  and  masses  were  performed  in  the 
beautiful  groves  bordering  the  wild  shores  of  this  heathen  laud. 
All  his  great  enterprises  were  undertaken  in  the  name  of  the 
Holy  Trinity,  and  he  partook  of  the  communion  previous  to 
embarkation.  He  was  a  firm  believer  in  the  efficacy  of  vows 
and  penances  and  pilgrimages,  and  resorted  to  them  in  times  of 
difficulty  and  danger.  The  religion  thus  deeply  seated  in  his 
soul  diffused  a  sober  dignity  and  benign  composure  over  his 
whole  demeanor.  His  language  was  pure  and  guarded,  and  free 
from  all  imprecations,  oaths  and  other  irreverent  expressions. 

It  cannot  be  denied,  however,  that  his  piety  was  mingled 
with  superstition,  and  darkened  by  the  bigotry  of  the  age. 
He  evidently  concurred  in  the  opinion,  that  all  nations  which 
did  not  acknowledge  the  Christian  faith  were  destitute  of 
natural  rights  ;  that  the  sternest  measures  might  be  used  for 
their  conversion,  and  the  severest  punishments  inflicted  upon 
their  obstinacy  in  unbelief.  In  this  spirit  of  bigotry  he  consid- 
ered himself  justified  in  making  captives  of  the  Indians,  and 
transporting  them  to  Spain  to  have  them  taught  the  doctrines  of 
Christianity,  and  in  selling  them  for  slaves  if  they  pretended  to 
resist  his  invasions.  In  so  doing  he  sinned  against  the  natural 
goodness  of  his  character,  and  against  the  feelings  which  he 
had  originally  entertained  and  expressed  toward  this  gentle 
and  hospitable  people ;  but  he  was  goaded  on  by  the  mercenary 
impatience  of  the  crown,  and  by  the  sneers  of  his  enemies  at 
the  unprofitable  result  of  his  enterprises.  It  is  but  justice  to 
his  character  to  observe,  that  the  enslavement  of  the  Indians 
thus  taken  in  battle  was  at  first  openly  countenanced  by  the 
crown,  and  that,  when  the  question  of  right  came  to  be  dis- 
cussed at  the  entreat}'  of  the  queen,  several  of  the  most  distin- 
guished jurists  and  theologians  advocated  the  practice ;  so  that 
the  question  was  finally  settled  in  favor  of  the  Indians  solely 


LIFE  OF  CHRISTOPHER   COLUMBUS.  607 

by  the  humanity  of  Isabella.  As  the  venerable  Bishop  Las 
Casas  observes,  where  the  most  learned  men  have  doubted,  it  is 
not  surprising  that  an  unlearned  mariner  should  err. 

These  remarks,  in  palliation  of  the  conduct  of  Columbus,  are 
required  by  candor.  It  is  proper  to  show  him  in  connection 
witli  the  age  in  which  he  lived,  lest  the  errors  of  the  times  should 
be  considered  as  his  individual  faults.  It  is  not  the  intention 
of  the  author,  however,  to  justify  Columbus  on  a  point  where 
it  is  inexcusable  to  err.  Let  it  remain  a  blot  on  his  illustrious 
name,  and  let  others  derive  a  lesson  from  it. 

We  have  already  hinted  at  a  peculiar  trait  in  his  rich  and 
varied  character ;  that  ardent  and  enthusiastic  imagination 
which  threw  a  magnificence  over  his  whole  course  of  thought, 
lien-era  intimates  that  he  had  a  talent  for  poetry,  and  some 
slight  traces  of  it  are  on  record  in  the  book  of  prophecies 
which  he  presented  to  the  Catholic  sovereigns.  But  his  poetical 
temperament  is  discernible  throughout  all  his  writings  and  in 
all  his  actions.  It  spread  a  goldeii  and  glorious  world  around 
him,  and  tinged  every  thing  with  its  own  gorgeous  colors.  It 
betrayed  him  into  visionary  speculations,  which  subjected  him 
to  the  sneers  and  cavillings  of  men  of  cooler  and  safer,  but  more 
grovelling  minds.  Such  were  the  conjectures  formed  on  the 
coast  of  Paria  about  the  form  of  the  earth,  and  the  situation  of 
the  terrestrial  paradise  ;  about  the  mines  of  Ophir  in  Hispaniola, 
and  the  Aurea  Chersonesus  in  Veragua ;  and  such  was  tlie 
heroic  scheme  of  a  crusade  for  the  recovery  of  the  holy  sepul- 
chre. It  mingled  with  his  religion,  and  filled  his  mind  with 
solemn  and  visionary  meditations  on  mystic  passages  of  the 
Scriptures,  and  the  shadowy  portents  of  the  prophecies.  It 
exalted  his  office  in  his  e}"es,  and  made  him  conceive  himself 
an  agent  sent  forth  upon  a  sublime  and  awful  mission,  subject 
to  impulses  and  supernatural  intimations  from  the  Deity ;  such 
ns  the  voice  which  he  imagined  spoke  to  him  in  comfort  amidst 
the  troubles  of  Hispaniola  and  in  the  silence  of  the  night  on  the 
diastrous  coast  of  Vcragua. 

He  was  decidedly  a  visionary,  but  a  visionary  of  an  uncom- 
mon and  successful  kind.  The  manner  in  which  his  ardent, 
imaginative,  and  mercurial  nature  was  controlled  by  a  power- 
ful judgment,  and  directed  by  an  acute  sagacity,  is  the  most 
extraordinary  feature  in  his  character.  Thus  governed,  his 
imagination,  instead  of  exhausting  itself  in  idle  flights,  lent  aid 
to  his  judgment,  and  enabled  him  to  form  conclusions  at  which 
common  minds  could  never  have  arrived,  nay,  which  they  could 
not  perceive  when  pointed  out. 


608  LIFE  OF  CUIilSTOPnER   COLUMBUS. 

To  his  intellectual  vision  it  was  given  to  read  the  signs  of  the 
times,  and  to  trace,  in  the  conjectures  and  reveries  of  past 
ages,  the  indications  of  an  unknown  world ;  as  soothsayers 
were  said  to  read  predictions  in  the  stars,  and  to  foretell  events 
from  the  visions  of  the  night.  "  His  soul,"  observes  a  Spanish 
writer,  kk  was  superior  to  the  age  in  which  he  lived.  For  him 
was  reserved  the  great  enterprise  of  traversing  that  sea  which 
had  given  rise  to  so  many  fables,  and  of  deciphering  the  mys- 
tery of  his  time.1 

With  all  the  visionary  fervor  of  his  imagination,  its  fondest 
dreams  fell  short  of  the  reality.  He  died  in  ignorance  of  the 
real  grandeur  of  his  discover}'.  Until  his  last  breath  he  enter- 
tained the  idea  that  he  had  merely  opened  a  new  way  to  the 
old  resorts  of  opulent  commerce,  and  had  discovered  some  of 
the  wild  regions  of  the  East.  He  supposed  Hispaniola  to  be  the 
ancient  Ophir  which  had  been  visited  by  the. ships  of  Solomon, 
and  that  Cuba  and  Terra  Firma  were  but  remote  parts  of  A>i:i. 
What  visions  of  glory  would  have  broken  upon  his  mind 
could  he  have  known  that  he  had  indeed  discovered  a  new 
continent,  equal  to  the  whole  of  the  Old  World  in  magnitude, 
and  separated  by  two  vast  oceans  from  all  the  earth  hitherto 
known  by  civilized  man  !  And  how  would  his  magnanimous 
spirit  have  been  consoled,  amidst  the  afflictions  of  age  and  the 
cares  of  penury,  the  neglect  of  a  fickle  public  and  the  injustice 
of  an  ungrateful  king,  could  he  have  anticipated  the  splendid 
empires  which  were  to  spread  over  the  beautiful  world  he  had 
discovered  ;  and  the  nations,  and  tongues,  and  languages  which 
were  to  fill  its  lands  with  his  renown,  and  revere  and  bless  his 
name  to  the  latest  posterity  ! 

*  Cladera.    luvestigacioues  historias,  p.  43. 


APPENDIX. 


No.  I. 

TRANSPORTATION  OF  THE   REMAIN'S  OF  COLUMBUS    FROM    ST.    DOMIIf- 
OO  TO  THE   HAVANA. 

AT  the  termination  of  a  war  between  France  and  Spain,  in  1705,  all  the 
Spanish  possessions  in  the  island  of  Hispaniola  were  ceded  to  France,  by 
tin-  Uth  article  of  the  treaty  of  peace.  To  assist  in  the  accomplishment  of 
this  cession,  a  Spanish  squadron  was  despatched  to  the  island  at  the  ap- 
pointed time,  commanded  by  Don  Gabriel  de  Aristizabal,  lieutenant-gen- 
eral of  the  royal  armada.  On  the  1 1th  of  December,  171)5,  that  commander 
wrote  to  the  field-marshal  and  governor,  Don  Joaquin  Garcia,  resident 
at  St.  Domingo,  that,  being  informed  that  the  remains  of  the  celebrated 
admiral  Don  Christopher  Columbus  lay  in  the  cathedral  of  that  city,  he 
felt  it  incumbent  on  him  as  a  Spaniard,  and  as  Commander-in-chief  of  his 
majesty's  squadron  of  operations,  to  solicit  the  translation  of  the  ashes 
of  that  hero  to  the  island  of  Cuba,  which  had  likewise  been  discovered  by 
him,  and  where  he  had  first  planted  the  standard  of  the  cross.  He  ex- 
pressed a  desire  that  this  should  be  done  officially,  and  with  great  care 
and  formality,  that  it  might  not  remain  in  the  power  of  any  one,  by  a 
careless  transportation  of  these  honored  remains,  to  lose  a  relic  connected 
with  an  event  which  formed  the  most  glorious  epoch  of  Spanish  history, 
and  that  it  might  be  manifested  to  all  nations  that  Spaniards,  notwith- 
standing the  laps.-*  of  ages,  never  ceased  to  pay  all  honors  to  the  remains 
of  that  "  worthy  and  adventurous  general  of  the  seas;"  nor  abandoned 
them,  when  the  various  public  bodies,  representing  the  Spanish  dominion, 
emigrated  from  the  island.  As  be  had  not  time,  without  great  inconven- 
ience, to  consult  the  sovereign  on  this  subject,  he  had  recourse  to  the  gov- 
ernor, as  -oyal  vice-patron  of  the  island,  hoping  that  his  solicitation  might 
be  granted,  and  the  remains  of  the  admiral  exhumed  and  conveyed  to  the 
island  of  Cuba,  in  the  ship  San  Lorenzo. 

The  generous  wishes  of  this  high-minded  Spaniard  met  with  warm  con- 
currence on  the  part  of  the  governor.  He  informed  him,  in  reply,  that 
the  Duke  of  Veraguas,  lineal  successor  of  Columbus,  had  manifested  the 
same  solicitude,  and  had  sent  directions  that  the  necessary  measures 
should  be  taken  at  his  expense;  and  had  at  the  same  time  expressed  a 
wish  that  the  bones  of  the  Adelantado,  Don  Bartholomew  Columbus, 
should  likewise  be  exhumed;  transmitting  inscriptions  to  be  put  upon  the 
sepulchres  of  both.  He  added,  that  although  the  king  had  given  no 
orders  on  the  subject,  yet  the  proposition  being  so  accordant  with  the 
grateful  feelings  oif  the  Spanish  nation,  and  meeting  with  the  concurrence 

(KW 


610  APPENDIX. 

of  all  the  authorities  of  the  island,  he  was  ready  on  his  part  to  carry  it 
into  execution. 

The  commandant-general  Aristizabal  then  made  a  similar  communica- 
tion to  the  archbishop  of  Cuba,  Don  Fernando  Portillo  y  Torres,  whose 
metropolis  was  then  the  city  of  St.  Domingo,  hoping  to  receive  his  coun- 
tenance and  aid  in  this  pious  undertaking. 

The  reply  of  the  archbishop  was  couched  in  terms  of  high  courtesy 
toward  the  gallant  commander,  and  deep  reverence  for  the  memory  of 
Columbus,  and  expressed  a  zeal  in  rendering  this  tribute  of  gratitude  and 
respect  to  the  remains  of  one  who  had  done  so  much  for  the  glory  of  the 
nation. 

The  persons  empowered  to  act  for  the  Duke  of  Veraguas,  the  venerable 
dean  and  chapter  of  the  cathedral,  and  all  the  other  persons  ami  author- 
ities to  whom  Don  Gabriel  de  Aristizabal  made  similar  communications, 
manifested  the  same  eagerness  to  assist  in  the  performance  of  this  solemn 
and  affecting  rite. 

The  worthy  commander  Aristizabal,  having  taken  all  these  preparatory 
steps  with  great  form  and  punctilio,  so  that  the  ceremony  should  be  per- 
formed in  a  public  and  striking  manner,  suitable  to  the  fame  of  Columbus, 
the  whole  was  carried  into  effect  with  becoming  pomp  and  solemnity. 

On  the  20th  of  December,  1795,  the  most  distinguished  persons  of  the 
place,  the  dignitaries  of  the  church,  and  civil  and  military  officers,  assem- 
bled in  the  metropolitan  cathedral.  In  the  presence  of  this  august 
assemblage,  a  small  vault  was  opened  above  the  chancel,  in  the  principal 
wall  on  the  right  side  of  the  high  altar.  Within  were  found  the  fragments 
of  a  leaden  coffin,  a  number  of  bones,  and  a  quantity  of  mould,  evidently 
the  remains  of  a  human  body.  These  were  carefully  collected  and  put 
into  a  case  of  gilded  lead,  about  half  an  ell  in  length  and  breadth,  and  a 
third  in  height,  secured  by  an  iron  lock,  the  key  of  which  was  delivered 
to  the  archbishop.  The  case  was  enclosed  in  a  coffin  covered  with  black 
velvet,  and  ornamented  with  lace  and  fringe  of  gold.  The  whole  was 
then  placed  in  a  temporary  tomb  or  mausoleum. 

On  the  following  day  there  was  another  grand  convocation  at  the  cathe- 
dral, when  the  vigils  and  masses  for  the  dead  were  solemnly  chanted  by 
the  archbishop,  accompanied  by  the  commandant-general  of  the  armada, 
the  Dominican  and  Franciscan  friars,  and  the  friars  of  the  Order  of  Mercy, 
together  with  the  rest  of  the  distinguished  assemblage.  After  this  a  fun- 
eral sermon  was  preached  by  the  archbishop. 

On  the  same  day,  at  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  the  coffin  was  trans- 
ported to  the  ship  with  the  utmost  state  and  ceremony,  with  a  civil,  re- 
ligious, and  military  procession,  banners  wrapped  in  mourning,  chants 
and  responses  and  discharges  of  artillery.  The  most  distinguished  per- 
sons of  the  several  order  took  turn  to  support  the  coffin.  The  key  was 
taken  with  great  formality  from  the  hands  of  the  archbishop  by  the  gov- 
ernor, and  given  into  the  hands  of  the  commander  of  the  armada,  to  be 
delivered  by  him  to  the  governor  of  the  Havana,  to  be  held  in  deposit 
until  the  pleasure  of  the  king  should  be  known.  The  coffin  was  received 
on  board  of  a  brigantine  called  the  Discoverer,  which,  with  all  the  other 
shipping,  displayed  mourning  signals,  and  saluted  the  remains  with  the 
honors  paid  to  an  admiral. 

From  the  port  of  St.  Domingo  the  coffin  was  conveyed  to  the  bay  of 
Ocoa  and  there  transferred  to  the  ship  San  Lorenzo.  It  was  accompanied 
by  a  portrait  of  Columbus,  sent  from  Spain  by  the  Duke  of  Veraguas,  to 
be  suspended  close  by  the  place  where  the  remains  of  his  illustrious  an- 
cestor should  be  deposited. 

The  ship  immediately  made  sail,  and  arrived  at  Havana,  in  Cuba,  on 


APPENDIX.  611 

the  loth  of  January,  1796.  Here  the  same  deep  feeling  of  reverence  to 
the  memory  of  the  discoverer  was  evinced.  The  principal  authorities 
repaired  on  board  of  the  ship,  accompanied  by  the  superior  naval  and 
military  officers.  Every  thing  was  conducted  with  the  same  circum- 
stantial and  solemn  ceremonial.  The  remains  were  removed  with  great 
reverence,  and  placed  in  a  felucca,  in  which  they  were  conveyed  to  land 
in  the  midst  of  a  procession  of  three  columns  of  feluccas  and  boats  iu 
the  royal  service,  all  properly  decorated,  containing  distinguished  military 
and  ministerial  officers.  Two  feluccas  followed,  in  one  of  which  was  a 
marine  guard  of  honor,  with  mourning  banners  and  muffled  drums;  and 
in  the  other  were  the  commandant-general,  the  principal  minister  of 
marine,  and  the  military  staff.  In  passing  the  vessels  of  war  in  the 
harbor,  they  all  paid  the  honors  due  to  an  admiral  and  captain-general 
of  the  navy.  On  arriving  at  the  mole  the  remains  were  met  by  the 
governor  of  the  island,  accompanied  by  the  generals  and  the  military 
staff.  The  coffin  was  then  conveyed,  between  files  of  soldiery  which 
lined  the  streets,  to  the  obelisk,  in  the  place  of  arms,  where  it  was  re- 
ceived in  a  hearse  prepared  for  the  purpose.  Here  the  remains  were  for- 
mally delivered  to  the  governor  and  captain-general  of  the  island,  the  key 
given  up  to  him,  the  coffin  opened  and  examined,  and  the  safe  transporta- 
tion of  its  contents  authenticated.  This  ceremony  being  concluded,  it 
was  conveyed  in  grand  procession  and  with  the  utmost  pomp  to  the  cathe- 
dral. Masses  and  the  solemn  ceremonies  of  the  dead  were  performed  by 
the  bishop,  and  the  mortal  remains  of  Columbus  deposited  with  great 
reverence  in  the  wall  on  the  right  side  of  the  grand  altar.  "  All  these 
honors  and  ceremonies."  says  the  document,  from  whence  this  notice  is 
digested,1  "  were  attended  by  the  ecclesiastical  and  seculai  dignitaries,  the 

Eublic  bodies  and  all  the  nobility  and  gentry  of  Havana,  in  proof  of  the 
igh  estimation  and  respectful  remembrance  in  which  they  held  the  hero 
who  had  discovered  the  Xew  World,  and  had  been  the  first  to  plant  the 
standard  of  the  cross  on  that  island." 

This  is  the  last  occasion  that  the  Spanish  nation  has  had  to  testify  its 
feelings  toward  the  memory  of  Columbus,  and  it  is  with  deep  satisfaction 
that  the  author  of  this  work  has  been  able  to  cite  at  large  a  ceremonial 
so  solemn,  affecting,  and  noble  in  its  details,  and  so  honorable  to  the 
national  character. 

When  we  read  of  the  remains  of  Columbus,  thus  conveyed  from  the 
port  of  St.  Domingo,  after  an  interval  of  nearly  three  hundred  years,  as 
sacred  national  relics,  with  civic  and  military  pomp,  and  high  religious 
ceremonial;  the  most  dignified  and  illustrious  men  striving  who  most 
should  pay  them  reverence,  we  cannot  but  reflect  that  it  was  from  this 
very  port  he  was  carried  off  loaded  with  ignominious  chains,  blasted 
apparently  in  fame  and  fortune,  and  followed  by  the  revilings  of  the 
nibble.  Such  honors,  it  is  true,  are  nothing  to  the  dead,  nor  can  they 
atone  to  the  heart,  now  dust  and  ashes,  for  all  the  wrongs  and  sorrows 
it  may  have  suffered ;  but  they  speak  volumes  of  comfort  to  the  illustrious, 
yet  slandered  an  1  persecuted  living,  encouraging  them  bravely  to  bear 
with  present  injuries,  by  showing  them  how  true  merit  outlives  all 
calumny,  and  receives  its  glorious  reward  in  the  admiration  of  after 
ages. 

1  Navarrete,  Colec.,  torn.  ii.  p.  3*55. 


612  APPENDIX. 

No.  II. 

NOTICE   OF  THE  DESCENDANTS  OF  COLUMBUS. 

Ox  the  death  of  Columbus  his  son  Diego  succeeded  to  his  rights,  as 
viceroy  and  governor  of  the  New  World,  according  to  the  express  capitu- 
lations between  the  sovereigns  and  his  father.  He  appears  by  the 
general  consent  of  historians  to  have  been  a  man  of  great  integrity,  of 
respectable  talents,  and  of  a  frank  and  generous  nature.  Herrera  speaks 
repeatedly  of  the  gentleness  and  urbanity  of  his  manners,  and  pronounces 
him  of  a  noble  disposition,  and  without  deceit.  This  absence  of  all 
guile  frequently  laid  him  open  to  the  stratagems  of  crafty  men,  grown  old 
in  deception,  who  rendered  his  life  a  continued  series  of  embarrassments; 
but  the  probity  of  his  character,  with  the  irresistible  power  of  truth,  bore 
him  through  difficulties  in  which  more  politic  and  subtle  men  would 
have  been  entangled  and  completely  lost. 

Immediately  after  the  death  of  the  admiral,  Don  Diego  came  forward 
as  lineal  successor,  and  urged  the  restitution  of  the  family  offices  and 
privileges,  which  had  been  suspended  during  the  latter  years  of  h;s 
father's  life.  If  the  cold  and  wary  Ferdinand,  however,  could  forget  his 
obligations  of  gratitude  and  justice  to  Columbus,  he  had  less  difficulty  in 
turning  a  deaf  ear  to  the  solicitations  of  his  son.  For  two  years  Don 
Diego  pressed  his  suit  with  fruitless  diligence.  He  felt  the  apparent 
distrust  of  the  monarch  the  more  sensibly,  from  having  been  brought  up 
under  his  eye,  as  a  page  in  the  royal  household,  where  his  character 
ought  to  be  well  known  and  appreciated.  At  length,  on  the  return  of 
Ferdinand  from  Naples  in  150S,  he  put  to  him  a  direct  question,  with  the 
frankness  attributed  to  his  character  He  demanded  "  why  his  majesty 
would  not  grant  to  him  as  a  favor,  that  which  was  his  right,  and  why  he 
hesitated  to  confide  in  the  fidelity  of  one  who  had  been  reared  in  his 
house."  Ferdinand  replied  that  he  could  fully  confide  in  him,  but  could 
not  repose  so  great  a  trust  at  a  venture  in  his  children  and  successors 
To  this  Don  Diego  rejoined,  that  it  was  contrary  to  all  justice  and  reason 
to  make  him  suffer  for  the  sins  of  his  children,  who  might  never  be 
born.1 

.Still,  though  he  had  reason  and  justice  on  his  side,  the  young  admiral 
found  it  impossible  to  bring  the  wary  monarch  to  a  compliance.  Finding 
all  appeal  to  all  his  ideas  of  equity  or  sentiments  of  generosity  in  vain, 
he  solicited  permission  to  pursue  his  claim  in  the  ordinary  course  of 
law.  The  king  could  not  refuse  so  reasonable  a  request,  and  Don  Diego 
commenced  a  process  against  King  Ferdinand  before  the  council  of  the 
Indies,  founded  on  the  repeated  capitulations  between  the  crown  and  his 
father,  and  embracing  all  the  dignities  and  immunities  ceded  by  them. 

One  ground  of  opposition  to  these  claims  was,  that  if  the  capitulation, 
made  by  the  sovereigns  in  1492,  had  granted  a  perpetual  viceroyally  to 
the  admiral  and  his  heirs,  such  grant  could  not  stand  ;  being  contrary 
to  the  interests  of  the  state,  and  to  an  express  law  promulgated  in  Toledo 
in  1480  ;  wherein  it  was  ordained  that  no  office,  involving  the  adminis- 
tration of  justice,  should  be  given  in  perpetuity;  that  therefore,  the  vice- 
royalty  granted  to  the  admiral  could  only  have  been  for  his  life;  and 
that  even,  during  that  term,  it  had  justly  been  taken  from  him  for  his 
misconduct.  That  such  concessions  were  contrary  to  the  inherent  pre- 

1  Herrera,  Hist.  Intl.,  de-cad,  ii.  lib.  vii.  cap.  4. 


APPENDIX.  613 

rogatives  of  the  crown,  of  which  the  government  could  not  divest  itself. 
To  tliis  Don  Diego  replied,  that  as  to  the  validity  of  the  capitulation,  it 
was  a  binding  contract,  and  none  of  its  privileges  ought  to  be  restricted. 
That  as  by  royal  schedules  dated  in  Villa  Franca,  June  2d,  1506,  and  Alma- 
zan,  August.  28th,  1507,  it  had  been  ordered  that  he,  Don  Diego,  should 
receive  the  tenths,  so  equally  ought  the  other  privileges  to  he  accorded  to 
him.  As  to  the  allegation  that  his  father  had  been  deprived  of  his  vice- 
royalty  for  his  demerits,  it  was  contrary  to  all  truth.  It  had  been  auda- 
city on  [he  part  of  Bobadilla  to  send  him  a  prisoner  to  Spain  in  1500,  and 
contrary  to  the  will  and  command  of  the  sovereigns,  as  was  proved  by 
their  letter,  dated  from  Valencia  de  la  Torre  in  1502,  in  which  they 
expressed  grief  at  his  arrest,  and  assured  him  that  it  should  be  redressed, 
and  his  privileges  guarded  entire  to  himself  and  his  children.1 

This  memorable  suit  was  commenced  in  1508,  and  continued  for  several 
years.  In  the  course  of  it  the  claims  of  Don  Diego  were  disputed,  like- 
wise, on  the  plea  that  his  father  was  not  the  original  discoverer  of  Terra 
Firma,  but  only  subsequently  of  certain  portions  of  it.  This,  however, 
was  completely  controverted  by  overwhelming  testimony.  The  claims  of 
Don  Diego  were  minutely  discussed  and  rigidly  examined,  and  the 
unanimous  decision  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies  in  his  favor,  while  it 
reflected  honor  on  the  justice  and  independence  of  that  body,  silenced 
many  petty  cavilers  at  the  fair  fame  of  Columbus.2  Notwithstanding 
this  decision,  the  wily  monarch  wanted  neither  means  nor  pretexts  to 
delay  the  ceding  of  such  vast  powers,  so  repugnant  to  his  cautious 
policy  The  young  admiral  was  finally  indebted  for  his  success  in  this 
suit  to  previous  success  attained  in  a  suit  of  a  different  nature.  He  had 
become  enamoured  of  Dofia  Maria  de  Toledo,  daughter  of  Fernando  de 
Toledo,  grand  commander  of  Leon,  and  niece  to  Don  Fadrique  Toledo, 
the  celebrated  Duke  of  Alva,  chief  favorite  of  the  king.  This  was  aspir- 
ing to  a  high  connection  The  father  and  uncle  of  the  lady  were  the 
most  powerful  grandees  of  the  proud  kingdom  of  Spain,  and  cousins 
German  to  Ferdinand.  The  glory,  however,  which  Columbus  had  left 
behind,  rested  upon  his  children,  and  the  claims  of  Don  Diego,  recently 
confirmed  by  the  council,  involved  dignities  and  wealth  sufficient  to 
raise  him  to  a  level  with  the  loftiest  alliance.  He  found  no  difficulty  in 
obtaining  the  hand  of  the  lady,  and  thus  was  the  foreign  family  of 
Columbus  ingrafted  on  one  of  the  proudest  races  of  Spain.  The 
natural  consequences  followed.  Diego  had  secured  that  magical  power 
called  "connections;"  and  the  favor  of  Ferdinand,  which  had  been  so 
long  withheld  from  him,  as  the  son  of  Columbus,  shone  upon  him, 
though  coldly,  as  the  nephew  of  the  Duke  of  Alva.  The  father  and 
uncle  of  his  bride  succeeded,  though  with  great  difficulty,  in  conquering 
the  repugnance  of  the  monarch,  and  after  all  he  but  granted  in  part  the 
justice  they  required.  He  ceded  to  Don  Diego  merely  the  dignities  and 
powers  enjoyed  by  Nicholas  de  Ovando,  who  was  recalled,  and  he 
cautiously  withheld  the  title  of  viceroy. 

The  recall  of  Ovando  was  not  merely  a  measure  to  make  room  for  Don 
Diego;  it  was  the  tardy  performance  of  a  promise  made  to  Isabella  on  her 
death-bed.  The  expiring  queen  had  demanded  it  as  a  punishment  for 
the  massacre  of  her  poor  Indian  subjects  at  Xaragua,  and  the  cruel  and 
ignominious  execution  of  the  female  cacique  Anacaona.  Thus  retribu- 
tion was  continually  going  its  rounds  in  the  checkered  destinies  of  this 

i  Extracts  from  the  minutes  of  the  process  taken  by  the  historian  Munoz,  MS. 
s  Kiinher  meutiou  will  be  fouud  of  this  lawsuit  iu  the  article  relative  to  Amerigo 
Vespucci. 


614  APPENDIX. 

island,  which  has  ever  presented  a  little  epitome  of  human  history,  its 
errors  and  crimes,  and  consequent  disasters. 

In  complying  with  the  request  of  the  queen,  however,  Ferdinand  was 
favorable  toward  Ovando.  He  did  not  feel  the  same  generous  sympathies 
with  his  late  consort,  and,  however  Ovando  had  sinned  against  humanity 
in  his  treatment  of  the  Indians,  he  had  been  a  vigilant  officer,  and  his 
very  oppressions  had  in  general  proved  profitable  to  the  crown.  Ferdi- 
nand directed  that  the  fleet  which  took  out  the  new  governor  should 
return  under  the  command  of  Ovando,  and  that  he  should  retain  undis- 
turbed enjoyment  of  any  property  or  Indian  slaves  that  might  be  found 
in  his  possession.  Some  have  represented  Ovando  as  a  man  far  from 
mercenary;  that  the  wealth  wrung  from  the  miseries  of  the  natives  was 
for  his  sovereign,  not  for  himself;  and  it  is  intimated  that  one  secret  cause 
of  his  disgrace  was  his  having  made  an  enemy  of  the  all-powerful  and 
unforgiving  Fonseca.1 

The  new  admiral  embarked  at  St.  Lucar,  June  Oth,  1509,  with  his  wife, 
his  brother  L)on  Fernando,  who  was  now  grown  to  man's  estate,  and  had 
been  well  educated,  and  his  two  uncles,  Don  Bartholomew  and  Don  Diego. 
They  were  accompanied  by  a  numerous  retinue  of  cavaliers,  with  their 
wives,  and  of  young  ladies  of  rank  and  family,  more  distinguished,  it  is 
hinted,  for  high  blood  than  large  fortune,  and  who  were  sent  out  to  find 
wealthy  husbands  in  the  New  World.'2 

Though  the  king  had  not  granted  Don  Diego  the  dignity  of  viceroy,  the 
title  was  generally  given  to  him  by  courtesy,  and  his  wife  was  universally 
addressed  by  that  of  vice-queen. 

Don  Diego  commenced  his  rule  with  a  degree  of  splendor  hitherto  un- 
known in  the  colony.  The  vice-queen,  who  was  a  lady  of  great  desert, 
surrounded  by  the  noble  cavaliers  and  the  young  ladies  of  family  who  had 
come  in  her  retinue,  established  a  sort  of  court,  which  threw  a  degree  of 
lustre  over  the  half-savage  island.  The  young  ladies  were  soon  married 
to  the  wealthiest  colonists,  and  contributed  greatly  to  soften  those  rude 
manners  which  had  grown  up  in  a  state  of  society  hitherto  destitute  of 
the  salutary  restraint  and  pleasing  decorum  produced  by  female  influence. 

Don  Diego  had  considered  his  appointment  in  the  light  of  a  viceroyalty, 
but  the  king  soon  took  measures  which  showed  that  he  admitted  of  no 
such  pretension.  Without  any  reference  to  Don  Diego,  he  divided  the 
coast  of  Darien  into  two  great  provinces,  separated  by  an  imaginary  line 
running  through  the  Gulf  of  Uraba,  appointing  Alonso  de  Ojeda  govern- 
or of  the  eastern  province,  which  he  called  New  Andalusia,  and  Diego  de 
Nicuessa,  governor  of  the  western  province,  which  included  the  rich  coast 
of  Veragua.  and  which  he  called  Castilla  del  Oro,  or  Golden  Castile.  Had 
the  monarch  been  swayed  by  principles  of  justice  and  gratitude,  the  settle- 
ment of  this  coast  would  have  been  given  to  the  Adelantado,  Don  Bar- 
tholomew Columbus,  who  had  assisted  in  the  discovery  of  the  country, 
and,  together  with  his  brother  the  admiral,  had  suffered  so  greatly  in  the 
enterprise.  Even  his  superior  abilities  for  the  task  should  have  pointed 
him  out  to  the  policy  of  the  monarch;  but  the  cautious  and  calculating 
Ferdinand  knew  the  lofty  spirit  of  the  AdelantaJo,  and  that  he  would  be 
disposed  to  demand  high  and  dignified  terms.  He  passed  him  by,  there- 
fore, and  preferred  more  eager  and  accommodating  adventurers. 

Don  Diego  was  greatly  aggrieved  at  this  measure,  thus  adopted  without 
his  participation  or  knowledge.  He  justly  considered  it  an  infringement 
of  the  capitulations  granted  and  repeatedly  confirmed  to  his  father  and 


'  Charlevoix,  ut  supra,  v.  i.  p.  271,  id.  274. 
2  L,UI>  t.'it.-aft,  lib.  ii.  cup.  49,  MS. 


APPENDIX.  615 

his  heirs.  He  had  farther  vexations  and  difficulties  with  respect  to  the 
government  of  the  island  of  St.  Juan,  or  Porto  Rico,  which  was  con- 
quered and  settled  about  this  time;  but  after  a  variety  of  cross  purposes, 
the  officers  whom  he  appointed  were  ultimately  recognized  by  the  crown. 

Like  his  father,  he  had  to  contend  with  malignant  factions  in  his  gov- 
ernment; for  the  enemies  of  the  father  transferred  their  enmity  to  the 
son.  There  was  one  Miguel  Pasamonte,  the  king's  treasurer,  who  be- 
came his  avowed  enemy,  under  the  support  and  chiefly  at  the  instigation 
of  the  Bishop  Fonseca,  who  continued  to  the  son  the  implacable  hostility 
which  he  hail  manifested  to  the  father.  A  variety  of  trivial  circumstances 
contributed  to  embroil  him  with  some  of  the  petty  officers  of  the  colony, 
and  there  was  a  remnant  of -the  followers  of  Roldan  who  arrayed  them- 
selves against  him.1 

Two  factions  soon  arose  in  the  island;  one  of  the  admiral,  the  other  of 
the  treasurer  Pasamonte.  The  latter  affected  to  call  themselves  the  party 
of  the  king.  They  gave  all  possible  molestation  to  Don  Diego,  and  sent 
home  the  most  virulent  and  absurd  misrepresentations  of  his  conduct. 
Among  others,  they  represented  a  large  house  with  many  windows  which 
he  was  building,  as  intended  for  a  fortress,  and  asserted  that  he  had  a 
design  to  make  himself  sovereign  of  the  island.  King  Ferdinand,  who 
was  now  advancing  in  years,  had  devolved  the  affairs  of  the  Indies  in  a 
great  measure  on  Fonseca,'2  who  had  superintended  them  from  the  first, 
and  he  was  greatly  guided  by  the  advice  of  that  prelate,  which  was  not 
likely  to  be  favorable  to  the  descendants  of  Columbus.  The  complaints 
from  the  colonies  were  so  artfully  enforced,  therefore,  that  he  established 
in  1")10  a  sovereign  court  at  St.  Domingo,  called  the  royal  audience,  to 
which  an  appeal  might  be  made  from  all  sentences  of  the  admiral,  even 
in  cases  reserved  hitherto  exclusively  for  the  crown.  Don  Diego  con- 
sidered this  a  suspicious  and  injurious  measure  intended  to  demolish  his 
authority. 

Frank,  open,  and  unsuspicious,  the  young  admiral  was  not  formed  for 
a  contest  with  the  crafty  politicians  arrayed  against  him,  who  were  ready 
and  adroit  in  seizing  upon  his  slightest  errors,  and  magnifying  them  into 
crimes.  Difficulties  were  multiplied  in  his  path  which  it  was  out  of  his 
power  to  overcome.  He  had  entered  upon  office  full  of  magnanimous 
intentions,  determined  to  put  an  end  to  oppression,  and  correct  all  abuses; 
all  good  men  therefore  had  rejoiced  at  his  appointment;  but  he  soon  found 
that  he  had  overrated  his  strength,  and  undervalued  the  difficulties  await- 
ing him.  He  calculated  from  his  own  good  heart,  but  he  had  no  idea  of 
the  wicked  hearts  of  others.  He  was  opposed  to  the  repartimientos  of 
Indians,  that  source  of  all  kinds  of  inhumanity;  but  he  found  all  the  men 
of  wealth  in  the  colony,  and  most  of  the  important  persons  of  the  court, 
interested  in  maintaining  them.  He  perceived  that  the  attempt  to  abolish 
them  would  be  dangerous,  and  the  result  questionable;  at  the  same  time 
this  abuse  was  the  source  of  immense  profit  to  himself.  Self-interest, 
therefore,  combined  with  other  considerations,  and  what  at  first  appeared 
difficult,  seemed  presently  impracticable.  The  reparlimientos  continued 
in  the  state  in  which  he  found  them,  excepting  that  he  removed  such  of 
the  superintendents  as  had  been  cruel  and  oppressive,  and  substituted 
men  of  his  own  appointment,  who  probably  proved  equally  worthless. 
His  friends  were  disappointed,  his  enemies  encouraged;  a  hue  and  cry 
was  raised  against  him  by  the  friends  of  those  he  had  displaced;  and  it 
was  even  said  that  if  Ovando  had  not  died  about  this  time,  he  would  have 
been  sent  out  to  supplant  Don  Diego. 

>  Hen-era,  decad.  i.  lib.  vii.  cap.  12.  2  Ibid. 


616  APPENDIX. 

The  subjugation  and  settlement  of  the  Island  of  Cuba,  in  1510,  was  a 
fortunate  event  in  the  administration  of  the  present  admiral.  He  con- 
gratulated King  Ferdinand  on  having  acquired  the  largest  and  most  beau- 
tiful island  in  the  world  without  losing  a  single  man.  The  intelligence 
was  highly  acceptable  to  the  king;  but  it  was  accompanied  by  a  "great 
number  of  complaints  against  the  admiral.  Little  affection  as  Ferdinand 
felt  for  Don  Diego,  he  was  still  aware  that  most  of  these  representations 
were  false,  and  had  their  origin  in  the  jealousy  and  envy  of  his  enemies. 
He  judged  it  expedient,  however,  in  1512,  to  send  out  Don  Bartholomew 
Columbus  with  minute  instructions  to  his  nephew  the  admiral. 

Don  Bartholomew  still  retained  the  office  of  Adelantado  of  the  Indies-, 
although  Ferdinand,  through  selfish  motiv.es,  detained  him  in  Spain, 
while  he  employed  inferior  men  in  voyages  of  discovery.  He  now  added 
to  his  appointments  the  property  and  government  of  the  little  island  of 
Mona  during  life,  and  assigned  him  a  repartimiento  of  two  hundred  In- 
dians, with  the  superintendence  of  the  mines  which  might  be  discovered 
in  Cuba;  an  office  which  proved  very  lucrative.1 

Among  the  instructions  given  by  the  king  to  Don  Diego,  he  directed 
that,  in  consequence  of  the  representations  of  the  Dominican  friars,  the 
labor  of  the  natives  should  be  reduced  to  one-third;  that  negro  slaves 
should  be  procured  from  Guinea  as  a  relief  to  the  Indians,-  and  that 
Carib  slaves  should  be  branded  on  the  leg,  to  prevent  other  Indians  from 
being  confounded  with  them  and  subjected  to  harsh  treatment.3 

The  two  governors,  Ojeda  and  Nicuessa,  whom  the  king  had  appointed 
to  colonize  and  command  at  the  Isthmus  of  Darien,  in  Terra  Firma,  hav- 
ing failed  in  their  undertaking,  the  sovereign,  in  1514,  wrote  to  Hispaniola, 
permitting  the  Adelantado, "Don  Bartholomew,  if  so  inclined,  to  take 
charge  of  settling  the  coast  of  Veragua,  and  to  govern  that  country  under 
the  admiral  Don  Diego  conformably  to  his  privileges.  Had  the  king  con- 
sulted his  own  interest,  and  the  deference  due  to  the  talents  and  services 
of  the  Adelantado,  this  measure  would  have  been  taken  at  an  earlier  date. 
It  was  now  too  late:  illness  prevented  Don  Bartholomew  from  executing 
the  enterprise,  and  his  active  and  toilsome  life  was  drawing  to  a  close. 

Many  calumnies  having  been  sent  home  to  Spain  by  Pasamonte  and 
other  enemies  of  Don  Diego,  and  various  measures  being  taken  by  gov- 
ernment, which  he  conceived  derogatory  to  his  dignity,  and  injurious  to 
his  privileges,  he  requested  and  obtained  permission  to  repair  to  court, 
that  he  might  explain  and  vindicate  his  conduct.  He  departed,  accord- 
ingly, on  April  9th,  1515,  leaving  the  Adelantado  with  the  vice-queen 
Doiia  Maria.  He  was  received  with  great  honor  by  the  king,  and  he  merited 
such  a  reception.  He  had  succeeded  in  every  enterprise  he  had  under- 
taken or  directed.  The  pearl  fishery  had  been  successfully  established  on 
the  coast  of  Cubagua;  the  islands  of  Cuba  and  of  Jamaica  had  been  sub- 
jected and  brought  under  cultivation  without  bloodshed;  his  conduct  as 
governor  had  been  upright;  and  he  had  only  excited  the  representations 
made  against  him,  by  endeavoring  to  lessen  the  oppression  of  the  natives. 
The  king  ordered  that  all  processes  against  him  in  the  court  of  appeal 
and  elsewhere,  for  damages  done  to  individuals  in  regulating  the  reparti- 
mientos,  should  be  discontinued,  and  the  cases  sent  to  himself  for  con- 
sideration. But  with  all  these  favors,  as  the  admiral  claimed  a  share  of 
the  profits  of  the  provinces  of  Castilladel  Oro,  saying  that  it  was  discovered 
by  his  father,  as  the  names  of  its  places,  such  as  Nombre  de  Dios,  Porto 
Bello,  and  el  Hetrete.  plainly  proved,  the  king  ordered  that  interrogato- 

1  Charlevoix,  Hist.  St.  Domingo,  p.  :5'21. 

1  Herreru,  Ili.-t.  lud.,  dec-ad,  i.  lib.  ix.  cap.  5.  3  Ibid. 


APPENDIX.  617 

rios  should  be  made  among  the  mariners  who  had  sailed  witli  Christopher 
Columbus,  in  the  hope  of  proving  that  he  had  not  discovered  the  coast  of 
Darien  nor  the  Gulf  of  Uraba.  "Thus,"  adds  Herrera,  "  Don  Diego  was 
always  involved  in  litigations  with  the  fiscal,  so  that  he  might  truly  say 
that  he  was  heir  to  the  troubles  of  his  father."1 

Not  long  after  the  departure  of  Don  Diego  from  St  Domingo,  his  uncle, 
Don  Bartholomew,  ended  his  active  and  laborious  life.  No  particulars 
are  given  of  his  death,  nor  is  there  mention  made  of  his  age,  which  must 
have  been  advanced.  King  Ferdinand  is  said  to  have  expressed  great  con- 
cern at  the  event,  for  he  had  a  high  opinion  of  the  character  and  talents 
of  the  Adelantado:  "a  man,"  says  Herrera,  "of  not  less  worth  than  his 
brother  the  admiral,  and  who  if  he  had  been  employed,  would  have  given 
great  proofs  of  it;  for  he  was  an  excellent  seaman,  valiant  and  of  great 
heart."'2  Charlevoix  attributes  the  inaction  in  which  Don  Bartholomew 
had  been  suffered  to  remain  for  several  years,  to  the  jealousy  and  parsi- 
mony of  the  king.  He  found  the  house  already  too  powerful;  and  the 
Adelantado,  had  he  discovered  Mexico,  was  a  man  to  make  as  good  con- 
ditions as  had  been  made  by  the  admiral  his  brother.8  It  was  said,  ob- 
served Herrera,  that  the  king  rather  preferred  to  employ  him  in  his 
European  affairs,  though  it  could  only  have  been  to  divert  him  from  other 
objects.  On  his  death  the  king  resumed  to  himself  the  island  of  Mona, 
which  he  had  given  to  him  for  life,  and  transferred  his  repartiniienlo  of 
two  hundred  Indians  to  the  vice-queen  Dofia  Maria. 

While  the  admiral  Don  Diego  was  pressing  for  an  audience  in  his  vindi- 
cation at  court,  King  Ferdinand  died,  on  the  23d  of  January,  1516.  His 
grandson  and  successor,  Prince  Charles,  afterward  the  Emperor  Charles 
V.,  was  in  Flanders.  The  government  rested  for  a  time  with  Cardinal 
Ximcnes,  who  would  not  undertake  to  decide  on  the  representations  and 
claims  of  the  admiral.  It  was  not  until  1520  that  he  obtained  from  the 
Emperor  Charles  V.  a  recognition  of  his  innocence  of  all  the  charges 
against  him.  The  emperor  finding  that  what  Pasamonte  and  his  party 
had  written  were  notorious  calumnies,  ordered  Don  Diego  to  resume  his 
charge,  although  the  process  with  the  fiscal  was  still  pending,  and  that 
Pasamonte  should  be  written  to,  requesting  him  to  forget  all  past  passions 
and  differences,  and  to  enter  into  amicable  relations  with  Don  Diego. 
Among  other  acts  of  indemnification  he  acknowledged  his  right  to  exer- 
cise his  office  of  viceroy  and  governor  in  the  island  of  Hispaniola.  and  in 
all  parts  discovered  by  his  father.4  His  authority  was,  however,  much 
diminished  by  new  regulations,  and  a  supervisor  appointed  over  him  with 
the  right  to  give  information  to  the  council  against  him,  but  with  no 
other  powers.  Don  Diego  sailed  in  the  beginning  of  September,  15^0, 
and  on  his  arrival  at  St.  Domingo,  finding  that  several  of  the  governors, 
presuming  on  his  long  absence,  had  arrogated  to  themselves  independ- 
ence, and  had  abused  their  powers,  he  immediately  sent  persons  to  super- 
sede them,  and  demanded  an  account  of  their  administration.  This 
made  him  a  host  of  active  and  powerful  enemies  both  in  the  colonies  and 
in  Spain. 

Considerable  changes  had  taken  place  in  the  island  of  Hispaniola  dur- 
ing the  absence  of  the  admiral.  The  mines  had  fallen  into  neglect,  the 
cultivation  of  the  sugar-cane  having  been  found  a  more  certain  source  of 
wealth.  It  became  a  by-word  in  Spain  that  the  magnificent  palaces 

1  TTerrera,  TIM.  Tnd.,decad   ii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  7. 

*  Ibid.,  decad.  i    lib.  x.  cap.  16. 

3  Charlevoix,  Hint.  St   Dumingo,  lib.  5. 

«  lien-era,  Hist.  IuU.,  decad.  ii.  lib.  ix.  cap.  7. 


618  APPENDIX. 

erected  by  Charles  V.  at  Madrid  and  Toledo  were  built  of  the  sugar  of 
Hispaniola.  Slaves  had  been  imported  in  great  numbers  from  Africa, 
being  found  more  serviceable  in  the  culture  of  the  cane  than  the  feeble 
Indians.  The  treatment  of  the  poor  negroes  was  cruel  in  the  extreme; 
and  they  seem  to  have  had  no  advocates  even  among  the  humane.  The 
slavery  of  the  Indians  had  been  founded  on  the  right  of  the  strong:  but 
it  was  thought  that  the  negroes,  from  their  color,  were  born  to  slavery; 
and  that  from  being  bought  and  sold  in  their  own  country,  it  was  their 
natural  condition.  Though  a  patient  and  enduring  race,  the  barbarities 
inflicted  on  them  at  length  roused  them  to  revenge,  and  on  the  27th  of 
December,  1522,  there  was  the  first  African  revolt  in  Hispaniola.  It  be- 
gan in  a  sugar  plantation  of  the  Admiral  Don  Diego,  where  about  twenty 
slaves,  joined  by  an  equal  number  from  a  neighboring  plantation,  got 
possession  of  arms,  rose  on  their  superintendents,  massacred  them,  and 
sallied  forth  upon  the  country.  It  was  their  intention  to  pillage  certain 
plantations,  to  kill  the  whites,  re  enforce  themselves  by  freeing  their  coun- 
trymen, and  either  to  possess  themselves  'of  the  town  of  Agua,  or  to 
escape  to  the  mountains. 

Don  Diego  set  out  from  St.  Domingo  in  search  of  the  rebels,  followed 
by  several  of  the  principal  inhabitants.  On  the  second  day  he  stopped 
on  the  banks  of  the  River  Nizao  to  rest  his  party  and  suffer  re-enforce- 
ments to  overtake  him.  Here  one  Melcher  de  Castro,  who  accompanied 
the  admiral,  learned  that  the  negroes  had  ravaged  his  plantation,  sacked 
his  house,  killed  one  of  his  men.  and  carried  off  his  Indian  slaves.  With- 
out asking  leave  of  the  admiral,  he  departed  in  the  night  with  two  com- 
panions, visited  his  plantation,  found  all  in  confusion,  and  pursuing  the 
negroes,  sent  to  the  admiral  for  aid  Eight  horsemen  were  hastily  des- 
patched to  his  assistance,  armed  with  bucklers  and  lances,  and  having 
six  of  the  infantry  mounted  behind  them.  De  Castro  had  three  horsemen 
beside  this  re-enforcement,  and  at  the  head  of  this  little  band  overtook 
the  negroes  at  break  of  day.  The  insurgents  put  themselves  in  battle 
array,  armed  with  stones  and  Indian  spears,  and  uttering  loud  shouts  and 
outcries.  The  Spanish  horsemen  braced  their  bucklers,  couched  their 
lances,  and  charged  them  at  full  speed.  The  negroes  were  soon  routed, 
and  fled  to  the  rocks,  leaving  six  dead  and  several  wounded.  De  Castro 
also  was  wounded  in  the  arm.  The  admiral  coming  up,  assisted  in  the 
pursuit  of  the  fugitives.  As  fast  as  they  were  taken  they  were  handed 
on  the  nearest  trees,  and  remained  suspended  as  spectacles  of  terror  to 
their  countrymen.  This  prompt  severity  checked  all  further  attempts 
at  revolt  among  the  African  slaves.1 

In  the  mean  time  the  various  enemies  whom  Don  Diego  had  created, 
both  in  the  colonies  and  in  Spam,  were  actively  and  successfully  em- 
ployed. His  old  antagonist,  the  treasurer  Pasamonte,  had  charged  him 
with  usurping  almost  all  the  powers  of  the  royal  audience,  and  with 
having  given  to  the  royal  declaration,  re-establishing  him  in  his  office  of 
viceroy,  an  extent  never  intended  by  the  sovereign.  These  representa- 
tions had  weight  at  court,  and  in  l.">2:3  Don  Diego  received  a  most  severe 
letter  from  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  charging  him  with  the  various 
abuses  and  excesses  alleged  against  him,  and  commanding  him,  on  pain 
of  forfeiting  all  his  privileges  and  titles,  to  revoke  the  innovations  he  had 
made,  and  restore  things  to  their  former  state.  To  prevent  any  plea  of 
ignorance  of  this  mandate,  the  royal  audience  was  enjoined  to  promulgate 
it  and  to  call  upon  all  persons  to  conform  to  it,  and  to  see  that  it  was 
properly  obeyed.  The  admiral  received  also  a  letter  from  the  council, 

1  llerrcra,  HUt.  lud.,  tlecuU.  In.  lib.  iv.  cup.  9. 


APPENDIX.  619 

Informing  him  that  his  presence  was  necessary  in  Spain,  to  give  informa- 
tion of  the  foregoing  matters,  and  advice  relative  to  the  reformation  of 
various  abuses,  and  to  the  treatment  and  preservation  of  the  Indians;  he 
was  requested,  therefore,  to  repair  to  court  without  waiting  for  further 
orders.' 

Don  Diego  understood  this  to  he  a  peremptory  recall,  and  oheyed  ac- 
cordingly. On  his  arrival  in  Spain,  he  immediately  presented  himself 
before  the  court  at  Victoria,  with  the  frank  and  fearless  spirit  of  an  up- 
right man.  and  pleaded  his  cause  so  well  that  the  sovereign  and  council 
acknowledged  his  innocence  on  all  the  points  of  accusation.  He  con- 
vinced them,  moreover,  of  the  exactitude  with  which  he  had  discharged 
his  duties:  of  his  zeal  for  the  public  good,  and  the  glory  of  the  crown; 
and  that  all  the  representations  against  him  rose  from  the  jealousy  and 
enmity  of  ^asamonte  and  other  royal  officers  in  the  colonies,  who  were 
impatient  of  any  superior  authority  in  the  island  to  restrain  them. 

Having  completely  established  his  innocence,  and  exposed  the  calum- 
nies of  his  enemies,  Don  Diego  trusted  that  he  wotild  soon  obtain  justice 
as  to  all  his  claims.  As  these  however,  involved  a  participation  in  the 
profits  of  vast  and  richly  productive  provinces,  he  experienced  the  delays 
and  difficulties  usual  with  such  demands,  for  it  is  only  when  justice  costs 
nothing  that  it  is  readily  rendered.  His  earnest  solicitations  at  length  ob 
tamed  an  order  from  the  emperor,  that  a  commission  should  be  formed, 
composed  of  the  grand  chancellor,  the  Friar  Loyasa,  confessor  to  the 
emperor,  and  president  of  the  royal  Council  of  the  Indies,  and  a  number 
of  other  distinguished  personages.  They  were  to  inquire  into  the  various 
points  in  dispute  between  the  admiral  and  the  fiscal,  and  into  the  pro- 
ceedings which  had  taken  place  in  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  with  the 
power  of  determining  what  justice  required  in  the  case. 

The  affair,  however,  was  protracted  to  such  a  length,  and  accompanied 
by  so  many  toils,  vexations,  and  disappointments,  that  .the  unfortunate 
D:ego,  like  his  father,  died  in  the  pursuit.  For  two  years  he  had  followed 
the  court  from  city  to  city,  during  its  migrations  from  Victoria  to  Burgos, 
Valladolid,  Madrid  and  Toledo.  In  the  winter  of  Io25,  the  emperor  set 
out  from  Toledo  for  Seville.  The  admiral  undertook  to  follow  him, 
though  his  constitution  was  broken  by  fatigue  and  vexation,  and  he  was 
wasting  un.ler  the  attack  of  a  slow  fever.  Oviedo,  the  historian,  saw  him 
at  Toledo  two  days  before  his  departure,  and  joined  with  his  friends  in 
endeavoring  to  dissuade  him  from  a  journey  in  such  a  state  of  health, 
and  at  such  a  season.  Their  persuasions  were  in  vain.  Don  Diego  was 
not  aware  of  the  extent  of  his  malady:  he  told  them  that  he  should  repair 
to  Seville  by  the  Church  of  our  Lady  of  Guadaloupe,  to  offer  up  his 
devotions  at  that  shrine;  and  he  trusted,  through  the  intercession  of  the 
mother  of  God,  soon  to  be  restored  to  health.2  He  accordingly  left  Toledo 
in  a  litter  on  the  21st  of  February,  152<>,  having  previously  confessed  and 
taken  the  communion,  and  arrived  the  same  day  at  Montalvan,  distant 
abou',  six  leagues.  There  his  illness  increased  to  such  a  degree  that  he 
saw  his  end  approaching.  He  employed  the  following  day  in  arranging 
the  affairs  of  his  conscience,  and  expired  on  February  23d.  being  little 
more  than  fifty  years  of  age,  his  premature  death  having  been  hastened 
by  the  grii-fs  and  troubles  "he  had  experienced.  "  lie  was  worn  out,"  says 
Herrera,  "by  following  up  his  claims,  and  defending  himself  from  the 
calumnies  of  his  competitors,  who,  with  many  stratagems  and  devices, 
sought  to  obscure  the  glory  of  the  father  and  the  virtue  of  the  son."  3 

1  rifn-oni,  Hist    IIK).,  di-ond.  lib.  v.  cap.  4. 

*  Churicvuix,  Lliot  sit  Uoiuiugo,  lib.  vi.        3  Ilcrreru,  decau.  iii.  lib.  via.  cap.  15. 


620  APPENDIX. 

We  havo  seen  how  the  discovery  of  the  New  World  rendered  the  residue 
of  the  life  of  Columbus  a  tissue  of  wrongs,  hardships  and  alllictions,  and 
how  the  jealousy  and  enmity  he  had  awakened  were  inherited  by  his  son. 
It  remains  to  show  briefly  in  what  degree  the  anticipations  of  perpetuity, 
wealth,  and  honor  to  his  family  were  fulfilled. 

When  Don  Diego  Columbus  died,  his  wife  and  family  were  at  St. 
Domingo.  lie  left  two  sons,  Luis  and  Christopher,  and  three  daughters 
—  Maria,  who  afterwards  married  Don  Sancho  de  Cardono;  .Juana,  who 
married  Don  Luis  de  Cueva;  and  Isabella,  who  married  Don  George  of 
Portugal,  Count  of  Gelves.  He  had  also  a  natural  son  named  Christo- 
pher.1 

Charlevoix  mentions  another  son  called  Diego,  and  calls  one  of  the 
daughters  Phillipine.  Spotorno  says  that  the  daughter  Maria  took  (he 
veil;  confounding  her  with  a  niece.  These  are  trivial  errors,  merely 
noticed  to  avoid  the  imputation  of  inaccuracy.  The  account  of  the  de- 
scendants of  Columbus  here  given,  accords  with  a  genealogical  tree  of 
the  family,  produced  before  the  Council  of  the  Indies  in  a  great  lawsuit 
for  the  estates. 

After  the  death  of  Don  Diego,  his  nohle-spirited  vice-queen,  left  with 
a  number  of  young  children,  endeavored  to  assert  and  maintain  the  rights 
of  the  family.  Understanding  that,  according  to  the  privileges  accorded 
to  Christopher  Columbus,  they  had  a  just  claim  to  the  viceroyalty  of  the 
province  of  Veragua,  as  having  been  discovered  by  him,  she  demanded  a 
license  from  the  royal  audience  of  Ilispaniola,  to  recruit  men  and  tit  out 
an  armada  to  colonize  that  country.  This  the  audience  refused,  and  sent 
information  of  the  demand  to  the  emperor.  He  replied  that  the  vice- 
queen  should  be  kept  in  suspense  until  the  justice  of  her  claim  could  be 
ascertained;  as,  although  he  had  at  various  times  given  commis.sions  to 
different  persons  to  examine  the  doubts  and  objections  which  had  been 
opposed  by  the  fiscal,  no  decision  had  ever  been  made.2  The  enterprise 
thus  contemplated  by  the  vice-queen  was  never  carried  into  effect. 

Shortly  afterwards  she  sailed  for  Spain,  to  protect  the  claim  of  her  eld- 
est son,  Don  Luis,  then  six  years  of  age.  Charles  V.  was  absent,  but  she 
was  most  graciously  received  by  the  empress.  The  title  of  admiral  of  the 
Indies  was  immediately  conferred  on  her  son,  Don  Luis,  and  the  emperor 
augmented  his  revenues,  and  conferred  other  favors  on  the  family. 
Charles  V.,  however,  could  never  be  prevailed  on  to  give  Don  Luis  the 
title  of  viceroy,  although  that  dignity  had  been  decreed  to  his  father,  a 
few  years  previous  to  his  death,  as  an  hereditary  right.3 

In  15:>8  the  young  admiral,  Don  Luis,  then  about  eighteen  years  of  age, 
was  at  court,  having  instituted  proceedings  before  the  proper  tribunals 
for  the  recovery  of  the  viceroyalty.  Two  years  afterward  the  suit  was 
settled  by  arbitration,  his  uncle  Don  Fernando  and  Cardinal  Loyasa, 
president  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  being  umpires.  By  a  compromise 
Don  Luis  was  declared  captain-general  of  Ilispaniola,  but  with  such 
limitations  that  it  was  little  better  than  a  bare  title.  Don  Luis  sailed  for 
Ilispaniola,  but  did  not  remain  there  long.  He  found  his  dignities  and 
privileges  mere  sources  of  vexation,  and  finally  entered  into  a  compro- 
mise, which  relieved  himself  and  gratified  the  emperor.  He  gave  up  all 
pretensions  to  the  viceroyalty  of  the  New  World,  receiving  in  its  stead  the 
titles  of  Duke  of  Veragua  and  Marquis  of  Jamaica.4  He  commuted  also 

1  Memorial  adjustado  eobre  ol  eetado  de  Veragua. 

2  Horrent,  decad.  iv.  lib.  ii.  cap.  6. 

»  Cliarlevoix,  Ili-'t.  !St.  Domingo,  lib.  vi.  p.  443. 
*  Ibid.,  loiii.  I.  lib.  vi.  p.  440. 


A  PPENDIX.  621 

the  claim  to  the  tenth  of  the  produce  of  the  Indies  for  a  pension  of  one 
thousand  doubloons  of  gold.1 

Don  Luis  did  not  long  enjoy  the  substitution  of  a  certain,  though 
moderate,  revenue  for  a  magnificent  but  unproductive  claim.  He  died 
shortly  afterward,  leaving  no  other  male  issue  than  an  illegitimate  son, 
named  Christopher.  He  left  two  daughters  by  his  wife,  Dofia  Maria  de 
Mosquera,  one  named  Phillippa,  and  the  other  Maria,  which  last  became 
a  nun  in  the  convent  of  St.  Quirce,  at  Valladolid. 

Don  Luis  having  no  legitimate  son,  was  succeeded  by  his  nephew 
Diego,  son  to  his  brother  Christopher.  A  litigation  took  place  between 
this  young  heir  and  his  cousin  Phillippa,  daughter  of  the  late  Don  Luis. 
The  convent  of  bt.  Quirce  also  put  in  a  claim,  on  behalf  of  its  inmate, 
Dona  Maria,  who  ha.l  taken  the  veil.  Christopher,  natural  son  to  Don 
Luis,  likewise  became  a  prosecutor  in  the  suit,  but  was  set  aside  on 
account  of  his  illegitimacy.  Don  Diego  and  his  cousin  Phillippa  soon 
thought  it  better  to  join  claims  and  persons  in  wedlock,  than  to  pursue  a 
tedious  contest.  They  were  married,  and  their  union  was  happy,  though 
not  fruitful.  Diego  died  without  issue  in  1578,  and  with  him  the  legiti- 
mate male  line  of  Columbus  became  extinct. 

One  of  the  most  important  lawsuits  that  the  world  has  ever  witnessed 
now  arose  for  the  estates  and  dignities  descended  from  the  great  discov- 
erer. Don  Diego  had  two  sisters,  Francisca  and  Maria,  the  former  of 
whom,  and  the  children  of  the  latter,  advanced  their  several  claims.  To 
these  parties  was  added  Bernard  Colombo  of  Cogoleto,  who  claimed  as 
lineal  descendant  from  Bartholomew  Columbus,  the  Adelantado,  brother 
to  th*;  discoverer.  He  was,  however,  pronounced  ineligible,  as  the  Ade- 
lantado hail  no  acknowledged,  and  certainly  no  legitimate  offspring. 

Baldassa,  or  Balthazar  Colombo,  of  the  house  of  Cuccaro  and  Conzano, 
in  the  dukedom  of  Montferrat,  in  Piedmont,  was  an  active  and  persever- 
ing claimant.  He  came  from  Italy  into  -Spain,  where  he  devoted  himself 
for  many  years  to  the  prosecution  of  this  suit.  He  produced  a  genealogical 
tree  of  his  family,  in  which  was  contained  one  Domenico  Colombo,  Lord 
of  Cuccaro,  whom  he  maintained  to  be  the  identical  father  of  Christopher 
Columbus,  the  admiral.  He  proved  that  this  Domenico  was  living  at  the 
requisite  era,  and  produced  many  witnesses  who  hail  heard  that  the  navi- 
gator was  born  in  the  castle  of  Cuccaro;  whence,  it  was  added,  he  and  his 
two  brothers  had  eloped  at  an  early  age,  and  had  never  returned.'2  A 
monk  is  also  mentioned  among  the  witnesses,  who  made  oath  that 
•Christopher  and  his  brothers  were  born  in  that  castle  of  Cuccaro.  This 
testimony  was  afterward  withdrawn  by  the  prosecutor;  as  it  was  found 
that  the  monk's  recollection  must  have  extended  back  considerably  up- 
ward of  a  century.3  The  claim  of  Balthazar  was  negatived.  His  proofs 
that  Christopher  Columbus  was  a  native  of  Cuccaro  were  rejected,  as 
only  hearsay,  or  traditionary  evidence.  His  ancestor  Domenico,  it  ap- 
peared from  his  own  showing,  died  in  1456;  whereas  it  was  established 
that  Domenico,  the  father  of  the  admiral,  was  living  upward  of  thirty 
years  after  that  date. 

The  cause  was  finally  decided  by  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  on  the 
second  of  Deceinl>pr,  1(M)8.  The  male  line  was  declared  to  be  extinct. 
Don  Xufio  or  Nuguo  Gelves  de  Portugallo  was  put  in  possession,  and 
became  Duke  of  Veragua.  He  was  grandson  to  Isabella,  third  daughter 
of  Don  Diego  (son  of  the  discoverer)  by  his  vice-queen,  Dona  Maria  de 

i  Ppotorno,  Hi*t.  Colom.,  p.  V23. 

*  Bo«t<i.  flist.  Colomb.  Di*nert.,  p.  67. 

*  Ibid.,  Divert,  on  the  Country  of  Columbus,  p.  63. 


622  APPENDIX. 

Toledo.  The  descendants  of  the  two  elder  sisters  of  Isabella  bad  a  prior 
claim,  but  their  lines  became  extinct  previous  to  tins  decision  of  the  suit. 

The  Isabella  just  named  bad  married  Don  George  of  1'ortugal,  Count 
of  Gelves.  "Thus,"  says  Charlevoix,  **  the  dignities  and  wealth  of 
Columbus  passed  into  a  branch  of  the  1'ortugiiese  house  of  Braganza,  es- 
tablished in  Spain,  of  which  the  heirs  are  entitled  De  Portu'/atlo,  Colon, 
Duke  de  I'eruyun,  Marques  de  la  Jamaica,  y  Almirante  de  Ian  India*.1 

The  suit  of  Balthazar  Colombo  of  Cuccaro  was  rejected  under  three 
different  forms,  by  the  Council  of  the  Indies:  and  his  application  for  an 
allowance  of  support,  under  the  legacy  of  Columbus,  in  favor  of  poor 
relations,  was  also  refused:  although  the  other  parties  had  assented  to 
the  demand.'2  He  died  in  Spain,  where  he  had  resided  many  years  in 
prosecution  of  this  suit.  His  son  returned  to  Italy  persisting  in  the 
validity  of  his  claim:  he  said  that  it  was  in  vain  to  seek  justice  in  Spain; 
they  were  too  much  interested  to  keep  those  dignities  and  estates  among 
themselves;  but  he  gave  out  that  he  had  received  twelve  thousand  doub- 
loons in  gold  in  compromise  from  the  other  parties.  Spotorno,  under 
sanction  of  Ignazio  de  Giovanni,  a  learned  canon,  treats  this  assertion  as 
a  bravado,  to  cover  his  defeat,  being  contradicted  by  his  evident  poverty. i 
The  family  of  Cuccaro,  however,  still  maintain  their  right,  and  express 
great  veneration  for  the  memory  of  their  illustrious  ancestor,  the  admiral; 
and  travellers  occasionally  visit  their  old  castle  in  Piedmont  with  great 
reverence,  as  the  birthplace  of  the  discoverer  of  the  New  World. 


No.  III. 

FERNANDO  COLUMBUS. 

FERNAXDO  COLUMBUS  (or  Colon,  as  he  is  called  in  Spain),  the  natural 
son  and  historian  of  the  admiral,  was  born  in  Cordova.  There  is  an 
uncertainty  about  the  exact  time  of  his  birth.  According  to  his  epitaph, 
it  must  have  been  on  the  28th  September,  1488;  but  according  to  bis 
original  papers  preserved  in  the  library  of  the  cathedral  of  Seville,  and 
which  were  examined  by  Don  Diego  Ortiz  de  Zuiiiga,  historian  of  that 
city,  it  would  appear  to  have  been  on  the  20th  of  August,  1487.  His 
mother,  Dona  Beatrix  Enriquez,  was  of  a  respectable  family,  but  was 
never  married  to  the  admiral,  as  has  been  stated  by  some  of  his  biogra- 
phers. 

Early  in  1494  Fernando  was  carried  to  court,  together  with  his  elder 
brother  Diego,  by  his  uncle  Don  Bartholomew,  to  enter  the  royal  house- 
hold in  quality  of  page  to  the  Prince  Don  Juan,  son  and  heir  to  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella.  He  and  his  brother  remained  in  this  situation  until  the 
death  of  the  prince,  when  they  were  taken  by  Queen  Isabella  as  pages 
into  her  own  service.  Their  education,  of  course,  was  well  attended  to, 
and  Fernando  in  after-life  gave  proofs  of  being  a  learned  man. 

In  the  year  1502,  at  the  tender  age  of  thirteen  or  fourteen  years,  Fer- 
nando accompanied  his  father  in  his  fourth  voyage  of  discovery,  and  en- 
countered all  its  singular  and  varied  hardships  with  a  fortitude  that  is 
mentioned  with  praise  and  admiration  by  the  admiral. 

After  the  death  of  his  father  it  would  appear  that  Fernando  made  two 
voyages  to  the  New  World.  He  accompanied  the  Emperor  Charles  V. 

i  Charlevoix,  TTist.  St.  Domingo,  torn.  i.  lib.  vi.  p.  447. 
1  BOSM.  I  >itf*ertatiou  oil  the  Country  of  Culuiubun. 
*  Spotorno,  j>.  127. 


APPENDIX.  623 

also  to  Italy,  Flanders,  and  Germany;  and  according  to  Zufiiga  (Anales 
de  Seville  de  1531),  No.  3)  traveHed  overall  Europe  and  a  part  of  Africa 
and  Asia.  Possessing  talents,  judgment,  and  industry,  these  opportu- 
nities were  not  lost  upon  him,  and  he  acquired  much  information  in 
geography,  navigation,  and  natural  history.  Being  of  a  studious  habit, 
and  fond  of  hooks,  he  formed  a  select,  yet  copious  library,  of  more  than 
twenty  thousand  volumes,  in  print  and  in  manuscript.  With  the  sanc- 
tion of  the  Emperor  Charles  V.  he  undertook  to  establish  an  academy 
and  college  of  mathematics  at  Seville;  and  for  this  purpose  commenced 
the  construction  of  a  sumptuous  edifice,  without  the  walls  of  the  city, 
facing  the  (Uiadalquiver,  in  the  place  where  the  monastery  of  San  Lau- 
reano  is  now  situated.  His  constitution,  however,  had  been  broken  by 
the  sufferings  he  had  experienced  Ln  his  travels  and  voyages,  and  a  pre- 
mature death  prevented  the  completion  of  his  plan  of  the  academy,  and 
broke  off  other  useful  labors.  lie  died  in  Seville  on  the  12th  of  July, 
1 ."»:{'.),  at  the  age,  according  to  his  epitaph,  of  fifty  years,  nine  months  and 
fourteen  days.  lie  left  no  issue,  and  was  never  married.  His  body  was 
interred  according  to  his  request,  in  the  cathedral  of  Seville.  He  be- 
queathed his  valuable  library  to  the  same  establishment. 

Don  Fernando  devoted  himself  much  to  letters.  According  to  the 
inscription  on  his  tomb,  he  composed  a  work  in  four  books,  or  volumes, 
the  title  of  which  is  defaced  on  the  monument,  and  the  work  itself  is 
lost.  This  is  much  to  be  regretted,  as,  according  to  Zufiiga,  the  frag- 
ments of  the  inscription  specify  it  to  have  contained,  among  a  variety  of 
matter,  historical,  moral,  and  geographical  notices  of  the  countries  he  had 
visited,  but  especially  of  the  New  World,  and  of  the  voyages  and  discov- 
eries of  his  father. 

His  most  important  and  permanent  work,  however,  was  a  history  of 
the  admiral,  composed  in  Spanish.  It  was  translated  into  Italian  by 
Alonzo  de  Ulloa,  and  from  this  Italian  translation  have  proceeded  the 
editions  which  have  since  appeared  in  various  languages.  It  is  singular 
that  the  work  only  exists  in  Spanish,  in  the  form  of  a  re-translation  from 
that  of  Ulloa,  and  full  of  errors  in  the  orthography  of  proper  names,  and 
in  dates  and  distances. 

Don  Fernando  was  an  eye-witness  of  some  of  the  facts  which  he  re- 
lates, particularly  of  the  fourth  voyage  wherein  he  accompanied  his 
father,  lie  had  also  the  papers  and  charts  of  his  father,  and  recent  doc- 
uments of  all  kinds  to  extract  from,  as  well  as  familiar  acquaintance  with 
the  principal  personages  who  were  concerned  in  the  events  which  he  re- 
cords. He  was  a  man  of  probity  and  discernment,  and  writes  more  dis- 
passionately than  could  be  expected,  when  treating  of  the  matters  which 
affected  the  honor,  the  interests,  and  happiness  of  his  father.  It  is  to  be 
regretted,  however,  that  he  should  have  suffered  the  whole  of  his  fathers 
life,  previous  to  his  discoveries  (a  period  of  about  fifty-six  years),  to  re- 
main in  obscurity.  He  appears  to  have  wished  to  cast  a  cloud  over  it, 
and  only  to  have  presented  his  father  to  the  reader  after  he  had  rendered 
himself  illustrious  by  his  actions,  and  his  history  had  become  in  a  man- 
ner identified  with  the  history  of  the  world.  His  work,  however,  is  an 
invaluable  document,  entitled  to  great  faith,  and  is  the  corner-stone  of 
the  history  of  the  American  Continent. 


624  APPENDIX. 

No.    IV. 

AGE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

As  the  date  I  have  assigned  for  the  birth  of  Columbus  makes  him  about 
ten  years  older  than  he  is  generally  represented,  at  the  time  of  his  dis- 
coveries, it  is  proper  to  state  precisely  my  authority.  In  the  valuable 
manuscript  chronicle  of  the  reign  of  the  Catholic  sovereigns,  written  by 
Andres  Bernaldes.  the  curate  of  Los  Palacios,  there  is  a  long  tract  on 
the  subject  of  the  discoveries  of  Columbus;  it  concludes  with  these 
words:  tfuri  6  en  Valladolid,  el  ano  de  1500,  en  el  mes  de  Ma>/f>.  in  senec- 
lute  bona,  de  edad  70  anos,  poco  mas  6  mtnos.  (He  died  in  Valladolid 
in  the  year  1506,  in  the  month  of  May,  in  a  good  old  age,  being  seventy 
years  old,  a  little  more  or  less.)  The  curate  of  Los  Palacios  was  a  con- 
temporary, and  an  intimate  friend  of  Columbus,  who  was  occasionally 
a  guest  in  his  house;  no  one  was  more  competent,  therefore,  to  form  a 
correct  idea  of  his  age.  It  is  singular  that,  while  the  biographers  of 
Columbus  have  been  seeking  to  establish  the  epoch  of  his  birth  by  various 
calculations  and  conjectures,  this  direct  testimony  of  honest  Andre  Ber- 
naldes has  entirely  escaped  their  notice,  though  some  of  them  had  his 
manuscript  in  their  hands.  It  was  first  observed  by  my  accurate  friend 
Don  Antonio  Uguina  in  the  course  of  his  exact  investigations,  and 
has  been  pointed  out  and  ably  supported  by  Don  Martin  Fernandez  de 
Navarrete,  in  the  introduction  to  his  valuable  collection  of  voyages. 

Various  circumstances  in  the  life  of  Columbus  will  be  found  to  cor- 
roborate the  statement  of  the  curate;  such,  for  example,  as  the  increasing 
infirmities  with  which  he  struggled  during  his  voyages,  and  which  at  last 
rendered  him  a  cripple  and  confined  him  to  his  bed.  The  allusion  to 
his  advanced  age  in  one  of  his  letters  to  the  sovereigns,  wherein  he  relates 
the  consolation  he  had  received  from  a  secret  voice  in  the  night  season: 
Tu  cejez  no  impedira  a  toda  cosa  yrande.  Abraham  pasaba  cien  aiios 
cuando  en;/endro  a  Isaac,  etc.  (Thy  old  age  shall  be  no  impediment  to 
any  great  undertaking.  Abraham  was  above  a  hundred  years  old  when 
he  begat  Isaac,  etc.)  The  permission  granted  him  by  the  king  the  year 
previous  to  his  death  to  travel  on  a  mule,  instead  of  a  horse,  on  account 
of  his  aye  and  infirmities;  and  the  assertion  of  Oviedo,  that  at  the  time 
of  his  death  he  was  quite  old  (era  ya  tieyo). 

This  fact  of  the  advanced  age  of  Columbus  throws  quite  a  new  color 
ing  over  his  character  and  history.  How  much  more  extraordinary  is  the 
ardent  enthusiasm  which  sustained  him  through  his  long  career  of  solici- 
tation, and  the  noble  pride  with  which  he  refused  to  descend  from  his 
dignified  demands,  and  to  bargain  about  his  proposition,  though  life  was 
rapidly  wasting  in  delays.  How  much  more  extraordinary  is  the  hardi- 
hood with  which  he  undertook  repeated  voyages  into  unknown  seas,  amid 
all  kinds  of  perils  and  hardships;  the  fortitude  with  which  he  bore  up 
against  an  accumulation  of  mental  and  bodily  afflictions,  enough  to  have 
disheartened  and  destroyed  the  most  youthful  and  robust,  and  the  irre- 
pressible buoyancy  of  spirit  with  which  to  the  last  he  still  rose  from  under 
the  ruined  concerns  and  disappointed  hopes  and  blasted  projects  of  one 
enterprise,  to  launch  into  another,  still  more  difficult  and  perilous. 

We  have  been  accustomed  to  admire  all  these  things  in  Columbus  when 
we  considered  him  in  the  full  vigor  of  his  life;  how  much  more  are 
they  entitled  to  our  wonder  as  the  achievements  of  a  man  whom  the 
weight,  of  years  and  infirmities  was  pressing  into  ihe  grave. 


APPENDIX.  625 

No.   V. 

LINEAGE  »F  COLUMBUS. 

TFIE  ancestry  of  Christopher  Columbus  has  formed  a  point  of  zealous 
controversy  which  is  not  yet  satisfactorily  settled.  Several  honorable  fam- 
ilies, possessing  domains  in  Placentia,  Montferrat,  and  the  different  parts 
of  the  Genoese  territories,  claim  him  as  belonging  to  their  houses;  and  to 
these  has  recently  been  added  the  noble  family  of  Colombo  in  Modena.1 
The  natural  desire  to  prove  consanguinity  with  a  man  of  distinguished 
renown  has  excited  this  rivalry;  but  it  has  been  heightened,  in  particular 
instances,  by  the  hope  of  succeeding  to  titles  and  situations  of  wealth  and 
honor,  when  his  male  line  of  descendants  became  extinct.  The  investi- 
gation is  involved  in  particular  obscurity,  as  even  his  immediate  relatives 
appear  to  have  been  in  ignorance  on  the  subject. 

Fernando  Columbus  in  his  biography  of  the  admiral,  after  a  pompous 
prelude,  in  which  he  attempts  to  throw  a  vague  and  cloudy  magnificence 
about  the  origin  of  his  father,  notices  slightly  the  attempts  of  some  to 
obscure  his  fame,  by  making  him  a  native  of  various  small  and  insignifi- 
cant villages;  and  dwells  with  more  complacency  upon  others  who  make 
him  a  native  of  places  in  which  there  were  persons  of  much  honor  of 
the  name,  and  many  sepulchral  monuments  with  arms  and  epitaphs  of  the 
Colombos.  He  relates  his  having  himself  gone  to  the  castle  of  Cucureo, 
to  visit  his  two  brothers  of  the  family  of  Colombo,  who  were  rich  and 
noble,  the  youngest  of  whom  was  above  one  hundred  years  of  age,  and 
who  he  had  heard  were  relatives  of  his  father;  but  they  could  give  him 
no  information  upon  the  subject;  whereupon  he  breaks  forth  into  his 
professed  contempt  for  these  adventitious  claims,  declaring,  that  he  thinks 
it  better  to  content  himself  with  dating  from  the  glory  of  the  admiral,  than 
to  go  about  inquiring  whether  his  father  "were  a  merchant,  or  one  who 
kept  his  hawks;"2  since,  adds  he,  of  persons  of  similar  pursuits,  there 
are  thousands  who  die  every  day,  whose  memory,  even  among  their  own 
neighbors  and  relatives,  perishes  immediately,  without  its  being  possible 
afterward  to  ascertain  even  whether  they  existed. 

After  this,  and  a  few  more  expressions  of  similar  disdain  for  these 
empty  distinctions,  he  indulges  in  vehement  abuse  of  Agostino  Guis- 
timani,  whom  he  calls  a  false  historian,  an  inconsiderate,  partial,  or  ma- 
lignant compatriot,  for  having,  in  his  psalter,  traduced  his  father,  by 
saying,  that  in  his  youth  he  had  been  employed  in  mechanical  occupations. 

As,  after  all  this  discussion,  Fernando  leaves  the  question  of  Irs 
father's  parentage  in  all  its  original  obscurity,  yet  appears  irritably  sens  - 
live  to  any  derogatory  suggestions  of  others,  his  whole  evidence  ten, Is 
to  the  conviction  that  he  really  knew  nothing  to  boast  of  in  his  ancestry. 

Of  the  nobility  and  antiquity  of  the  Colombo  family,  of  which  the  ad- 
miral probably  was  a  remote  descendant,  we  have  some  account  in  Her- 
rera.  "We  learn,"  he  says,  "  that  the  Emperor  Otto  the  Second,  in  J)40, 
confirmed  to  the  counts  Pietro,  Giovanni,  and  Alexandro  Colombo, 
brothers,  the  feudatory  possessions  which  they  held  within  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  cities  of  Ayqui,  Savona,  Aste,  Montferrato,  Turin,  Viceli,  Parma, 
Cremona,  and  Bergamo,  and  all  others  which  they  held  in  Italy.  It 

1  Spotorno,  Hist.  Mem.,  p.  5. 

1  Literally,  in  the  original,  Cazador  (If  Volaterla,  a  falconer.  Hawking  was  in  those 
das-  an  ani'u.-cnietit  of  the  highest  classes;  and  to  keep  hawks  was  uiuiobl  asigu  of 
uoliilily. 


626  APPENDIX. 

appears  that  the  Colombos  of  Cuccaro,  Cncureo,  and  Placentia  were  the 
same,  and  that  the  Emperor  in  the  same  year,  1>40,  made  donation  to  the 
said  three  brothers  of  the  castles  of  Ciiccaro,  Conzano,  Kosignano,  and 
others,  and  of  the  fourth  part  of  Btetanio,  which  appertained  to  the 
empire.1 

One  of  the  boldest  attempts  of  those  biographers  bent  on  ennobling 
Columbus,  has  been  to  make  him  son  of  the  Lord  of  Cuccaro,  a  burgh 
of  Montferrat,  in  Piedmont,  and  to  prove  that  he  was  born  in  his  father's 
castle  at  that  place;  whence  he  and  his  brothers  eloped  at  an  early  age, 
and  never  returned.  This  was  asserted  in  the  course  of  a  process  brought 
by  a  certain  Baldasser  or  Balthazar  Colombo,  resident  in  Genoa,  but 
originally  of  Cuccaro,  claiming  the  title  and  estates,  on  the  death  of  Diego 
Colon,  L)uke  of  Veragua,  in  1578,  the  great-grandson  and  last  legitimate 
male  descendant  of  the  admiral.  The  council  of  the  Indies  decided 
against  this  claim  to  relationship.  Some  account  of  the  lawsuit  will  be 
found  in  another  part  of  the  work. 

This  romantic  story,  like  all  others  of  the  nobility  of  his  parentage,  is 
at  utter  variance  with  the  subsequent  events  of  his  life,  his  long  struggles 
with  indigence  and  obscurity,  and  the  difficulties  he  endured  from  the 
want  of  family  connections.  How  can  it  be  believed,  says  Bossi,  that 
this  same  man,  who,  in  his  most  cruel  adversities,  was  incessantly  taunted 
by  his  enemies  with  the  obscurity  of  his  birth,  should  not  reply  to  tins 
reproach,  by  declaring  his  origin,  if  he  were  really  descended  from  the 
Lords  of  Cuccaro,  Conzano,  and  Rosignano  ?  a  circumstance  which  would 
have  obtained  him  the  highest  credit  with  the  Spanish  nobility.2 

The  different  families  of  Colombo  which  lay  claim  to  the  great  navi- 
gator seem  to  be  various  branches  of  one  tree,  and  there  is  little  doubt  of 
his  appertaining  remotely  to  the  same  respectable  stock. 

It  appears  evident,  however,  that  Columbus  sprang  immediately  from 
a  line  of  humble  but  industrious  citizens,  which  had  existed  in  Genoa, 
even  from  the  time  of  Giacomo  Colombo,  the  wool-carder,  in  1311,  men- 
tioned by  Spotorno;  nor  is  this  in  any  wise  incompatible  with  the  inti- 
mation of  Fernando  Columbus,  that  the  family  had  been  reduced  from 
high  estate  to  great  poverty,  by  the  wars  of  Lombardy.  The  feuds  of 
Italy,  in  those  ages,  had  broken  down  and  scattered  many  of  the  noblest 
families;  and  while  some  branches  remained  in  the  lordly  heritage  of 
castles  and  domains,  others  were  confounded  with  the  humblest  popula- 
tion of  the  cities. 

No.  VI. 

i 

BIRTHPLACE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

THERE  has  been  much  controversy  about  the  birthplace  of  Colum- 
bus. The  greatness  of  his  renown  has  induced  various  places  to  lay  claim 
to  him  as  a  native,  and  from  motives  of  laudable  pride,  for  nothing  re- 
flects greater  lustre  upon  a  city  than  to  have  given  birth  to  distinguished 
men.  The  original  and  long-established  opinion  was  in  favor  of  Genoa; 
but  such  strenuous  claims  were  asserted  by  the  states  of  Placentia,  and 
in  particular  of  Piedmont,  that  the  Academy  of  Sciences  and  Letters  of 
Genoa  was  induced,  in  1812,  to  nominate  three  of  its  members,  Signers 
Serra,  Carrega,  and  Piaggio,  commissioners  to  examine  into  these  pre- 
tensions. 

The  claims  of  Placentia  had  been  first  advanced  in  1062,  by  Pietro  Maria 

1  Hen-era,  dccutl.  i.  lib,  i.  cap.  7.  *  Dissertation,  etc. 


APPENDIX.  627 

Campi,  in  the  ecclesiastical  history  of  that  place,  who  maintained  that 
Columbus  was  a  native  of  the  village  of  Pradello,  in  that  vicinity.  It 
appeared  probable,  on  investigation,  that  Bertolino  Colombo,  great-grand- 
father to  the  admiral,  had  owned  a  small  property  in  Pradello,  the  rent 
of  which  had  been  received  by  Domenico  Colombo  of  Genoa,  and  after 
his  death  by  his  sons  Christopher  and  Bartholomew.  Admitting  this 
assertion  to  be  correct,  there  was  no  proof  that  either  the  admiral,  his 
father,  or  grandfather  had  ever  resided  on  that  estate.  The  very  circum- 
stances of  the  case  indicated,  on  the  contrary,  that  their  home  was  in 
Genoa. 

The  claim  of  Piedmont  was  maintained  with  more  plausibility.  It  was 
shown  that  a  Domenico  Colombo  was  lord  of  the  castle  of  Cuccaro  in 
Montferrat,  at  the  time  of  the  birth  of  Christopher  Columbus,  who,  it 
was  asserted,  was  his  son,  and  born  in  his  castle.  Balthazar  Colombo,  a 
descendant  of  this  person,  instituted  a  lawsuit  before  the  Council  of  the 
Indies  for  the  inheritance  of  the  admiral,  when  his  male  line  became  ex- 
tinct. The  Council  of  the  Indies  decided  against  him,  as  is  shown  in  an 
account  of  that  process  given  among  the  illustrations  of  this  history.  It 
was  proved  that  Domenico  Colombo,  father  of  the  admiral,  was  resident 
in  Genoa  both  before  and  many  years  after  the  death  of  this  lord  of  Cuc- 
caro, who  bore  the  same  name. 

The  three  commissioners  appointed  by  the  Academy  of  Science  and 
Letters  of  Genoa  to  examine  into  these  pretensions,  after  a  long  and 
diligent  investigation,  gave  a  voluminous  and  circumstantial  report  in 
favor  of  Genoa.  An  ample  digest  of  their  inquest  may  be  found  in  the 
History  of  Columbus  by  Signor  Bossi,  who,  in  an  able  dissertation  on  the 
question,  confirms  their  opinion.  It  may  be  added,  in  further  corrobora- 
tion,  that  Peter  Martyr  and  Bartholomew  Las  Casas,  who  were  contem- 
poraries and  acquaintances  of  Columbus,  and  Juan  de  Barros,  the 
Portuguese  historian,  all  make  Columbus  a  native  of  the  Genoese  terri- 
tories. 

There  has  been  a  question  fruitful  of  discussion  among  the  Genoese 
themselves,  whether  Columbus  was  born  in  the  city  of  Genoa,  or  in  some 
other  part  of  the  territory.  Finale,  and  Oneglia,  and  Savona,  towns  on 
the  Ligurian  coast  to  the  west,  Boggiasco,  Cogoleto,  and  several  other 
towns  and  villages,  claim  him  as  theirown.  His  family  possessed  a  small 
property  at  a  village  or  hamlet  between  Quinto  and  Nervi,  called  Terra 
Rossa;  in  Latin,  Terra  Rubra;  which  has  induced  some  writers  to  assign  his 
birth  to  one  of  those  places.  Bossi  says  that  there  is  still  a  tower  bet  ween 
Quinto  and  Xervi  which  bears  the  title  of  Torre  del  Colombi.1  Barthol- 
omew Columbus,  brother  to  the  admiral,  styled  himself  of  Terra  Rubra, 
in  a  Latin  inscription  on  a  map  which  he  presented  to  Henry  VII.  of 
England,  and  Fernando  Columbus  states,  in  his  history  of  the  admiral, 
that  he  was  accustomed  to  subscribe  himself  in  the  same  manner  before 
he  attained  to  his  dignities. 

Cogoleto  at  one  time  bore  away  the  palm.  The  families  there  claim  the 
discoverer,  and  preserve  a  portrait  of  him.  One  or  both  of  the  admirals 
named  Colombo,  with  whom  he  sailed,  are  stated  to  have  come  from  that 
place,  and  to  have  been  confounded  with  him  so  as  to  have  given  support 
to  this  idea.2 

Savona,  a  city  in  the  Genoese  territories,  has  claimed  the  same  honor, 
and  this  claim  has  recently  been  very  strongly  brought  forward,  Signer 
Giovanni  Battista  Belloro,  an  advocate  of  Savona,  has  strenuously  main- 
tained this  claim  in  an  ingenious  disputation,  dated  May  12th,  182H,  in 


Freuch  Trauslaticm,  Paris,  1824,  p.  69.  »  Ibid. 


628  APPENDIX. 

form  of  a  letter  to  the  Baron  du  Zach,  editor  of  a  valuable  astronomical 
and  geographical  journal,  published  monthly  at  Genoa.1 

Signor  Belloro  claims  it  as  an  admitted  i'act,  that  Domenico  Colombo 
was  for  many  years  a  resident  and  citizen  of  Savona,  in  which  place  one 
Christopher  Columbus  is  shown  to  have  signed  a  document  in  1472. 

He  states  that  a  public  square  in  that  city  bore  the  name  of  Platea  Co- 
lunibi,  toward  the  end  of  the  14th  century;  that  the  Ligurian  government 
gave  the  name  of  Jurisdizione  di  Colombi  to  that  district  of  the  repub- 
lic, under  the  persuasion  that  the  great  navigator  was  a  native  of  Savona, 
and  that  Columbus  gave  the  name  of  Saona  to  a  little  island  adjacent  to 
Hispaniola,  among  his  earliest  discoveries. 

He  quotes  many  Savonese  writers,  principally  poets,  and  various  histo- 
rians and  poets  of  other  countries,  and  thus  establishes  the  point  that 
Columbus  was  held  to  be  a  native  of  Savona  by  persons  of  respectable 
authority.  He  lays  particular  stress  on  the  testimony  of  the  JMagnifico 
Francisco  Spinola,  as  related  by  the  learned  prelate  Felippo  Alberto  Pol- 
lero,  stating  that  he  had  seen  the  sepulchre  of  Christopher  Columbus  in 
the  cathedral  at  Seville,  and  that  the  epitaph  states  him  expressly  to  be  a 
native  of  Savona:  "  Hie  jacet  Christophorus  Columbus  Savonensis."  2 

The  proofs  advanced  by  Signor  Belloro  show  his  zeal  for  the  honor 
of  his  native  city,  but  do  not  authenticate  the  fact  he  undertakes  to 
establish.  He  shows  clearly  that  many  respectable  writers  believed  Co- 
lumbus to  be  a  native  of  Savona;  but  a  far  greater  number  can  be  ad- 
duced, and  many  of  them  contemporary  with  the  admiral,  some  of  them 
his  intimate  friends,  others  his  fellow-citizens,  who  state  him  to  have  been 
born  in  the  city  of  Genoa.  Among  the  Savonese  writers,  Giulio  Salino- 
rio,  who  investigated  the  subject,  comes  expressly  to  the  same  conclusion: 
"  Genoca,  cittd  nobilitmima,  era  lapatriade  Colombo." 

Signor  Belloro  appears  to  be  correct  in  stating  that  Domenico,  the  father 
of  the  admiral,  was  several  years  resident  in  Savona.  But  it  appears 
from  his  own  dissertation,  that  the  Christopher  who  witnessed  the  testa- 
ment in  1472,  styled  himself  of  Genoa:  "  Chrwtophorus  Columbus  laneri- 
us  de  Janua.""  This  incident  is  stated  by  other  writers,  who  presume 
this  Christopher  to  have  been  the  navigator  on  a  visit  to  his  father,  in  the 
interval  of  his  early  voyages.  In  as  far  as  the  circumstance  bears  on 
the  point,  it  supports  the  idea  that  he  was  born  at  Genoa. 

The  epitaph,  on  which  Signor  Belloro  places  his  principal  reliance, 
entirely  fails.  Christopher  Columbus  was  not  interred  in  the  cathedral 
of  Seville,  nor  was  any  monument  erected  to  him  in  that  edifice.  The 
tomb  to  which  the  learned  prelate  Felippo  Alberto  Pollero  alludes  may 
have  been  that  of  Fernando  Columbus,  son  to  the  admiral,  who,  as  has 
been  already  observed,  was  buried  in  the  cathedral  of  Seville,  to  which  he 
bequeathed  his  noble  library.  The  place  of  his  sepulture  is  designated 
by  a  broad  slab  of  white  marble,  inserted  in  the  pavement,  with  an  in- 
scription, partly  in  Spanish,  partly  in  Latin,  recording  the  merits  of  Fer- 
nando and  the  achievements  of  his  father.  On  either  side  of  the  epitaph 
is  engraved  an  ancient  Spanish  Galley.  The  inscription  quoted  by  Si«-nor 
Belloro  may  have  been  erroneously  written  from  memory  by  the  Magnifico 
Francisco  Spinola,  under  the  mistaken  idea  that  he  had  beheld  the  sepul- 
chre of  tbe  great  discoverer.  As  Fernando  was  born  at  Cordova,  the  term 

1  Correspondence  Astronom.  Geograph.  etc.,  de  Baron  du  Zach,  vol.  14,  cahicr  6, 
lettera  29.  18-26. 

'*  Kelippo  Alberto  Pollero,  Kpicherema,  doe1  breve  dtseorso  per  difesa  di  wia  per- 
sona e  carrallere.  Toriuo,  per  Gio  Battisla  Zappata.  MCDXCVl.  (read  16v)ti)  iu  4°. 
pag.  47. 


APPENDIX.  629 

Savononsis  must  have  been  another  error  of  memory  in  the  Magnifico; 
no  such  word  is  to  he  found  in  the  inscription. 

This  question  of  birthplace  has  also  been  investigated  with  consider- 
able minuteness,  and  a  decision  given  in  favor  of  Genoa,  by  D.  Gio 
Battista  Spotorno,  of  the  royal  university  in  that  city,  in  his  historical 
memoir  of  Columbus.  He  shows  that  the  family  of  the  Columbi  had 
long  been  resident  in  Genoa.  By  an  extract  from  the  notarial  register, 
it  appeared  that  one  Giacomo  Colombo,  a  wool-carder,  resided  without 
the  gate  of  St.  Andria,  in  the  year  1311.  An  agreement,  also,  published 
by  the  academy  of  Genoa,  proved,  that  in  148!),  Domenico  Colombo  pos- 
sessed a  house  and  shop,  and  a  garden  with  a  well,  in  the  street  of  St. 
Andrew's  gate,  anciently  without  the  walls,  presumed  to  have  been  the 
same  residence  with  that  of  Giacomo  Colombo.  He  rented  also  another 
house  from  the  monks  of  St.  Stephen,  in  the  Via  Mulcento,  leading  from 
the  street  of  St.  Andrew  to  the  Strada  Gitilia.1 

Signor  Bossi  states,  that  documents  lately  found  in  the  archives  of  the 
monastery  of  St.  Stephen,  present  the  name  of  Domenico  Colombo  sev- 
eral times,  from  1456  to  145U,  and  designate  him  as  son  of  Giovanni  Co- 
lombo, husband  of  Susanna  Fontanarossa,  and  father  of  Christopher, 
Bartholomew,  and  Giacomo,2  (or  Diego).  He  states  also  that  the  receipts 
of  the  canons  show  that  the  last  payment  of  rent  was  made  by  Domenico 
Colombo  for  his  dwelling  in  148U.  He  surmises  that  the  admiral  was 
born  in  the  before-mentioned  house  belonging  to  those  monks,  in  Via 
Mulcento,  and  that  he  was  baptized  in  the  church  of  St.  Stephen.  He 
adds  that  an  ancient  manuscript  was  submitted  to  the  commissioners  of 
the  Genoese  academy,  in  the  margin  of  which  the  notary  had  stilted  that 
the  name  of  Christopher  was  on  the  register  of  the  parish  as  having  been 
baptized  in  that  church.3 

Andres  Bernaldez,  the  curate  of  los  Palacios,  who  was  an  intimate 
friend  of  Columbus,  says  that  he  was  of  Genoa.  4  Agostino  Giustiniani, 
a  contemporary  of  Columbus,  likewise  asserts  it  in  his  Polyglot  Psalter, 
published  in  Genoa,  in  1510.  Antonio  de  Hi-rrera,  an  author  of  great 
accuracy,  who,  though  not  a  contemporary,  had  access  to  the  best  docu- 
ment s,Aasserts  decidedly  that  he  was  born  in  the  city  of  Genoa. 

To  these  names  may  be  added  that  of  Alexander  Geraldini,  brother  to 
the  nuncio,  and  instructor  to  the  children  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  a 
most  intimate  friend  of  Columbus.6  Also  Antonio  Gallo, B  Bartolomeo 
Senarega,7  and  Uberto  Foglieta,8  all  contemporaries  with  the  admiral, 
and  natives  of  Genoa,  together  with  an  anonymous  writer,  who  published 
an  account  of  his  voyage  of  discovery  at  Venice  in  1569.  9  It  is  unneces- 
sary to  mention  historians  of  later  date  agreeing  in  the  same  fact,  as 
thev  must  have  derived  their  information  from  some  of  these  authorities. 

The  question  in  regard  to  the  birthplace  of  Col^imbus  has  been  treated 
:hus  minutely,  because  it  has  been,  and  still  continues  to  be,  a  point  of 
warm  controversy.  It  may  be  considered,  however,  as  conclusively  de- 
cided by  the  highest  authority,  the  evidence  of  Columbus  himself.  In  a 
testament  executed  in  1498,  which  has  been  admitted  in  evidence  before 
the  Spanish  tribunals  in  certain  lawsuits  among  his  descendants,  he  twice 
declares  that  he  was  a  native  of  the  city  of  Genoa  :  "  Siendo  yo  navido 
en  Genova."  "  I  being  born  in  Genoa."  And  again,  he  repeats  the  asser- 
tion, as  a  reason  for  enjoining  certain  conditions  on  his  heirs,  which 

1  Spotorno,  Eng.  trans,  p.  si.  xit.          *  Bosei,  French  trans,  p.  76.        3  Ibid.,  p.  88. 

4  Cura  de  los  Palacios,  MS.  cap.  118.     B  Alex.  Geraldini,  Itiu.  ad.  Reg.  Bub.  Aquinor. 

«  Antonio  Gallo,  Anale*  of  Geuoa,  Muratori,  torn.  -J3. 

1  Senaregi,  Muratori,  torn.  24.  *  Foglieta,  Elog.  Clar.  Ligur. 

•  Griueus,  Xov.  Orb. 


630  APPENDIX. 

manifest  the  interest  he  takes  in  his  native  place.  "  T  command  the  said 
Diego,  my  son,  or  the  person  who  inherits  the  said  mayorazgo  (or  entailed 
estate),  that  he  maintain  always  in  the  city  of  Genoa  a  person  of  our 
lineage,  who  shall  have  a  house  and  a  wife  there,  and  to  furnish  him  with 
an  income  on  which  he  can  live  decently,  as  a  person  connected  with  our 
family,  and  hold  footing  and  root  in  that  city  as  a  native  of  it,  so  that  he 
may  have  aid  and  favor  in  that  city  in  case  of  need, /or /row  thence  I 
cdine  and  there  wasborn.'1  1 

In  another  part  of  his  testament  he  expresses  himself  with  a  filial  fond- 
ness in  respect  to  Genoa.  "  I  command  the  said  Don  Diego,  or  whoever 
shall  possess  the  said  mayorazgo,  that  he  labor  and  strive  always  for  the 
honor,  and  welfare,  and  increase  of  the  city  of  Genoa,  and  employ  all  his 
abilities  and  means  in  defending  and  augmenting  the  welfare  and  honor 
of  her  republic,  in  all  matters  which  are  not  contrary  to  the  service  of  the 
church  of  God,  and  the  state  of  the  king  and  queen  our  sovereigns,  and 
their  successors." 

An  informal  codicil,  executed  by  Columbus  at  Valladolid,  May  4th, 
15()6,  sixteen  days  befoie  his  death,  was  discovered  about  1785,  in  the 
Corsini  library  at  Koine.  It  is  termed  a  military  codicil,  from  being  made 
in  the  manner  which  the  civil  law  allows  to  the  soldier  who  executes  such 
an  instrument  on  the  eve  of  battle,  or  in  expectation  of  death.  It  was 
written  on  the  blank  page  of  a  little  breviary  presented  to  Columbus  by 
Pope  Alexander  VII.  Columbus  leaves  the  book  "  to  his  beloved  coun- 
try, the  Republic  of  Genoa.'' 

He  directs  the  erection  of  a  hospital  in  that  city  for  the  poor,  with  pro- 
vision for  its  support;  and  he  declares  that  republic  his  successor  in  the 
admiralty  of  the  Indies,  in  the  event  of  his  male  line  becoming  extinct. 

The  authenticity  of  this  paper  has  been  questioned.  It  has  been  said, 
that  there  was  no  probability  of  Columbus  having  resort  to  a  usage  with 
which  he  was  most  likely  unacquainted.  The  objections  are  not  cogent. 
Columbus  was  accustomed  to  the  peculiarities  of  a  military  life,  and  he 
repeatedly  wrote  letters  in  critical  moments  as  a  precaution  against  some 
fatal  occurrence  that  seemed  to  impend.  The  present  codicil,  from  its 
date,  must  have  been  written  a  few  days  previous  to  his  death,  perhaps 
at  a  moment  when  he  imagined  himself  at  extremity.  This  may  account 
for  any  difference  in  the  handwriting,  especially  as  he  was,  at  times,  so 
affected  by  the  gout  in  his  hands  as  not  to  be  able  to  write  except  at  night. 
Particular  stress  has  been  laid  on  the  signature;  but  it  does  not  appear 
that  he  was  uniform  in  regard  to  that,  and  it  is  a  point  to  which  any  one 
who  attempted  a  forgery  would  be  attentive.  It  does  not  appear,  like- 
wise, .that  any  advantage  could  have  been  obtained  by  forging  the  paper, 
or  that  any  such  was  attempted. 

In  1502,  when  Columbus  was  about  to  depart  on  his  fourth  and  last 
voyage,  he  wrote  to  his' friend,  Doctor  Nicolo  Oderigo,  formerly  ambassa- 
dor from  Genoa  to  Spain,  and  forwarded  to  him  copies  of  all  his  grants 
and  commissions  from  the  Spanish  sovereigns,  authenticated  before  the 
alcaldes  of  Seville.  He,  at  the  same  time,  wrote  to  the  bank  of  San 
Giorgio,  at  Genoa,  assigning  a  tenth  of  his  revenues  to  be  paid  to  that 
city,  in  diminution  of  the  duties  on  corn,  wine,  and  other  provisions. 

Why  should  Columbus  feel  this  strong  interest  in  Genoa,  had  he  been 

1  "  Item.  Mando  e'.  dicho  Don  Diego  mi  hijo,  A  la  persona  que  heredare  el  dicho 
mayorazgo,  que  tenf;a  y  sostengu  siempre  en  la  cindad  de  Genova  una  persona  de 
nuestro  linage  que  lenga  alii  casa  6  le  ordene  renta  eon  que  ptieda  vivir  honesta- 
niente,  como  persona  tan  Ik-gada  a  miestro  linage,  y  haga  pie  y  raiz  en  la  dicha 
cindad  como  uatuval  della,  porque  podra  haber  de  la  dicha  ciudad  ayuda  e  favor  eu 
las  cosas  del  meue.ter  suyo,/;«ei  que  dtllu  -ntli  y  en  tlla  uaci." 


APPENDIX.  631 

born  in  any  of  the  other  Italian  states  which  have  laid  claim  to  him  ?  He 
was  under  no  obligation  to  Genoa.  He  had  resided  there  but  a  brief  por- 
tion of  his  early  life:  and  his  proposition  for  discovery,  according  to  some 
writers,  had  been  scornfully  rejected  by  that  republic.  There  is  nothing 
to  warrant  so  strong  an  interest  in  Genoa  but  the  filial  tie  which  links  the 
heart  of  man  to  his  native  place,  however  he  may  be  separated  from  it  by 
time  or  distance,  and  however  little  lie  may  be  indebted  to  it  for  favors. 

Again,  had  Columbus  been  born  in  any  of  the  towns  and  villages  of  the 
Genoese  coast  which  have  claimed  him  for  a  native,  why  should  he  have 
made  these  bequests  in  favor  of  the  city  of  Genoa,  and  not  of  his  native 
town  or  village  ? 

These  bequests  were  evidently  dictated  by  a  mingled  sentiment  of  pride 
and  affection,  which  would  be  without  all  object  if  not  directed  to  his 
native  place.  He  was  at  this  time  elevated  above  all  petty  pride  on  the 
subject.  His  renown  was  so  brilliant,  that  it  would  have  shed  a  lustre  on 
any  hamlet,  however  obscure;  and  the  strong  love  of  country  here  mani- 
fested would  never  have  felt  satisfied,  until  it  had  singled  out  the  spot, 
and  nestled  down  in  the  very  cradle  of  his  infancy.  These  appear  to  be 
powerful  reasons,  drawn  from  natural  feelmg,  for  deciding  in  favor  of 
Genoa. 

No.  VII. 

THE  COLOMBOS. 

DURING  the  early  part  of  the  life  of  Columbus  there  were  two  other 
navigators,  bearing  the  same  name,  of  some  rank  and  celebrity,  with 
whom  he  occasionally  sailed,  their  names  occurring  vaguely  from  time 
to  time,  during  the  obscure  part  of  his  career,  have  caused  much  perplex- 
ity to  some  of  his  biographers,  who  have  supposed  that  they  designated 
the  discoverer.  Fernando  Columbus  affirms  them  to  have  been  family 
connections,1  and  his  father  says,  in  one  of  his  letters,  "  1  am  not  the  first 
admiral  of  our  family." 

These  two  were  uncle  and  nephew:  the  latter  being  termed  by  historians 
Colombo  the  younger  (by  the  Spanish  historians  Colombo  el  mozo).  They 
were  in  the  Genoese  service,  but  are  mentioned,  occasionally,  in  old 
chronicles  as  French  commanders,  because  Genoa,  during  a  great  part  of 
their  time,  was  under  the  protection,  or  rather  the  sovereignty  of  France, 
and  her  ships  and  captains,  being  engaged  in  the  expeditions  of  that 
power,  were  mdentified  with  the  French  marine. 

Mention  is  made  of  the  elder  Colombo  in  /urita's  Annals  of  Aragon 
(L.  xix.  p.  2(>1),  in  the  war  between  Spain  and  Portugal,  on  the  subject 
of  the  claim  of  the  Princess  Juana  to  the  crown  of  Castile.  In  1476,  the 
King  of  Portugal  determined  to  go  to  the  Mediterranean  coast  of  France, 
to  incite  his  ally,  Louis  XI.,  to  prosecute  the  war  in  the  province  of 
Guipuzcoa. 

The  king  left  Toro,  says  Zurita,  on  the  13th  of  June,  and  went  by  the 
river  to  the  city  of  Porto,  in  order  to  await  the  armada  of  the  king  of 
France,  the  captain  of  which  was  Colon  (Colombo),  who  was  to  navigate 
by  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar  to  pass  to  Marseilles. 

After  some  delays  Colombo  arrived  in  the  latter  part  of  July  with  the 
French  armada  at  Bermeo,  on  the  coast  of  Biscay,  where  he  encountered 
a  violent  storm,  lost  his  principal  ship,  and  ran  to  the  coast  of  Galicia, 
with  an  intention  of  attacking  Ribaldo,  and  lost  a  great  many  of  his  men. 

1  IlisL  del  Alniiruntu,  cap.  1. 


632  APPENDIX. 

Thence  he  went  to  Lisbon  to  receive  the  King  of  Portugal,  who  embarked 
in  the  fleet  in  August,  with  a  number  of  his  noblemen,  and  took  two 
thousand  two  hundred  foot  soldiers,  and  four  hundred  and  seventy  horse, 
to  strengthen  the  Portuguese  garrisons  along  the  Barbary  coast.  There 
were  in  the  squadron  twelve  ships  and  five  caravels.  After  touching  at 
Ceuta  the  fleet  proceeded  to  Colibre,  where  the  king  disembarked  in  the 
middle  of  .September,  the  weather  not  permitting  them  to  proceed  to  Mar- 
seilles. (Zurita,  L.  xix.  Ch.  51.) 

This  Colombo  is  evidently  the  naval  commander  of  whom  the  following 
mention  is  made  by  Jacques  George  de  (Jhaufepie,  in  his  supplement  to 
Bayle  (vol.  2,  p.  12<i  of  letter  C). 

"  I  do  not  know  what  dependence,''  says  Chaufepie,  "is  to  be  placed 
on  a  fact  reported  in  the  JDucatiana  (Part  1,  p  143),  that  Columbus  was 
in  1474  captain  of  several  ships  for  Louis  XI  ,  and  that,  as  the  Spaniards 
had  made  at  that  time  an  irruption  into  Roussillon,  he  thought  that,  for 
reprisal,  and  without  contravening  the  peace  between  the  two  crowns,  he 
could  run  down  Spanish  vessels.  He  attacked,  therefore,  and  took  two 
galleys  of  that  nation,  freighted  on  the  account  of  various  individuals. 
On  complaints  of  this  action  being  made  to  King  Ferdinand,  he  wrote  on 
the  subject  to  Louis  XI. ;  his  letter  is  dated  the  9th  of  December,  1474. 
Ferdinand  terms  Christopher  Columbus  a  subject  of  Louis;  it  was  be- 
cause, as  is  known,  Columbus  was  a  Genoese,  and  Louis  was  sovereign  of 
Genoa:  although  that  city  and  Savoua  were  held  of  him  in  fief  by  the 
Duke  of  Milan." 

It  is  highly  probable  that  it  was  the  squadron  of  thjs  same  Colombo  of 
whom  the  circumstance  is  related  by  Bossi,  and  after  him  by  Spotorno  on 
the  authority  of  a  letter  found  in  the  archives  of  Milan,  and  written  in 
1470  by  two  illustrious  Milanese  gentlemen,  on  their  return  from  Jerusa- 
lem. The  letter  states  that  in  the  previous  year,  1475,  as  the  Venetian 
fleet  was  stationed  off  Cyprus  to  guard  the  island,  a  Genoese  squadron, 
commanded  by  one  Colombo,  sailed  by  them  with  an  air  of  defiance, 
shouting  ''  Viva  San  Giorgia! "  As  the  republics  were  then  at  peace  they 
were  permitted  to  pass  unmolested. 

Bossi  supposes  that  the  Colombo  here  mentioned  was  Christopher  Co- 
lumbus the  discoverer;  but  it  appears  rather  to  have  been  the  old  Genoese 
admiral  of  that  name,  who  according  to  Zurita  was  about  that  time  cruis- 
ing in  the  Mediterranean,  and  who,  m  all  probability,  was  the  hero  of 
both  the  preceding  occurrences. 

The  nephew  of  this  Colombo,  called  by  the  Spanish  Colombo  el  mozo, 
commanded  a  few  years  afterward  a  squadron  in  the  French  service,  as 
will  appear  in  a  subsequent  illustration,  and  Columbus  may  at  various 
times  have  held  an  inferior  command  under  both  uucle  and  nephew,  aud 
been  present  on  the  above  cited  occasions. 


No.  VIII. 

EXPEDITION  OF  JOHN  OF   ANJOU. 

AHOUT  the  time  that  Columbus  attained  his  twenty-fourth  year,  his 
native  city  was  in  a  state  of  great  alarm  and  peril  from  the  threatened  in- 
vasion of  Alphonso  V.  of  Aragon,  King  of  Xaples.  Finding  itself  too 
weak  to  contend  singly  with  such  a  foe,  and  having  looked  in  vain  for 
assistance  from  Italy,  it  placed  itself  under  the  protection  of  Charles  the 
Vllth  of  France,  That  monarch  sent  to  its  assistance  John  of  Anjou,  sou 
of  lieue  or  lleuato,  King  of  Naples,  who  had  been  dispossessed  of  his  crown 


APPENDIX.  G33 

by  Alphonso.  John  of  Anjon,  otherwise  called  the  Duke  of  Calabria,1  im- 
mediately took  upon  himself  the  command  of  the  place,  repaired  its  for- 
tifications, and  defended  the  entrance  of  the  harlx>r  with  strong  chains. 
In  the  mean  time,  Alphonso  had  prepared  a  large  land  force,  aiid  assem- 
bled an  armament  of  twenty  ships  and  ten  galleys  at  Ancona,  on  the 
frontiers  of  Genoa.  The  situation  of  the  latter  was  considered  eminently 
perilous,  when  Alphonso  suddenly  fell  ill  of  a  calenture  and  died,  leaving 
the  kingdoms  of  Anjou  and  Sicily  to  his  brother  John,  and  the  kingdom 
>f  Naples  to  his  son  Ferdinand. 

The  death  of  Alphonso,  and  the  subsequent  division  of  his  dominions, 
while  they  relieved  the  fears  of  the  Genoese,  gave  rise  to  new  hopes  on 
the  part  of  the  house  of  Anjou;  and  the  Duke  "John,  encouraged  by  emis- 
saries from  various  powerful  partisans  among  the  Neapolitan  nobility, 
determined  to  make  a  bold  attempt  upon  Naples  for  the  recovery  of  the 
crown.  The  Genoese  entered  into  his  cause  with  spirit,  furnishing  him 
with  ships,  galleys,  ami  money.  His  father  Rene,  or  Renato,  fitted  out 
twelve  galleys  for  the  expedition  in  the  harbor  of  Marseilles,  and  sent  him 
assurance  of  an  abundant  supply  of  money,  and  of  the  assistance  of  the 
King  of  France.  The  brilliant  nature  of  the  enterprise  attracted  the  atten- 
tion of  the  daring  and  restless  spirits  of  the  times.  The  chivalrous  noble- 
man, tho  soldier  of  fortune,  the  hardy  corsair,  the  bold  adventurer  or  the 
military  partisan,  enlisted  under  the  banners  of  the  Duke  of  Calabria.  It 
is  stated  by  historians  that  Columbus  served  in  the  armament  from  Genoa, 
in  a  squadron  commanded  by  one  of  the  Colombos,  his  relations. 

The  expedition  sailed  in  Octol>er,  1459,  and  arrived  at  Sessa  between 
the  mouths  of  the  Garigliano  and  the  Volturuo.  The  news  of  its  arrival 
was  the  signal  of  universal  revolt;  the  factious  barons,  and  their  vassals, 
hastened  to  join  the  standard  of  Anjou,  and  the  duke  soon  saw  the  finest 
provinces  of  the  Neapolitan  dominions  at  his  command,  and  with  his  army 
and  sqnadion  menaced  the  city  of  Naples  itself. 

In  the  history  of  this  expedition  we  meet  with  one  hazardous  action  of 
the  tli't't  in  which  Columbus  had  embarked. 

The  army  of  John  of  Anjou  being  closely  invested  by  a  superior  force, 
was  in  a  perilous  predicament  at  the  mouth  of  the  Sarno.  In  this  con- 
juncture, the  captain  of  the  armada  landed  with  his  men,  and  scoured 
the  neighlx>rhoo:l,  hoping  to  awaken  in  the  populace  their  former  enthu- 
siasm for  the  banner  of  Anjou,  and  perhaps  to  take  Naples  by  surprise. 
A  chosen  company  of  Neapolitan  infantry  was  sent  against  them.  The 
troops  from  the  fleet  having  little  of  the  discipline  of  regular  soldiery, 
and  much  of  the  freebooting  disposition  of  maritime  rovers,  had  scat- 
tered themselves  about  the  country,  intent  chiefly  upon  spoil.  They 
were  attacked  by  the  infantry  and  put  to  rout,  with  the  loss  of  many 
killed  and  wounded.  Endeavoring  to  make  their  way  back  to  the  ships, 
they  found  the  passes  seized  and  blocked  up  by  the  people  of  Sorento, 
who  assailed  them  with  dreadful  havoc.  Their  flight  now  became  despe- 
rate and  headlong,  many  threw  themselves  from  rocks  and  precipices  into 
the  sea,  and  but  a  small  portion  regained  the  ships. 

The  contest  of  John  of  Anjou  for  the  crown  of  Naples  lasted  four 
years.  For  a  time  fortune  favored  him,  and  the  prize  seemed  almost 
within  his  grasp,  but  reverses  succeeded;  he  was  defeated  at  various 
points  ;  the  factious  nobles,  one  by  one,  deserted  him,  and  returned  to 
their  allegiance  to  Alphonso,  and  the  duke  was  finally  compelled  to 
retire  to  the  island  of  Ischia.  Here  he  remained  for  some  time, 


1  Duke  of  Calabria  was  a  title  of  the  heir  apparent  to  the  crown  of  Naples. 


634  APPENDIX. 

guarded  by  eight  galleys,  which  likewise  harassed  the  bay  of  Xaples. l 
In  this  squadron,  which  loyally  adhered  to  him,  until  he  ultimately 
abandoned  this  unfortunate  enterprise,  Columbus  is  stated  to  have 
served. 

No.  IX. 

CAPTURE    OF  THE  VENETIAN   GALLEYS    BY  COLOMBO    THE    YOUXGER. 

As  the  account  of  the  sea-fight  by  which  Fernando  Columbus  asserts 
that  his  father  was  first  thrown  upon  the  shores  of  Portugal  has  been 
adopted  by  various  respectable  historians,  it  is  proper  to  give  particular 
reasons  for  discrediting  it. 

Fernando  expressly  says  that  it  was  in  an  action  mentioned  by  Marco 
Antonio  Sabelico,  in  the  eighth  book  of  his  tenth  Decade;  that  the 
squadron  in  which  Columbus  served  was  commanded  by  a  famous  corsair, 
called  Columbus  the  younger  (Colombo  el  mozo),  and  that  an  embassy 
was  sent  from  Venice  to  thank  the  King  of  Portugal  for  the  succor  he 
afforded  to  the  Venetian  captains  and  crews.  All  this  is  certainly  re- 
corded in  Sabellicus,  but  the  battle  took  place  in  1485,  after  Columbus  had 
left  Portugal.  Zunta  in  his  annals  of  Aragon,  under  the  date  of  1085, 
mentions  this  same  action.  He  says,  "  At  this  time  four  Venetian  gal- 
leys sailed  from  the  island  of  Cadiz,  and  took  the  route  for  Flanders; 
they  were  laden  with  merchandise  from  the  Levant,  especially  from  the 
island  of  Sicily,  and  passing  by  Cape  St.  Vincent,  they  were  attacked  by 
a  French  corsair,  son  of  captain  Colon  (Colombo),  who  had  seven  vessels 
in  his  armada ;  and  the  galleys  were  captured  the  twenty-first  of 
August."  '2 

A  much  fuller  account  is  given  in  the  life  of  King  John  II.  of  Portu- 

fal,  by  Garcia  de  Resende,  who  likewise  records  it  as  happening  in  1485. 
le  says  the  Venetian  galleys  were  taken  and  robbed  by  the  French  and 
the  captains  and  crews,  wounded,  plundered,  and  maltreated,  were  turned 
on  shore  at  Cascoes.     Here  they  were  succored  by  Dofia  Maria  de  Mene- 
ses.  Countess  of  Monsanto. 

When  King  John  II.  heard  of  the  circumstance,  being  nuich  grieved 
that  such  an  event  should  have  happened  on  his  coast,  and  being  dis- 
posed to  show  his  friendship  for  the  Republic  of  Venice,  he  ordered  that 
the  Venetian  captains  should  be  furnished  with  rich  raiment  of  silks  and 
costly  cloths,  and  provided  with  horses  and  mules,  that  they  might  make 
their  appearance  before  him  in  a  style  befitting  themselves  and  their 
country.  He  received  them  with  great  kindness  and  distinction,  express- 
ing himself  with  princely  courtesy,  both  as  to  themselves  and  the  Repub- 
lic of  Venice;  and  having  heard  their  account  of  the  battle,  and  of  their 
destitute  situation,  he  assisted  them  with  a  large  sum  of  money  to  ran- 
som their  galleys  from  the  French  cruisers.  The  latter  took  all  the 
merchandise  on  board  of  their  ships,  but  King  John  prohibited  any  of  the 
spoil  from  being  purchased  within  his  dominions.  Having  thus  gener- 
ously relieved  and  assisted  the  captains,  and  administered  to  the  necessi- 
ties of  their  crews,  he  enabled  them  all  to  return  in  their  own  galleys  to 
Venice. 

The  dignitaries  of  the  republic  were  so  highly  sensible  of  this  munifi- 
cence on  the  part  of  King  John,  that  they  sent  a  stately  embassy  to  that 
monarch,  with  rich  presents  and  warm  expressions  of  gratitude.  Gero- 

1  (ir.lcnuccio.  Hist.  Xap.,  lib.  viii.  cap.  17. 
*  Zuiita,  Aualud  Ue  Aragou,  lib.  xx.  cap.  64. 


APPENDIX.  635 

nimo  Donate  was  charged  with  this  mission,  a  man  eminent  for  learning 
ami  eloquence;  he  was  honorably  received  and  entertained  by  King  John 
and  dismissed  with  royal  presents,  among  which  were  genets,  and  mules 
with  sumptuous  trappings  and  caparisons,  and  many  negro  slaves  richly 
clad.1 

The  following  is  the  account  of  this  action  as  given  by  Sabellicus,  in 
his  history  of  Venice.2 

Erano  andate  quattro  Galee  delle  quali  Dartolommeo  Minio  era  capi- 
tano.  Queste  navigando  per  1'lberico  mare,  Colombo  il  plii  giovane, 
nipote  di  quel  Colombo  famoso  corsale,  fecesi  incontro  a'  Veniziani  di 
nolle,  appresso  il  sacro  Promontorio,  che  chiamasi  oracapodi  san  Vin- 
cenzo,  con  selle  navi  guernitedacombattere.  Egli  quantnnque  nel  primo 
incontro  avesse  seco  disposto  d' opprimere  le  navi  Veniziane,  si  ritenne 
pero  dal  combattere  sm  al  giorno:  tuttavia  per  esser  alia  battaglia  piu 
acconclo  cosi  le  seguia,  che  le  prode  del  corsale  loccavano  le  poppe  de 
Veniziam.  Venuto  il  giorno  incontanente  i  Darbari  diedero  1'  assalto. 
Sostennero  i  Veniziam  allora  1'  empito  del  nemico,  per  nuiuero  di  navi  e 
di  combattenti  superiore,  e  duro  il  conflitto  atroce  per  molte  ore.  Ilare 
h'ate  fu  cumbatluto  contro  simili  nemici  con  tanta  uccisioue,  perche  a 
pena  si  costuma  d'  attaccarsi  contro  di  loro,  se  non  per  occasione.  Affer- 
mano  alcuni,  che  vi  furono  present!,  esser  morte  delle  ciurinc  Veniziane 
da  trecento  uomini.  Altri  dicono  che  fu  meno:  mori  in  quella  zutTa  Lo- 
renzo Michele  capitano  d'  una  galerae  Giovanni  Delfino,  d'  altro  capitano 
fratello.  Era  durala  lat  zuffa  dal  fare  del  giorno  fin'  ad  ore  venti,  e  era- 
no  le  genti  Veneziane  inal  trattate.  Era  gia  la  nave  Delfina  in  potere 
do' nemici  qnando  le  altre  ad  una  ad  una  si  renderono.  Xarrano  alcuni, 
che  furono  di  quel  aspro  conflitto  partecipi,  aver  numerato  nelle  loro  navi 
da  prode  a  poppe  ottanta  valorosi  uomini  estinti,  i  quali  d.«U  nemico  ve- 
duti  lo  mossero  a  gemere  e  dire  con  sdegno,  che  cosi  avevano  voluto,  i 
Veniziam.  I  oorpi  morti  furono  gettati  nel  mare,  e  i  feritj  post!  nel  lido. 
Quei  che  rimasero  vivi  seguirono  con  e  navi  il  capitano  vittorioso  sin'  a 
Lisbona  e  ivi  furono  tutu  licenziati.  .  .  .  Quivi  furono  i  Yeneziani  be- 
nignamente  ricevuti  dal  Re,  gli  infernii  furouo  medicati,  gli  altri  ebbero 
abiti  e  denari  secondo  la  loro  condizionc.  .  .  .  Oltre  ciq  vieto  in  tutto  il 
llegno,  che  alcuno  non  comprasse  della  preda  Veniziana,  portata  dai  corsali. 
I/a  nuova  dell'  avula  rovina  non  poco  anlisse  lacitta,  erano  perduti  in  quella 
meroatanzia  da  ducento  mila  ducati  ;  ma  il  dauno  particolare  degli 
uomini  uccisi  diede  maggior  aillizioue. — Marc.  Aiit.  ^aluclico,  Hint. 
Veuct,,  decad.  iv.  lib.  iii. 

No.  X. 

AMERIGO   VESPUCCI. 

AMOXO  the  earliest  and  most  intelligent  of  th,e  voyagers  who  followed 
the  track  of  Columbus,  was  Amerigo  Vespucci.  He  has  been  considered 
by  many  as  the  first  discoverer  of  the  southern  continent,  and  by  a  sin- 
gular caprice  of  fortune,  his  name  has  been  given  to  the  whole  of  Ihe 

1  Obras  do  Garcia  de  Renende,  cap.  58,  Avora,  15o4. 

1  Murco  Antonio  C'occio,  bettor  known  under  the  name  of  Saliel  liens,  a  cognomen 
which  he  adopted  on  being  crowned  poet  in  the  pedantic  academy  of  i'omponiua 
1. set  us.  lie  was  a  contemporary  of  Columbus,  and  makes  brief  mention  of  hit*  tlis- 
coveriex  in  the  eighth  book  of  the  tenth  Ennead  of  bi«  imivei>al  history.  By  KUIUC 
wiilers  he  is  called  the  I, ivy  of  his  time;  others  accuse  him  of  beinij  full  of  misrep- 
resentations in  favor  of  Venice.  The  older  bvaligur  charges,  hiui  wilh  venality,  and 
wHb.  being  swayed  by  Venetian  gold. 


636  APPENDIX. 

New  World,  It  has  been  strenuously  insisted,  however,  that  he  had  no 
claim  to  the  title  of  a  discoverer;  that  he  merely  sailed  in  a  subordinate 
capacity  in  a  srjuadron  commanded  by  others;  that  the  account  of  his 
first  voyage  is  a  fabrication;  and  that  he  did  not  visit  the  mainland  until 
after  it  had  been  discovered  and  coasted  by  Columbus.  As  this  question 
has  been  made  a  matter  of  warm  and  voluminous  controversy,  it  is 
proper  to  take  a  summary  view  of  it  in  the  present  work. 

Amerigo  Vespucci  was  born  in  Florence.  March  9th,  1451,  of  a  noble, 
but  not  at  that  time  wealthy  family;  his  father's  name  was  Anastatio; 
his  mother's  was  Elizabetta  Mini,  lie  was  the  third  of  their  sons,  and 
received  an  excellent  education  under  his  uncle,  (ieorgio  Antonio  Ves- 
pucci, a  learned  friar  of  the  fraternity  of  San  Marco,  who  was  instructor 
to  several  illustrious  personages  of  that  period. 

Amerigo  Vespucci  visited  Spain,  ami  took  up  his  residence  in  Seville, 
to  attend  to  some  commercial  transactions  on  account  of  the  family  of 
the  Medici  of  Florence,  and  to  repair,  by  his  ingenuity,  the  losses  and 
misfortunes  of  an  unskilful  brother.1 

The  date  of  his  arrival  in  Spain  is  uncertain,  but  from  comparing  dates 
an  1  circumstances  mentioned  in  his  letters,  he  must  have  been  at  Seville 
when  Columbus  returned  from  his  first  voyage. 

Padre  Stanislaus  Canovai,  Professor  of  "Mathematics  at  Florence,  who 
has  published  the  life  and  voyages  of  Amerigo  Vespucci,  says  that  he 
was  commissioned  by  King  FerdmanJ,  anl  sent  with  Columbus  in  his 
second  voyage  in  1433.  He  states  this  on  the  authority  of  a  passage  in 
the  Cosmography  of  Sebastian  Minister,  published  at  Basle  in  15oJ;'J 
but  Minister  mentions  Vespucci  as  having  accompanied  Columbus  m  Ins 
first  voyage;  the  reference  of  Canovai  is  therefore  incorrect;  and  the  sug- 
gestion of  Munster  is  disproved  by  the  letters  of  Vespucci,  m  which  he 
states  his  having  been  stimulated  by  the  accounts  brought  of  the  newly 
discovered  regions.  He  never  mentions  such  a  voyage  in  any  of  his 
letters;  which  he  most  probably  would  have  djne,  or  rather  woulJ  have 
made  it  the  subject  of  a  copious  letter,  had  he  actually  performed  it. 

The  first  notice  of  a  positive  form  which  we  have  of  Vespucci,  as 
resident  in  Spain,  is  early  in  1490.  He  appears,  from  documents  in  the 
royal  archives  at  Seville,  to  have  acted  as  agent  or  factor  for  the  bouse  of 
Juanoto  Berardi,  a  rich  Florentine  merchant,  resident  in  Seville,  who  had 
contracted  to  furnish  the  Spanish  sovereigns  with  three  several  arma- 
ments, of  four  vessels  each,  for  the  service  of  the  newly  discovered 
countries.  He  may  have  been  one  of  the  principals  in  this  affair,  which 
w.is  transacted  in  the  name  of  this  established  house.  Berardi  died  in 
December,  141)5,  and  in  the  following  January  we  find  Amerigo  Vespucci 
attending  to  the  concerns  of  the  expeditions  and  settling  with  the  masters 
of  tbe  ships  for  their  pay  and  maintenance,  according  to  the  agreements 
nude  between  them  and  the  late  Juanoto  Berardi.  On  the  12th  Janu- 
ary, 1496,  he  received  on  this  account  10,000  maravedies  from  Bernardo 
Pinelo  the  royal  treasurer.  He  went  on  preparing  all  things  for  the  de- 
spatch of  four  caravels  to  sail  uuder  the  same  contract  between  the  sover- 
eigns and  the  house  of  Berardi  and  sent  them  to  sea  on  the  .'Jd  February, 
149(5:  but  on  the  8th  they  met  with  a  storm  and  were  wrecked;  the  crews 
were  saved  with  the  loss  of  only  three  men.3  While  thus  employed, 
Amerigo  Vespucci,  of  course,  had  occasional  opportunity  of  conversing 
with  Columbus,  with  whom,  according  to  the  expression  of  the  admiral 

1  BancKni  vita  d'Araeri^o  Vespucci.  *  Cosra.  Munst,  p.  1108. 

*  These  particu.arx  are  from  maiiiii»cript  memoranda,  extracted  from  the  royal  ar 
chives,  by  the  late  accurate  hisluiiau  Muuoz. 


APPENDIX.  637 

himself,  in  one  of  his  letters  to  his  son  Diego,  he  appears  to  have  been 
always  on  friendly  terms.  From  these  conversations,  and  from  his 
agency  in  these  expeditions,  he  soon  became  excited  to  visit  the  newly 
discovered  countries,  and  to  participate  in  enterprises  which  were  the 
th  -me  of  every  tongue.  Having  made  himself  well  acquainted  with  geo- 
graphical and  nautical  science,  he  prepared  to  launch  into  the  career  of 
discovery.  It  was  not  very  long  before  he  carried  this  design  into  execu- 
tion. 

In  1498  Columbus,  in  his  third  voyage,  discovered  the  coast  of  Paria 
on  Terra  Firma;  which  he  at  that  tune  imagined  to  be  a  great  island,  but 
that  a  vast  continent  lay  immediately  adjacent.  lie  sent  to  Spain  speci- 
mens of  pearls  found  on  this  coast,  and  gave  the  most  sanguine  accounts 
of  the  supposed  riches  of  the  country. 

In  14U9  an  expedition  of  four  vessels,  under  command  of  Alonzo  de 
Ojeda,  was  fitted  out  from  Spain,  and  sailed  for  Paria,  guided  by  charts 
and  letters  sent  to  the  government  by  Columbus.  These  were  commu- 
nicated to  Ojeda,  by  his  patron,  the  Bishop  Fonseca,  who  had  the  super- 
intendence of  India  affairs,  and  who  furnished  him  also  with  a  warrant 
to  undertake  the  voyage. 

It  is  presumed  that  Vespucci  aided  in  fitting  out  the  armament,  and 
sailed  in  a  vessel  belonging  to  the  house  of  Berardi,  and  in  this  way  was 
enabled  to  take  a  share  in  the  gams  and  losses  of  the  expedition;  for 
Isabella,  as  Queen  of  Castile,  had  rigorously  forbidden  all  strangers  to 
trade  with  her  transatlantic  possessions,  not  even  excepting  the  natives 
of  the  kingdom  of  Aragon. 

This  squadron  visited  Paria  and  several  hundred  miles  of  the  coast, 
which  they  ascertained  to  be  Terra  Firma.  They  returned  in  June,  1500; 
and  on  the  18th  of  July,  in  that  year,  Amerigo  Vespucci  wrote  an  ac- 
count of  his  voyage  to  Lorenzo  de  Pier  Francisco  de  Medici  of  Florence, 
which  remained  concealed  in  manuscript  until  brought  to  light  and  pub- 
lished by  Bandini  in  1145. 

In  his  account  of  this  voyage,  and  in  every  other  narrative  of  his 
different  expeditions,  Vespucci  never  mentions  any  other  person  con- 
cerned in  the  enterprise.  He  gives  the  time  of  his  sailing,  and  states 
that  he  went  with  two  caravels,  which  were  probably  his  share  of  the 
expedition,  or  rather  vessels  sent  by  the  house  of  Berardi.  He  gives  a:i 
interesting  narrative  of  the  voyage,  and  of  the  various  transactions  witli 
the  iia'.ives,  which  corresponds,  in  many  substantial  points,  with  the  ac- 
counts furnished  by  Ojeda  and  his  mariners  of  their  voyage,  in  a  lawsuit 
hereafter  mentioned. 

In  May,  1">01,  Vespucci,  having  suddenly  left  Spain,  sailed  in  the  ser- 
vice of  Emanuel,  King  of  Portugal;  in  the  course  of  which  expedition 
he  visited  the  coast  of  Brazil.  He  gives  an  account  of  this  voyage  in 
a  second  letter  to  Lorenzo  de  Pier  Francisco  de  Medici,  which  also  re- 
mained in  manuscript  until  published  by  Bartolozzi  in  1789.1 

No  record  nor  notice  of  any  such  voyage  undertaken  by  Amerigo  Ves- 
pucci, at  the  command  of  Emanuel,  is  to  be  found  in  the  archives  of  the 
Torre  do  Tombo,  the  general  archives  of  Portugal,  which  have  been  re- 
peatedly and  diligently  searched  for  the  purpose.  It  is  singular  also  that 
his  name  is  not  to  be  found  in  any  of  the  Portuguese  historians,  who  in 
general  were  very  particular  in  naming  all  navigators  who  held  any 
important  station  among  them,  or  rendered  any  distinguished  services. 
That  Vespucci  did  sail  along  the  coasts,  however,  Is  not  questioned.  His 
nephew,  after  his  death,  in  the  course  of  evidence  on  some  points  in  dis- 

i  Dartolozzi,  Uechorche  Ilisiorico.    Firenze,  1789. 


688  APPENDIX. 

pute,  gave  the  correct  latitude  of  Cape  St.  Augustine,  which  he  said  he 
had  extracted  from  his  uncle's  journal. 

In  1504  Vespucci  wrote  a  third  letter  to  the  same  Lorenzo  de  Medici, 
containing  a  more  extended  account  of  the  voyage  just  alluded  to  in  the 
service  of  Portugal.  This  was  the  first  of  his  narratives  that  appeared 
in  print.  It  appears  to  have  been  published  in  Latin,  at  Strasburgh,  as 
early  as  1505,  under  the  title  "  Americiis  Vesputius  de  Orbe  Antarctica 
per  Kegem  Portugallke  pridem  inveuta."  1 

An  edition  of  this  letter  was  printed  in  Vicenza  in  1507,  in  an  anony- 
mous collection  of  voyages  edited  by  Franeauzio  di  Monte  Alboddo,  an 
inhabitant  of  Vicenza.  It  was  reprinted  in  Italian  in  1508,  at  Milan, 
and  also  in  Latin,  in  a  book  entitled  "  Itinerarium  Portugalensium." 
In  making  the  present  illustration,  the  Milan  edition  in  Italian-  has  been 
consulted,  and  also  a  Latin  translation  of  it  by  Simon  Grimeus,  in  his 
"Novus  Orbis,"  published  at  Basle  in  15:32.  It  relates  entirely  the  first 
voyage  of  Vespucci  from  Lisbon  to  the  Brazils  in  1501. 

It  is  from  this  voyage  to  the  Brazils  that  Amerigo  Vespucci  was  first 
considered  the  discoverer  of  Terra  Firma;  and  his  name  was  at  first  ap- 
plied to  these  southern  regions,  though  afterward  extended  to  the  whole 
continent.  The  merits  of  his  voyage  were,  however,  greatly  exaggerated. 
The  Brazils  had  been  previously  discovered,  and  formally  taken  posses- 
sion of  for  Spain  in  1500,  by  Vinceute  Vafiez  Pinzon;  and  also  in  the 
same  year,  by  Pedro  Alvarez  Cabral,  on  the  part  of  Portugal;  circum- 
stances unknown,  however,  to  Vespucci  and  his  associates.  The  country 
remained  in  possession  of  Portugal,  in  conformity  to  the  line  of  demar- 
cation agreed  on  between  the  two  nations. 

Vespucci  made  a  second  voyage  in  the  service  of  Portugal.  He  says 
that  he  commanded  a  caravel  in  a  squadron  of  six  vessels  destined  for 
the  discovery  of  Malacca,  which  they  had  heard  to  be  the  great  depot 
and  magazine  of  all  the  trade  between  the  Ganges  and  the  Indian  sea. 
Such  an  expedition  did  sail  about  this  time,  under  the  command  of  Gon- 
zalo  Coelho  The  squadron  sailed,  according  to  Vespucci,  on  the  10th 
of  May,  1503.  It  stopped  at  the  Cape  de  Verd  islands  for  refreshments, 
and  afterward  sailed  by  the  coast  of  Sierra  Leone,  but  was  prevented 
from  landing  by  contrary  winds  and  a  turbulent  sea.  Standing  to  the 
south-west,  they  ran  three  hundred  leagues  until  they  were  three  degrees 
to  the  southward  of  the  equinoctial  line,  where  they  discovered  an  unin- 
habited island  about  two  leagues  in  length  and  one  in  breadth.  Here, 
on  the  10th  of  August,  by  mismanagement,  the  commander  of  the 
squadron  ran  his  vessel  on  a  rock  and  lost  her.  While  the  other  vessels 
were  assisting  to  save  the  crew  and  property  from  the  wreck,  Amerigo 
Vespucci  was  despatched  m  his  caravel  to  search  for  a  safe  harbor  in  the 
island.  He  departed  in  his  vessel  without  his  long  boat,  and  with  less 

1  Panzer,  torn.  vi.  p.  A3,  apud  Esarne  t'rilico,  p.  8S,  Anotazione  1. 

1  Tins  rare  liook,  in  the  |xwi*c»siou  of  O.  Rich,  Esq.,  in  believed  to  l>e  the  oldest 
printed  collection  of  voyages  extant.  It  has  not  the  pages  mimln-n-cl,  the  sheete  are 
merely  marked  with  a  letter  of  the  alphabet  at  the  fool  of  each  eighth  page.  It  con- 
tains the  cuniest  account  of  the  voyages  of  Columbus,  from  his  first  departure  until  his 
arrival  at  Cadiz  in  ch.ins.  The  letter  of  Vespucci  to  Lorenzo  de  Medici  occupies  the 
fifth  liook  of  this  little  volume.  It  is  suited  to  have  been  originally  written  in  Spanish, 
and  translated  into  ltaiia:i  l>y  a  person  of  the  name  of  .Jocondo.  An  earlier  edition  ia 
elated  to  have  been  printed  in  Venice  by  AU>erto  Vercellese,  in  l"»0l.  The  author  ia 
said  to  have  been  Angeio  Trivigiani,  secretary  to  the  Venetian  ambassador  in  Spain. 
This  Trivitfiani  appears  to  have  collected  many  of  the  particulars  of  the  voyages  of 
Columbus  from  the  manuscript  decades  of  1'eter  Martyr,  who  erroneously  lays  the 
cnaigc  of  the  plagiarism  to  Aioyslus  Cudumosto,  whose  voyages  are  inserted  in  the 
came  collection.  The  book  was  entitled  "  Libretto  di  tutla  la  nuciyuzioitt  dtl  1U  de 
t,  dtita  Isole  e  Urreni  naocumtiite  trocati." 


APPENDIX.  639 

than  half  of  his  crew,  the  rest  having  gone  in  the  boat  to  the  assistance 
of  the  wreck.  Vespucci  found  a  harbor,  but  waited  in  vain  for  several 
days  for  the  arrival  of  the  ships.  Standing  out  to  sea  he  met  with  a 
solitary  vessel,  and  learned  that  the  ship  of  the  commander  had  sunk, 
and  the  re.st  had  proceeded  onward.  In  company  with  this  vessel  he 
stood  for  the  Brazils,  according  to  a  command  of  the  king,  in  case  that 
any  vessel  should  be  parted  from  the  fleet.  Arriving  on  the  coast  he  dis- 
covered the  famous  bay  of  All  Saints,  where  he  remained  upward  of  two 
months,  in  hopes  of  being  joined  by  the  rest  of  the  fleet.  He  at  length 
ran  iwo  hundred  and  sixty  leagues  farther  south,  where  he  remained  five 
months  building  a  fort  and  taking  in  a  cargo  of  Brazil  wood.  Then, 
leaving  in  the  fortress  a  garrison  of  twenty-four  men  with  anns  and 
ammunition,  he  set  sail  for  Lisbon,  where  he  arrived  in  June,  1504.1 
The  commander  of  the  squadron  and  the  other  four  ships  were  never 
heard  of  afterward. 

Vespucci  does  not.  appear  to  have  received  the  reward  from  the  King 
of  Portugal  that  his  services  merited,  for  we  find  him  at  Seville  early  in 
1505.  on  his  way  to  the  Spanish  court,  in  quest  of  employment;  and  he 
was  bearer  of  a  letter  from  Columbus  to  his  son  Diego,  dated  February 
5th,  which,  while  it  speaks  warmly  of  him  as  a  friend,  intimates  his 
having  been  unfortunate.  The  following  is  the  letter: 

"  MY  DKAII  SON:  Diego  Mendez  departed  hence  on  Monday,  the  third 
of  this  month.  After  his  departure  1  conversed  with  Amerigo  Vespucci, 
the  bearer  of  this,  who  goes  there  (to  court)  summoned  on  affairs  of 
navigation.  Fortune  has  been  adverse  to  him  as  to  many  others.  Ills 
labors  have  not  profited  him  as  much  as  they  reasonably  should  have 
done.  He  goes  on  my  account,  and  with  much  desire  to  do  something 
that  may  result  to  my  advantage,  if  within  his  power.  I  cannot  ascer- 
tain here  in  what  1  can  employ  him,  that  will  be  serviceable  to  me,  for 
I  do  not  know  what  may  be  there  required.  He  goes  with  the  determi- 
nation to  do  all  that  is  possible  for  me;  see  in  what  he  may  be  of  advan- 
tage and  co-operate  with  him,  that  he  may  say  and  do  every  thing,  and 
put  his  plans  in  operation;  and  let  all  be  done  secretly,  that  he  may  not 
be  suspected:  I  have  said  every  thing  to  him  that  I  can  say  touching  the 
business,  and  have  informed  him  of  the  pay  1  have  received,  and  what 
is  due,  etc."  '2 

About  this  time  Amerigo  Vespucci  received  letters  of  naturalization 
from  King  Ferdinand,  and  shortly  afterward  he  and  Vincente  Yailez 
Pinzon  were  named  captains  of  an  armada  about  to  be  sent  out  in  the 
spice  trade  and  to  make  discoveries.  There  is  a  royal  order,  dated  Toro, 
llth  of  April,  1507,  for  12,000  maravedies  for  an  outfit  for  "  Americo  de 
Vespuche,  resident  of  Seville."  Preparations  were  made  for  this  voy- 
age, and  vessels  procured  and  fitted  out,  but  it  was  eventually  abandoned. 
There  are  memoranda  existing  concerning  it,  dated  in  1506',  1507,  and 
1508.  from  which  it  appears  that  Amerigo  Vespucci  remained  at  Seville, 
attending  to  the  fluctuating  concerns  of  this  squadron,  until  the  desti- 
nation of  the  vessels  was  changed,  their  equipments  were  sold,  and  the 
accounts  settled.  During  this  time  he  had  a  salary  of  30,000  maravedies. 
On  the  22d  of  March,  1508,  he  received  the  appointment  of  principal 
pilot,  with  a  salary  of  70,000  maravedies.  His  chief  duties  were  to  pre- 
pare charts,  examine  pilots,  superintend  the  fitting  out  of  expeditions, 
and  prescribe  the  route  that  vessels  were  to  pursue  in  their  voyages  to 
the  New  World.  He  appears  to  have  remained  at  Seville,  and  to  have 

1  Writer  of  Vespucci  to  Poduritii  or  Keitato — Edit,  of  Canoval. 
*  Kavarrulu,  Coluc.  Viag.,  tow.  i.  i>.  i>^l. 


640  APPENDIX. 

retained  this  office  until  his  death,  on  the  22d  of  February,  1512.  His 
widow,  Maria  ( 'orezo,  enjoyed  a  pension  of  10,000  maravedies.  After  his 
death,  his  nephew,  Juan  Vespucci,  was  nominated  pilot  with  a  salary  of 
20,000  maravedies,  commencing  on  the  2'Jd  of  May,  Jo  12.  Peter  Martyr 
speaks  with  high  commendation  of  this  young  man.  "  Young  Vesputins 
is  one  to  whom  Americas  Vespntius  his  uncle  left  the  exact  knowledge 
of  the  manner's  faculties,  as  it  were  by  inheritance,  after  his  death:  for 
he  was  a  very  expert  master  in  the  knowledge  of  his  cardc,  his  compasse, 
and  the  elevation  of  the  pole  slarre  by  the  quadrant.  .  .  .  Vespulius  is 
iny  very  familiar  friend,  and  a  wittie  young  man,  in  whose  company  1 
take  great  pleasure,  and  therefore  use  him  ofteutymes  for  my  gue>l.  He 
hath  also  made  many  voyages  into  these  coasts,  and  diligently  noted  such 
things  as  he  hath  seen."  l 

Vespucci,  the  nephew,  continued  in  this  situation  during  the  lifetime 
of  Fonseca,  who  had  been  the  patron  of  his  uncle  and  his  family.  He 
was  divested  of  his  pay  and  his  employ  by  a  letter  of  the  council,  dated 
the  18th  of  March,  1525,  shortly  after  the  death  of  the  bishop.  No 
further  notice  of  Vespucci  is  to  be  found  in  the  archives  of  the  Indies. 

Such  is  a  brief  view  of  the  career  of  Amerigo  Vespucci;  it  remains  to 
notice  the  points  of  controversy.  Shortly  after  his  return  from  his  last 
expedition  to  the  Brazils,  he  wrote  a  letter  dated  Lisbon,  4th  September. 
1504,  containing  a  summary  account  of  all  his  voyages.  This  letter  is  of 
special  importance  to  the  matters  under  investigation,  as  it  is  the  only  one 
known  that  relates  to  the  disputed  voyage,  which  would  establish  him  as 
the  discoverer  of  Terra  Firma.  It  is  presumed  to  have  been  written  in 
Latin,  and  was  addressed  to  Rene,  Duke  of  Lorraine,  who  assumed  the 
title  of  King  of  Sicily  and  Jerusalem. 

The  earliest  known  edition  of  this  letter  was  published  in  Latin,  in  1507, 
at  St.  Diez  in  Lorraine,  A  copy  of  it  has  been  found  in  the  library  of 
the  Vatican  (No.  9GSS)  by  the  Abbe  C'ancellieri.  In  preparing  the  present 
illustration,  a  reprint  of  this  letter  in  Latin  has  been  consulted,  inserted 
iu  the  Novus  Orb  is  of  Grinams,  published  at  Bath  in  15:)2.  The  letter 
contains  a  spirited  narrative  of  four  voyages  which  he  asserts  to  have 
made  to  the  New  World.  In  the  prologue  he  excuses  the  liberty  of 
addressing  King  Rene  by  calling  to  his  recollection  the  ancient  intimacy 
of  their  youth,  when  studying  the  rudiments  of  science  together,  under 
the  paternal  uncle  of  the  voyager;  and  adds  that  if  the  present  narrative 
should  not  altogether  please  his  majesty,  he  must  plead  to  him  as  Pliny 
said  to  Ma-cenus,  that  he  used  formerly  to  be  amused  with  his  trillings. 

In  the  prologue  to  this  letter,  he  informs  King  Rene  that  affairs  of  com- 
merce had  brought  him  to  Spain,  where  he  had  experienced  the  various 
changes  of  fortune  attendant  on  such  transactions,  and  was  induced  to 
abandon  that  pursuit  and  direct  his  labors  to  objects  of  a  more  elevated 
and  stable  nature.  He  therefore  proposed  to  contemplate  various  parts 
of  the  world,  and  to  behold  the  marvels  which  it  contains.  To  this  object 
both  time  and  place  were  favorable;  for  King  Ferdinand  was  then  prepar- 
ing four  vessels  for  the  discovery  of  new  lands  in  the  west,  and  appointed 
him  among  the  number  of  those  who  went  in  the  expedition.  "  We 
departed,"  he  adds,  "  from  the  port  of  Cadiz,  May  20th,  1497,  taking  our 
course  on  the  great  gulf  of  ocean;  in  which  voyage  we  employed  eighteen 
months,  discovering  many  lands  and  innumerable  islands,  chiefly  inhab- 
ited, of  which  our  ancestors  make  no  mention." 

A  duplicate  of  this  letter  appears  to  have  been  sent  at  the  same  time 
(written,  it  is  said,  in  Italian)  to  Piere  Soderini,  afterward  Gonfalonier 

1  Jfeter  Martyr,  detail,  iii.  lib.  v.  EJeu's  English  traus. 


A  PPENDIX.  641 

of  Florence,  which  was  some  years  subsequently  published  in  Italy  not 
earlier  than  1510,  ami  entitled  "  Lettera  de  Amerigo  Vespucci  delle  Isole 
nuovamente  trovate  in  quatro  suoi  viaggi."  We  have  consulted  the 
edition  of  this  letter  in  Italian,  inserted  in  the  publication  of  Padre  Sta- 
nislaus Canovai,  already  referred  to. 

It  has  l*?en  suggested  by  an  Italian  writer,  that  this  letter  was  written 
by  Vespucci  to  Soderini  only,  and  the  address  altered  to  King  Rene 
through  the  flattery  or  mistake  of  the  Lorraine  editor,  without  perceiving 
how  unsuitable  the  reference  to  former  intimacy,  intended  for  Soderini, 
was,  when  applied  to  a  sovereign.  The  person  making  this  remark  can 
hardly  have  read  the  prologue  to  the  Latin  edition,  in  which  the  title  of 
"  your  majesty"  is  frequently  repeated,  and  the  term  "  illustrious  king" 
employed.  It  was  first  published  also  in  Lorraine,  the  domains  of  Rene, 
and  the  publisher  would  not  probably  have  presumed  to  take  such  a  liberty 
with  his  sovereign's  name.  It  becomes  a  ques'ion,  whether  Vespucci 
addressed  the  same  letter  to  King  Rene  and  to  Piere  Soderini,  both  of 
them  having  been  educated  with  him.  or  whether  he  sent  a  copy  of  this 
letter  to  So.lenni,  which  subsequently  found  iis  way  into  print.  The 
address  to  Soderini  may  have  been  substituted,  through  mistake,  by  the 
Italian  publisher.  Neither  of  the  publications  could  have  been  made 
under  the  supervision  of  Vespucci. 

The  voyage  specified  in  this  letter  as  having  taken  place  in  1497,  is  the 
great  point  in  controversy.  It  is  strenuously  asserted  that  no  such  voyage 
took  place;  and  that  the  first  expedition  of  Vespucci  to  the  coast  of  Paria 
was  in  the  enterprise  commanded  by  Ojeda,  in  1499.  The  books  of  the 
armadas  existing  in  the  archives  of  the  Indies  at  Seville  have  been  dili- 
gently examined,  but  no  record  of  such  voyage  has  been  found,  nor  any 
official  documents  relating  to  it.  Those  most  experienced  in  Spanish 
colonial  regulations  insist  that  no  command  like  that  pretended  by  Ves- 
pucci could  have  been  given  to  a  stranger,  till  he  had  first  received  letters 
of  naturalization  from  the  sovereigns  for  the  kingdom  of  Castile,  and  he 
did  not  obtain  such  till  1505,  when  they  were  granted  to  him  as  prepara- 
tory to  giving  him  the  command  in  conjunction  with  Pinzon. 

His  account  of  a  voyage -made  by  him  in  1497,  therefore,  is  alleged  to 
be  a  fabrication  for  the  purpose  of  claiming- the  discovery  of  Paria;  or 
rather  it  is  atlirmed  that  he  has  divided  the  voyage  which  he  actually 
made  with  Ojeda,  in  1499,  into  two;  taking  a  number  of  incidents  from 
his  real  voyage,  altering  them  a  little,  and  enlarging  them  with  descrip- 
tions of  the  corn-tries  and  people,  so  as  to  make  a  plausible  narrative,  which 
lie  i^ives  as  a  distinct  voyage;  and  antedating  his  departure  to  1497,  so  as 
to  make  himself  appear  the  first  discoverer  of  Paria. 

In  support  of  this  charge  various  coincidences  have  been  pointed  out 
between  his  voyage  suiil  to  have  taken  place  in  1497,  and  that  described 
in  his  first  letter  to  Lorenzo  de  Medici  in  1499.  These  coincidences  are 
with  respect  to  places  visited,  transactions  and  battles  with  the  natives, 
and  the  number  of  Indians  carried  to  Spain  and  sold  as  slaves. 

l>ut  the  credibility  of  this  voyage  has  been  put  to  a  stronger  test. 
About  1508  a  suit  was  instituted  against  the  crown  of  Spain  by  Don  Diego, 
son  and  heir  of  Columbus,  for  the  government  of  certain  parts  of  Terra 
Firma,  and  for  a  share  in  the  revenue  arising  from  them,  conformably  to 
the  capitulations  made  between  the  sovereign  and  his  father.  It  was  the 
object  of  the  crown  to  disprove  the  discovery  of  the  coast  of  Paria  and 
the  pearl  islands  by  Columbus,  as  it  was  maintained  that  unless  he  had 
diseoveivd  them,  the  claim  of  his  heir  with  respect  to  them  would  be  of 
no  validity. 

In  the  course  of  this  suit,  a  particular  examination  of  witnesses  took 


642  APPENDIX. 

place  in  1512-13  in  the  fiscal  court.  Alonzo  de  Ojeda,  and  nearly  a  hun- 
dred other  persons,  were  interrogate  1  on  oath;  that  voyager  having  ln-t-n 
the  first  to  visit  the  coast  of  Paria  after  Columbus  had  left  it.  ami  that 
within  a  very  few  months.  The  interrogatories  of  these  witnc-scs.  an  I 
their  replies,  are  still  extant,  in  the  archives  of  the  Indies  at  Seville,  in  a 
packet  of  papers  entitled  "  Papers  belonging  to  the  Admiral  Don  Luis 
Colon,  about  the  conservation  of  his  privileges,  from  ami.  1515  to  15(54." 
The  author  of  the  present  work  has  two  several  copies  of  these  interroga- 
tories lying  before  him.  One  made  by  the  late  historian  Munox.  and  the 
other  ma.le  in  1826,  and  signed  by  John  Jose  de  la  Iligueray  Lara,  keeper 
of  the  general  archives  of  the  Indies  in  Seville.  In  the  course  of  this 
testimony,  the  fact  that  Amerigo  Vespucci  accompanied  Ojeda  in  this 
voyage  of  1499,  appears  manifest,  first  from  the  deposition  of  Ojeda  him- 
self. The  following  are  the  words  of  the  record:  ''  In  this  voyage  which 
this  said  witness  made,  he  took  with  him  Juan  de  la  Cosa  and  Morego 
Vespuche  [Amerigo  Vespucci]  and  other  pilots."  l  Secondly,  from  the 
coincidence  of  many  parts  of  the  narrative  of  Vespucci  with  events  in  this 
voyage  of  Ojeda.  Among  these  coincidences,  one  is  particularly  striking. 
Vespucci,  in  his  letter  to  Lorenzo  de  Medici,  and  also  in  that  to  Rene  or 
Soderini,  says  that  his  ships,  after  leaving  the  coast  of  Terra  Kinna, 
stopped  at  Hispaniola,  where  they  remained  about  two  months  and  a  half, 
procuring  provisions,  during  which  time,  he  adds,  "  we  had  many  perils 
and  troubles  with  the  very  Christians  who  were  in  that  island  with  Colum- 
bus, and  I  believe  through  envy."  '2 

Now  it  is  well  known  that  OjeJa  passed  some  time  on  the  western  end 
of  the  island  victualling  his  ships;  and  that  serious  dissensions  took  place 
between  him  and  the  Spaniards  in  those  parts,  and  the  party  sent  by 
Columbus  under  Roldau  to  keep  a  watch  upon  his  movements.  If  then 
Vespucci,  as  is  stated  upon  oath,  really  accompanied  Ojeda  in  this  voyage, 
the  inference  appears  almost  irresistible,  that  he  had  not  made  the  pre- 
vious voyage  of  1497.  for  the  fact  would  have  been  well  known  to  Ojeda; 
he  would  have  considered  Vespucci  as  the  original  discoverer  and  would 
have  had  no  motive  for  depriving  him  of  the  merit  of  it,  to  give  it  to 
Columbus,  with  whom  Ojeda  was  not  upon  friendly  terms. 

Ojeda,  however,  expressly-declares  that  the  coast  had  been  discovered 
by  Columbus.  On  being  asked  how  he  knew  the  fact,  he  replied,  because 
he  saw  the  chart  of  the  country  discovered,  which  Columbus  sent  at  the 
time  to  the  king  and  queen,  and  that  he  came  off  immediately  on  a  voy- 
age of  discovery,  and  found  what  was  therein  set  down  as  discovered  by 
the  admiral  was  correct.3 

Another  witness,  Bernaldo  de  Haro,  states  that  he  had  been  with  the 
admiral,  and  had  written  (or  rather  copied)  a  letter  for  the  admiral  to 
the  king  and  queen  designating,  in  an  accompanying  sea-chart,  the  courses 
and  steerings  and  winds  by  which  he  had  arrived  at  Paria:  and  that  this 
witness  had  heard  that  from  this  chart  others  had  been  made,  and  that 

1  En  este  viase  que  este  dicho  teetigo  hizo  trujo  consigo  a  Juan  de  la  Cosa,  piloto, 
e  Morego  Vespuche,  e  otiw  pilotos. 

1  Per  la  necessita  del  mantenimento  fummo  all'  Icola  d'Antielia  (Hispaniola)  che  6 
quecta  che  descoperse  Chrintoval  Colombo  piu  anni  fa,  dove  fucummo  raolto  mantei  i- 
mento,  e  stem  mo  due  mesi  e  17  giorni;  dove  passammo  moti  perieoli  e  travail  con  !i 
medesimi  Christian!  que  in  v-)iie-<ta  isola  stavaiino  col  Colombo  (credo  per  invidia).  Letter 
of  Vespucci—  Kdit.  of  Canovai. 

»  Preguntado  como  lo  salw;  dijo  — qne  !•  cabe  porque  vio  este  testigo  la  fieura  quo 
el  dicho  AlmiraiHe  al  dicho  tiempo  euilii  >  a  <'u»tilla  al  Key  e  Reyna,  nueftruH  Seiiores, 
de  lo  que  babia  descubicrto,  y  porque  e«te  leatigo  luego  vino  a  descubrir  y  hallo  que  era 
verdad  lo  que  dicho  tiene  que  el  dicho  AltuirauU;  deacubrio.  MS.  Process  of  D.  Dieg.> 
Coloo,  preguuta  2. 


APPENDIX.  643 

Pedro  Alon/.o  Xifio  and  Ojeda,  and  others,  who  had  since  visited  th'ese 
countries,  had  been  guided  by  the  same.1 

Francisco  de  Molares,  one  of  the  best  and  most  credible  of  all  the  pilots, 
testified  that  he  saw  a  sea-chart  which  Columbus  had  made  of  the  coast  of 
Paria,  and  lie  believed  11ml  nil  yoverned  tlientsilcen  l>y  it* 

Numerous  witnesses  in  this  process  testify  to  the  fact  that  Paria  was 
first  discovered  by  Columbus.  Las  Casas,  who  has  been  at  the  pains  of 
counting  them,  says  that  the  fact  was  established  by  twenty-five  eye- 
witnesses and  sixty  ear-witnesses.  Many  of  them  testify  also  that  the 
coast  south  of  Paria,  and  that  extending  west  of  the  island  of  Margarita, 
away  to  Vene/.nela,  which  Vespucci  states  to  have  been  discovered  by 
himself  in  14H7,  was  now  first  discovered  by  Ojeda,  and  had  never  before 
been  visited  either  by  the  admiral  "or  any  other  Christian  whatever." 

Alonzo  Sanchez  de  Carvujul  says  that  all  the  voyages  of  discovery  which 
were  made  to  the  Terra  Firma,  were  made  by  persons  who  had  sailed 
with  the  admiral,  or  been  benefited  by  his  instructions  and  directions, 
following  the  course  he  had  laid  down  ;a  and  the  same  is  testified  by  many 
other  pilots  and  mariners  of  reputation  and  experience. 

It  would  be  a  singular  circumstance,  if  none  of  these  witnesses,  many 
of  whom  must  have  sailed  in  the  same  squadron  with  Vespucci  along  this 
coast  in  14U!>.  should  have  known  that  he  had  discovered  and  explored  it 
two  years  previously.  If  that  had  really  been  the  case,  what  motive  could 
he  have  for  concealing  the  fact?  and  why,  if  they  knew  it,  should  they 
not  proclaim  it?  Vespucci  states  his  voyage  in  1407  to  have  been  made 
with  four  caravels;  that  they  returned  in  October,  14l>8,  and  that  he  sailed 
again  with  two  caravels  in  May.  14'.  H)  (the  date  of  Ojeda's  departure). 
Many  of  the  mariners  would  therefore  have  been  present  in  both  vo\ 
Why,  too,  should  Ojeda  and  the  other  pilots  guide  themselves  by  the 
charts  of  Columbus,  when  they  had  a  man  on  board  so  learned  in  nautical 
science,  and  who,  from  his  own  recent  observations,  was  practically 
acquainted  with  the  coast?  Not  a  word,  however,  is  mentioned  of  the 
voyage  and  discovery  of  Vespucci  by  any  of  the  pilots,  though  every  other 
voyage  and  discovery  is  cited;  nor  does  there  even  a  seaman  appear  who 
had  accompanied  him  in  his  asserted  voyage. 

Another  strong  circumstance  against  the  reality  of  this  voyage  is,  that  it 
was  not  brought  forward  in  this  trial  to  defeat  the  claims  of  the  heirs  of 
Columbus.  Vespucci  states  the  voyage  to  have  been  undertaken  with 
the  knowledge  and  countenance  of  King  Ferdinand;  it  niu>t.  therefore, 
have  been  avowed  and  notorious.  Vespucci  was  living  at  .Seville  in  1-J08, 
at  the  time  of  the  commencement  of  this  suit,  and  for  four  years  after- 
war  1,  a  -ularied  servant  of  the  crown.  Many  of  the  pilots  and  mariners 
must  have  been  at  hand,  who  sailed  with  him  in  his  pretended  enterprise. 
If  this  voyage  had  once  been  proved,  it  would  completely  have  settled  the 
question,  as  far  as  concerned  the  coast  of  Paria,  in  favor  of  the  crown. 
Yet  no  testimony  appears  ever  to  have  been  taken  from  Vespucci  while 

1  Este  tpptisro  oscrivio  una  cnrta  qne  el  Almirantc  eecriviera  al  Rcy  a  Reyna  X.N'.S  S. 
haciendo  Ic*  «ibrr  his  |KM  las  ecosas  i(»c  haltia  hallado,  y  le  embiti  senaido  con  la  ilic/ha 
carta,  en  una  i-arui  de  marear.  Ion  rmnlxM  y  vietitow  por  donde  habia  llega  do  a  la  Paria, 
e  queewte  Uwligooyodpcir  como  pr.  aquella  carte  se  habian  hecho  otras  e  nor  el  law  habian 
venido  Pedro  Alouzo  Merino  [Niuol  Ojeda  e  olroe  quo  despueu  ban  ido  <i  aquellas  pnn«*. 
Idem,  preLTiinta  9. 

J  Procew*  of  D.  TMeao  Colon,  pregunta  10. 

s  (juevn  lodos  los  viagert  qur  algiiitow  hicioron  descubriendo  en  la  dicha  tiorra,  ihan 
persona*  (jue  ovieion  navesjado  con  el  dicho  Ahnirante,  y  a  ellos  mnptri'i  mucha*  cos:is  dj 
niarcar,  y  <>llo«  por  iniiUuion  rimlnsuia  iMdiclio  .Mininiiite  las  apreijdi;i.i  y  a,)U':idieron, 
e  BCLtiiciiilo  ay".  (|iic  H  dit-ho  Aliniianle  le«  habia  niostrado,  hicierou  IOB  viages  que  den 
cubrieruu  uu  laTierru  Kiruia.  1'roc.cs.s,  preguula  10. 


644  APPENDIX. 

living;  and  when  the  interrogatories  we're  marie  in  the  fiscal  court  in 
1512-13,  not  one  of  his  seamen  is  brought  up  to  give  evidence.  A  voyage 
so  important  in  its  nature,  and  so  essential  to  the  question  in  dispute,  is 
not  even  alluded  to,  while  useless  pains  are  taken  to  wrest  evidence  from 
the  voyage  of  Ojeda,  undertaken  at  a  subsequent  period. 

It  is  a  circumstance  worthy  of  notice,  that  Vespucci  commences  his  first 
letters  to  Lorenzo  de  Medici  in  1500,  within  a  month  after  his  return  from 
the  voyage  he  had  actually  made  to  Paria,  and  apologizes  for  his  long 
silence,  by  saying  that  nothing  had  occurred  worthy  of  mention  ("e  gran 
tempo  che  non  ho  scritto  a  vostro  magnifizensa,  e  non  lo  ha  causato  altra 
cosa  ne  nessuna  salvo  non  mi  essere  occorso  cosa  degna  di  memoria"), 
and  proceeds  eagerly  to  tell  him  the  wonders  he  had  witnessed  in  the 
expedition  from  which  he  had  but  just  returned.  It  would  be  a  singular 
forgetfulness  to  say  that  nothing  had  occurred  of  importance,  if  he  had 
made  a  previous  voyage  of  eighteen  months  in  1407-8  to  this  newly  dis- 
covered world;  and  it  would  be  almost  equally  strange  that  he  should  not 
make  the  slightest  allusion  to  it  in  this  letter. 

It  has  been  the  endeavor  of  the  author  to  examine  this  question  dis- 
passionately;  and  after  considering  the  statements  and  arguments  advanced 
on  either  side,  he  cannot  resist  a  conviction,  that  the  voyage  stated  to 
have  been  made  in  1497  did  not  take  place,  and  that  Vespucci  has  no  title 
to  the  first  discovery  of  the  coast  of  Paria. 

The  question  is  extremely  perplexing  from  the  difficulty  of  assigning 
sufficient  motive?  for  so  gross  a  deception.  When  Vespucci  wrote  his 
letters  there  was  no  doubt  entertained  but  that  Columbus  had  discovered 
the  main-land  in  his  first  voyage;  Cuba  being  always  considered  the 
extremity  of  Asia,  until  circumnavigated  in  1508.  Vespucci  may  have 
supposed  Brazil,  Paria,  and  the  rest  of  that  coast,  part  of  a  distinct  conti- 
•uent,  and  have  been  anxious  to  arrogate  to  himself  the  fame  of  its  dis- 
covery. It  has  been  asserted  that,  on  his  return  from  his  voyage  to  the 
Brazils,  he  prepared  a  maritime  chart,  in  which  he  gave  his  name  to  that 
part  of  the  main-land;  but  this  assertion  does  not  appear  to  be  well  sub- 
stantiated. It  would  rather  seem  that  his  name  was  given  to  that  part  of 
the  continent  by  others,  as  a  tribute  paid  to  his  supposed  merit,  in  conse- 
quence of  having  read  his  own  account,  of  his  voyages.1 

It  is  singular  that  Fernando,  the  son  of  Columbus,  in  his  biography  of 
his  father,  should  bring  no  charge  against  Vespucci  of  endeavoring  to 
supplant  the  admiral  in  this  discovery.  Herrera  has  been  cited  as  the  first 
to  bring  the  accusation,  in  his  history  of  the  Indies,  first  published  in 
1001,  and  has  been  much  criticised  in  consequence,  by  the  advocates  of 
Vespucci,  as  making  the  charge  on  his  mere  assertion.  But,  in  fact, 
Herrera  did  but  copy  what  he  found  written  by  Las  Casas,  who  had  the 
proceedings  of  the  fiscal  court  lying  before  him,  and  was  moved  to  indig- 
nation against  Vespucci,  by  what  he  considered  proofs  of  great  imposture. 

It  has  been  suggested  that  Vespucci  was  instigated  to  this  deception  at 
the  time  when  he  was  seeking  employment  in  the  colonial  service  of 
Spain;  and  that  he  did  it  lo  conciliate  the  Bishop  Fonseca,  who  was  de- 
sirous of  any  thing  that  might  injure  the  interests  of  Columbus.  In  cor- 
roboration  of  this  opinion,  the  patronage  is  cited,  which  was  ever  shown 
by  Fonseca  to  Vespucci  and  his  family.  This  is  not,  however,  a  satisfac- 
tory' reason,  since  it  does  not  appear  that  the  bishop  ever  made  any  use 

1  The  first  suggestion  of  the  name  appears  to  have  been  in  the  Latin  work  already 
cited,  published  i.i  St.  Diez,  in  Lorraiue,  in  Io07,  in  which  was  inserted  the  letter  of 
Vi'cpueci  to  king  Rone.  The  author,  after  speaking  of  the  other  three  parts  of  the  world, 
Asia,  Africa,  and  Europe,  recommends  that  the  fourth  shall  be  culled  Amerigo,  or 
America,  after  Vespucci,  whom  he  imagined  its  discoverer. 


APPENDIX.  645 

of  the  fabrication.  Perhaps  some  other  means  might  be  found  of  account- 
ing for  this  spurious  narration,  without  implicating  the  veracity  of  Ves- 
pucci. It  may  have  been  the  blunder  of  some  editor,  or  the  interpolation 
of  some  book-maker,  eager,  as  in  the  case  of  Trivigiani  with  tin-  manu- 
scripts of  Peter  Martyr,  to  gather  together  disjointed  materials,  and 
fabricate  a  work  to  gratify  the  prevalent  passion  of  the  day. 

In  the  various  editions  of  the  letters  of  Vespucci,  the  grossest  varia- 
tions and  inconsistencies  in  dates  will  be  found,  evidently  the  errors  of 
hasty  and  careless  publishers.  Several  of  these  have  been  corrected  by 
the  modern  authors  who  have  inserted  these  letters  in  their  works.1  The 
same  disregard  to  exactness  which  led  to  these  blunders  may  have  pro- 
duced the  interpolation  of  this  voyage,  garbled  out  of  the  letters  of  Ves- 
pucci and  the  accounts  of  other  voyagers.  This  is  merely  suggested  as  a 
possible  mode  of  accounting  for  what  appears  so  decidedly  to  be  a  fabri- 
cation, yet  which  we  are  loath  to  attribute  to  a  man  of  the  good  sense, 
the  character,  and  the  reputed  merit  of  Vespucci. 

After  all,  this  is  a  question  more  of  curiosity  than  of  real  moment, 
although  it  is  one  of  those  perplexing  points  about  which  grave  men  will 
continue  to  write  weary  volumes,  until  the  subject  acquires  a  factitious 
importance  from  the  mountain  of  controversy  heaped  upon  it.  It  has 
become  a  question  of  local  pride  with  the  literati  of  Florence:  and  they 
emulate  each  other  with  patriotic  zeal,  to  vindicate  the  fame  of  their  dis- 
tinguished countryman.  This  zeal  is  laudable  when  kept  within  proper 
limits;  but  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  some  of  them  have  so  far  been  heated 
by  controversy  as  to  become  irascible  against  the  very  memory  of  Colum- 
bus, and  to  seek  to  disparage  his  general  fame,  as  if  the  ruin  of  it  would 
add  any  thing  to  the  reputation  of  Vespucci.  This  is  discreditable  to  their 
discernment  and  their  liberality;  it  injures  their  cause,  and  shocks  the 
feelings  of  mankind,  who  will  not  willingly  see  a  name  like  that  of  Co- 
lumbus, lightly  or  petulantly  assailed  in  the  course  of  these  literary  con- 
tests. It  is  a  name  consecrated  in  history,  and  is  no  longer  the  property 
of  a  city,  or  a  state,  or  a  nation,  but  of  the  whole  world. 

Neither  should  those  who  have  a  proper  sense  of  the  merit  of  Columbus 
put  any  part  of  his  great  renown  at  issue  upon  this  minor  dispute. 
Whether  or  not  he  was  the  discoverer  of  Paria,  was  a  question  of  interest 
to  his  heirs,  as  a  share  of  the  government  and  revenues  of  that  country 
depended  upon  it;  but  it  is  of  no  importance  to  his  fame.  In  fact,  the 
European  who  first  reached  the  main-land  of  the  New  World  was  most 
probably  Sebastian  Cabot,  a  native  of  Venice,  sailing  in  the  employ  of 
England.  In  1497  he  coasted  its  shores  from  Labrador  to  Florida,  yet  the 
English  have  never  set  up  any  pretensions  on  his  account. 

The  glory  of  Columbus  does  not  depend  upon  the  parts  of  the  country 
he  visited  or  the  extent  of  coast  along  which  he  sailed;  it  embraces  the 
discovery  of  the  whole  western  world.  With  respect  to  him,  Vespucci  is 
as  Yanez  Pinzon,  Bastides,  Ojeda,  Cabot,  and  the  crowd  of  secondary 
discoverers  who  followed  in  his  track,  and  explored  the  realms  to  which 
he  had  led  the  way.  When  Columbus  first  touched  a  shore  of  the  New 

1  An  instance  of  these  errors  may  be  cited  in  the  edition  of  the  letter  of  Amerigo 
Vespucci  to  king  Rene,  inserted  by  Grinseus  in  his  Xovus  Orbis,  in  1532.  In  this  Ves- 
pucci is  made  to  state  that  he  sailed  from  Cadiz,  May  20,  MCCCCXOVII.  (1497)  that  he 
was  eighteen  months  absent,  and  returned  to  Cadiz  October  15,  MCCCCXCIX.  (1499), 
which  would  constitute  an  absence  of  twenty. nine  months.  He  states  his  departure  from 
Cadi/.,  on  his  second  voyage,  Sunday,  Mar  II,  MCCCCI, XXXIX.  (1489),  which  would 
have  made  his  second  voyage  precede  his  tirst  by  eight  years.  If  we  substitute  1409  tor 
14s.i.  the  departure  on  his  second  voyage  would  stili  precede  his  return  from  his  first  by 
five  month*.  Carnival,  in  his  edilio  i,  has  Altered  the  date  of  the  first  reluru  lo  1498,  to 
limit  the  voyage  lo  eigbteeu  months. 


646  APPENDIX. 

World,  oven  though  a  frontier  island,  he  had  achieved  his  enterprises;  he 
had  accomplished  all  that  was  necessary  to  his  fame:  the  great  problem 
of  the  ocean  was  solved,  the  world  which  lay  beyond  its  Western  waters 
was  discovered. 

A'otf  to  the  Rer.ixed  Edition,  184S.  —  Humboldt,  in  his  EXAMEN  CRITIQUE,  published 
in  I'aris,  in  1837,  says:  "  1  have  been  so  happy  as  to  discover,  very  recently,  the  name 
ami  the  literary  relations  of  the  mysterious  personage  who  (in  1->07)  was  the  tirst  to  pro- 
pose the  name  of  America  to  designate  the  new  continent,  and  who  concealed  himself 
under  the  Gieciauized  name  of  Hylacomylas."  He  then,  by  a  long  and  ingenious  inves 
tigatiun,  shows  that  the  real  name  of  this  personage  was  Martin  Wuldsefiniiller,  of  Fri- 
bourg,  an  eminent  cosmographer,  patronized  by  Rene,  Duke  of  Lorraine;  who.no  doubt, 
put  in  his  hands  the  letter  received  hy  him  from  Amerigo  Vespucci.  The  geographical 
works  of  Waldseemiiller,  under  the  assumed  name  of  Ilylacomylas,  had  a  wide  circula- 
tion, went  through  repeated  editions,  and  propagated  the  use  of  the  name  America 
through  the  world.  There  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  this  application  of  the  name  was 
in  anywise  suggested  by  Amerigo  Vespucci.  It  appears  to  have  been  entirely  gratui- 
tous oil  the  part  of  WaldseeuiiiUer. 

No.  XI 

MARTIN   ALONZO   PINZON. 

Ix  the  course  of  the  trial  in  the  fiscal  court,  between  Don  Diego  and 
the  crown,  an  attempt  was  made  to  depreciate  the  merit  of  Columbus, 
and  to  ascribe  the  success  of  the  great  enterprise  of  discovery  to  the  in- 
telligence and  spirit  of  Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon.  It  was  the  interest  of  the 
crown  to  do  so,  to  justify  itself  in  withholding  from  the  heirs  of  Colum- 
bus the  extent  of  his  stipulated  reward.  The  examinations  of  witnesses 
in  this  trial  were  made  at  various  times  and  places,  and  upon  a  set  of  in- 
terrogatories formally  drawn  up  by  order  of  the  fiscal.  They  took  place 
upwards  of  twenty  years  after  the  first  voyage  of  Columbus,  and  the  wit- 
nesses testified  from  recollection. 

In  reply  to  one  of  the  interrogatories,  Arias  Perez  Pinzon,  son  of  Martin 
Alonzo,  declared,  that,  being  once  in  Rome  with  his  father  on  commercial 
affairs,  before  the  time  of  the  discovery,  they  had  frequent  conversations 
with  a  person  learned  in  cosmography  who  was  in  the  service  of  Pope 
Innocent  VIII.,  and  that  being  in  the  library  of  the  pope,  this  person 
showed  them  many  manuscripts,  from  one  of  which  his  father  gathered 
intimation  of  these  new  lands;  for  there  was  a  passage  by  an  historian  as 
old  as  the  time  of  Solomon,  which  said,  "  Navigate  the  Mediterranean 
Sea  to  the  end  of  Spain  and  thence  towards  the  setting  sun,  in  a  direction 
between  north  and  south,  until  ninety-five  degrees  of  longitude,  and  you 
will  find  the  land  of  Cipango,  fertile  and  abundant,  and  equal  in  greatness 
to  Africa  and  Europe."  A  copy  of  this  writing,  he  added,  his  father 
brought  from  Home  with  an  intention  of  going  in  search  of  that  land, 
and  frequently  expressed  such  determination;  and  that,  when  Columbus 
came  to  Palos  with  his  project  of  discovery,  Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon  showed 
him  the  manuscript,  and  ultimately  gave  it  to  him  just  before  they  sailed. 

It  is  extremely  probable  that  this  manuscript,  of  which  Arias  Perez 
gives  so  vague  an  account  from  recollection,  but  which  he  appears  to  think 
the  main  thing  that  prompted  Columbus  to  his  undertaking,  was  no  other 
than  the  work  of  Marco  Polo,  which,  at  that  time,  existed  in  manuscript 
in  most  of  the  Italian  libraries.  Martin  Alonzo  was  evidently  acquainted 
with  the  work  of  the  Venetian,  and  it  would  appear,  from  various  circum- 
stances, that  Columbus  had  a  copy  of  it  with  him  in  his  voyages,  which 
may  have  been  the  manuscript,  above  mentioned.  Columbus  had  long 
before,  however,  had  a  knowledge  of  the  work,  if  not  by  actual  inspec- 
tion, at  least  through  his  correspondence  with  Toscanelli  in  1474,  and  had 
derived  trom  it  all  the  light  it  svas  capable  of  furnishing,  before  he  ever 


APPEXTHX.  647 

came  to  Palos.  Tt  is  questionable,  also,  whether  the  visit  of  Martin 
Alonzo  to  Home  was  not  after  his  mind  had  been  heated  by  conversations 
with  Columbus  in  the  convent  of  La  Kabida.  The  testimony  of  Arias 
Perez  is  so  worded  as  to  leave  it  in  doubt  whether  the  visit  was  not  in  the 
very  year  prior  to  the  discovery:  "  fue  el  dicho  su  padre  a  lioina  aquel 
dicho  ano  antes  que  fuese  a  descubrir."  Arias  Perez  always  mentions  the 
manuscript  as  having  l>een  imparted  to  Columbus,  after  he  had  couie  to 
Palos  with  an  intention  of  proceeding  on  the  discovery. 

Certain  witnesses  who  were  examined  on  behalf  of  the  crown,  and  to 
whom  specific  interrogatories  were  put,  asserted,  as  has  already  been 
mentioned  in  a  note  to  this  work,  that  had  it  not  been  for  Martin  Alonzo 
Pinzon  and  his  brothers,  Columbus  would  have  turned  back  for  Spain, 
after  having  run  seven  or  eight  hundred  leagues;  being  disheartened  at 
not  finding  land,  and  dismayed  by  the  mutiny  and  menaces  of  his  crew. 
This  is  stated  by  two  or  three  as  from  personal  knowledge,  and  by  others 
from  hearsay.  It  is  said  especially  to  have  occurred  on  the  Oth  of  Octo- 
ber. On  this  day,  according  to  the  journal  of  Columbus,  he  had  some 
conversation  with  Martin  Alonzo,  who  was  anxious  that  they  should 
stand  more  to  the  south-west.  The  admiral  refused  to  do  so,  and  it  is 
very  probable  that  some  angry  words  may  have  passed  U-tween  them. 
Various  disputes  appear  to  have  taken  place  between  Columbus  and  his 
colleagues  respecting  their  route,  previous  to  the  discovery  of  land;  in 
one  or  two  instances  he  acceded  to  their  wishes  and  altered  his  course, 
but  in  general  lie  was  inflexible  in  standing  to  the  west.  The  Pinzons 
aNo.  in  all  probability,  exerted  their  influence  in  quelling  the  mill-mill's 
of  their  townsmen  and  encouraging  them  to  proceed,  when  ready  to  rel>el 
against  Columbus.  These  circumstances  may  have  become  mixed  up  in 
the  vague  recollections  of  the  seamen  who  gave  the  foregoing  extravagant 
testimony,  and  who  were  evidently  disposed  to  exalt  the  merits  of  the 
Pinzons  at  the  expense  of  Columbus.  They  were  in  some  measure 
prompted  also  in  their  replies  by  the  written  interrogatories  put  by  order 
of  the  fiscal,  which  specified  the  conversation  said  to  have  passed  bet  ween 
Columbus  and  the  Pinzons,  and  notwithstanding  these  guides  they  dif- 
fered widely  in  their  statements,  and  ran  into  many  absurdities.  In  a, 
manuscript  record  in  possession  of  the.  Pinzon  family,  I  have  even  read 
the  assertion  of  an  old  seaman,  that  Columbus,  in  his  eagerness  to  com- 
pel 1  the  Pinzons  to  turn  back  to  Spain,  fired  upon  Llielr  .s/u/w,  but.  they 
continuing  on,  he  was  obliged  to  follow,  and  within  two  days  afterward 
discovered  the  island  of  Hispaniola. 

It  is  evident  the  old  sailor,  if  he  really  spoke  conscientiously,  mingled 
in  his  cloudy  remembrance  the  disputes  in  the  early  part  of  the  voyage, 
about  altering  their  course  to  the  south-west,  and  the  desertion  of  Martin 
Alonzo,  subsequent  to  the  discovery  of  the  Lucayos  and  Cuba,  when, 
after  parting  company  with  the  admiral,  he  made  the  island  of  Hispaniola. 

The  witness  most  to  l>e  depended  upon  as  to  these  points  of  inquiry,  is 
the  physician  of  Palos,  Garcia  Fernandez,  a  man  of  education,  who  sailed 
with  Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon  as  steward  of  his  ship,  and  of  course  was 
present  at  all  the  conversations  which  passed  between  the  commanders, 
lie  testifies  that  Martin  Alonzo  urged  Columbus  to  stand  more  to  the 
south-west,  and  that  the  admiral  at  length  complied,  but,  finding  no  land 
in  that  direction,  they  turned  again  to  the  west;  a  statement  which  com- 
pletely coincides  with  the  journal  of  Columbus.  He  adds  that  the  admiral 
continually  comforted  and  animated  Martin  Alonzo,  and  all  others  in  his 
company.  (Siempre  los  consolaba  el  dicho  Almirante  esforzandolos  al 
dicho  Martin  Alonzo  e  ji  todos  los  que  en  su  companla  iban.)  When  the 
physician  was  specifically  questioned  as  to  the  conversations  pretended  to 


648  APPENDIX. 

+ 

have  passed  between  the  commanders,  in  which  Columbus  expressed  a 
desire  to  turn  back  to  Spain,  he  referred  to  the  preceding  statement  as 
the  oidy  answer  he  had  to  make  to  these  interrogatories. 

The  extravagant  testimony  before  mentioned  appears  never  to  have 
had  any  weight  with  the  fiscal;  and  the  accurate  historian  Mufioz,  who 
extracted  all  these  points  of  evidence  from  the  papers  of  the  lawsuit,  has 
not  deemed  them  worthy  of  mention  in  his  work.  As  these  matters, 
however,  remain  on  record  in  the  archives  of  the  Indies,  ami  in  the 
archives  of  the  Pinzon  family,  in  both  of  which  I  have  had  a  full  oppor- 
tunity of  inspecting  them,  I  have  thought  it  advisable  to  make  these  few 
observations  on  the  subject;  lest,  in  the  rage  for  research,  they  might 
hereafter  be  drawn  forth  as  a  new  discovery,  oil  the  strength  of  which  to 
impugn  the  merits  of  Columbus. 

No.  XII. 

RUMOR  OF  THE   PILOT  SAID  TO   HAVE   HIED  IX  THE   HOUSE  OF 
COLUMBUS. 

AMONO  the  various  attempts  to  injure  Columbus  by  those  who  were 
envious  of  his  fame,  was  one  intended  to  destroy  all  his  merit  as  an  origi- 
nal discoverer.  It  was  said  that  he  had  received  information  of  the  exist- 
ence of  land  in  the  western  parts  of  the  ocean  from  a  tempest-tossed 
pilot,  who  had  been  driven  there  by  violent  easterly  winds,  and  who, 
on  his  return  to  Europe,  had  died  in  the  house  of  Columbus,  leaving  111 
his  possession  the  chart  and  journal  of  his  voyage,  by  which  he  was 
guided  to  his  discovery. 

This  story  was  first  noticed  by  Oviedo,  a  contemporary  of  Columbus, 
in  his  history  of  the  Indies,  published  in  15-J5.  He  mentions  it  as  a 
rumor  circulating  among  the  vulgar,  without  foundation  in  truth. 

Fernando  Lopez  de  Gomara  first  brought  it  forward  against  Columbus. 
In  his  history  of  the  Indies,  published  in  1552,  he  repeats  the  rumor  in 
the  vaguest  terms,  manifestly  from  Oviedo,  but  without  the  contradiction 
given  to  it  by  that  author.  He  says  that  the  name  and  country  of  the 
pilot  were  unknown,  some  terming  him  an  Andalusian,  sailing  between 
the  Canaries  and  Madeira;  others  a  Biseavan,  trading  to  England  and 
France;  and  others  a  Portuguese,  voyaging  between  Lisbon  and  Nina,  on 
the  coast  of  Guinea.  He  expresses  equal  uncertainty  whether  the  pilot 
brought  the  caravel  to  Portugal,  to  Madeira,  or  to  one  of  the  Azores.  The 
only  point  on  which  the  circulators  of  the  rumor  are  agreed  was,  that  he 
died  in  the  house  of  Columbus.  Gomara  adds  that  by  this  event  Colum- 
bus was  led  to  undertake  his  voyage  to  the  new  countries.1 

The  other  early  historians  who  mention  Columbus  and  his  voyages,  ami 
were  his  contemporaries,  viz..  JSabellicus,  Peter  Martyr,  Gustiniani.  13er- 
naldez,  commonly  called  the  curate  of  los  Palacios,  Las  Casas,  Fernando, 
the  son  of  the  admiral,  and  the  anonymous  author  of  a  voyage  of  Colum- 
bus, translated  from  the  Italian  into  Latin  by  Madrignano,-  are  all  silent  in 
regard  to  this  report. 

Benzoni.  whose  history  of  the  New  World  was  published  in  15fV),  re- 
peats the  story  from  Gomara,  with  whom  he  was  contemporary:  but 
decidedly  expresses  his  opinion  that  Gomara  had  mingled  up  much  false- 

1  Goinaia.  Ili>l.,  I  ml.  cap.  14. 

!  Naviuati.!  ('hristophun  Columbi,  Madrignano  Fntorprete.  It  i*  contained  in  a  col- 
lection lit  \oyases  called  Xovus  Orlns  Keuionum,  edition  of  Ki.Vi,  bill  wu*  originally  pub- 
li.-lu'd  in  Italian  as  written  by  Montalltodo  Francaii/.ano  (or  Knincupuiio  de  Muululdo), 
in  u  cutlecliou  ot  voyages  (.-milled  N  IK-MJ  Mundu,  lu  VKI-II/U,  1607. 


APPENDIX.  649 

hoorl  with  sonic  truth,  for  the  purpose  of  detracting  from  the  fame  of 
<  'nlumhus,  through  jealousy  that  any  one  but  a  Spaniard  should  enjoy  the 
honor  of  the  discovery.1 

Acosia  notices  the cireumstanee slightly  in  his  Natural  and  Moral  History 
of  the  Indies,  published  in  151H,  and  Lakes  it  evidently  from  Gomara.- 

Mariana,  in  his  history  of  Spain,  published  in  1-V.rJ,  also  mentions  it, 
but  expresses  a  doubt  of  its  truth,  and  derives  his  information  manifestly 
from  (iomara.3 

lien  era,  who  published  his  history  of  the  Indies  in  1(501,  takes  no  notice 
of  the  story.  In  not  noticing  it,  he  may  be  considered  as  rejecting  it;  for  he 
is  distinguished  for  his  minuteness,  and  was  well  acquainted  with  Gomara's 
history,  which  he  expressly  contradicts  on  a  point  of  considerable  inteivst.4 

Garcilaso  de  la  Vega,  a  native  of  Cuseo  in  Peru,  revived  the  tale  with 
very  minute  particulars,  in  his  Commentaries  of  the  Incas,  published  in 
100'.).  lie  tells  it  smoothly  and  circumstantially;  fixes  the  date  of  the 
occurrence  1484,  "one.  year  more  or  less;'1  states  the  name  of  the  unfor- 
tunate pilot,  Alonzo  Sanchez  de  Huelva;  the  destination  of  his  vessel, 
from  the  Canaries  to  Madeira;  and  the  unknown  land  to  which  they  w.-re 
driven,  the  island  of  llispaniola.  The  pilot,  he  says,  landed,  took  an  alti- 
tude, and  wrote  an  account  of  all  he  saw,  and  all  that  had  occurred  in 
the  voyage.  He  then  took  in  wood  and  water,  and  set  out  to  seek  his  way 
home.  He  succeeded  in  returning,  but  the  voyage  was  long  and  tempest- 
uous, ami  twelve  lied  of  hunger  and  fatigue,  out  of  seventeen,  the  origi- 
nal number  of  the  crew.  The  five  survivors  arrived  at  Ten-era,  where 
they  were  hospitably  entertained  by  Columbus,  but  all  died  in  his  house 
in  consequence  of  the  hardships  they  had  sustained;  the  pilot  was  the 
la^t  that  died,  leaving  his  host  heir  to  his  papers.  Columbus  kept  them 
profoundly  secret,  and  by  pursuing  the  route  therein  prescribed,  obtained 
the  credit  of  discovering  the  New  World.5 

Such  are  the  material  points  of  the  circumstantial  relation  furnished 
by  Garcilaso  tie  la  Vega,  one  hundred  and  twenty  years  after  the  event. 
In  regard  to  authority,  he  recollects  to  have  heard  the  story  when  he  was 
a  child,  as  a  subject  of  conversation  between  his  father  and  the  neighbors, 
and  lie  refers  to  the  histories  of  the  Indies,  by  Acosta  and  Goinara,  for 
confirmation.  As  the  conversations  to  which  he  listened  must  have  taken 
place  sixty  or  seventy  years  alter  the  date  of  the  report,  there  had  been  sutti- 
cient  time  for  the  vague  rumors  to  become  arranged  into  a  regular  narrative 
and  thus  we  have  not  only  the  name,  country,  and  destination  of  the  pilot, 
but  also  the  name  of  the  unknown  land  to  which  his  vessel  was  driven. 

This  account  given  by  Garcilaso  de  la  Vega,  has  been  adopted  by  many 
old  historians,  who  have  felt  a  confidence  in  the  peremptory  manner  in 
which  he  relates  it  and  in  the  authorities  to  whom  he  refers."  These 


'  Girolarao  Benzoni,  Hist.  Pel  Nuevo  Mnndo,  lib.  i.  fo.  12.    In  Venetia,  1572. 
!  I 'ad  re  .Joseph  de  Aeosta,  Hist.  Ind.,  lib.  i.  cap.  19. 
s  .Juan  de  Mariana,  Hist.  Espana,  lib.  xxvi.  cap.  3. 
4  IJeni-ra,  Hist.  Ind.,  decail.  ii.  lili.  iii.  cap.  I. 
6  Coninifiitaiios  de  Ion  Incae,  lib.  i.  cap.  3. 

•  Name*  of  historian*  who  either  adopted  this  story  in  detail  or  the  charge  against 
L'olumlms,  drawn  from  it. 

Bernanlo  Aldrele,  Amignedad  de  Espana,  lib.  iv.  cap.  17,  p.  567. 

Koderiuo  Cam,  Atiliuuedad,  lib.  iii.  cap.  76. 

tluan  de  Solorzano,  Ind.  Jure,  loin.  i.  lib.  i.  cap.  5. 

Fernando  Pizarro,  Varoiie*  lllust.  del  Niu-vo  Mundo,  cap.  2. 

Agostiuo  Torniel,  Anual.  Sacr.,  lorn.  i.  aim.  Mund.,  1931,  No.  48. 

IVl.  Damarez  or  I  >t-  Maii/.,  Dial.  iv.  de  V'ar.  Hist.,  cap.  4. 

Gu-tfona  (iarcia.  OIIL'.  <U-  los  Indion,  lib.  i.  cap.  4,  §  1. 

Juan  de  Torqui-manda,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  xviii.  cap.  1. 

John  liai.lisU-  Uk-cioli.  tifosrraf.  Uefomi.,  lib.  iii. 

To  I Lii»  11*1  of  old  authors  may  t>e  added  many  others  of  more  recent  date. 


650  APPENDIX. 

have  been  echoed  by  others  of  more  recent  date;  and  thus  a  weighty 
charge  of  fraud  and  imposture  has  been  accumulated  against  Columbus, 
apparently  supported  by  a  crowd  of  respectable  accusers.  The  whole; 
charge  is  to  be  traced  to  Gomara,  who  loosely  repeated  a  vairue  rumor, 
without  noticing  the  pointed  contradiction  given  to  it  seventeen  years 
before,  by  Oviedo,  an  ear-witness,  from  whose  book  he  appears  to  have 
actually  gathered  the  report. 

It  is  to  be  remarked  that  Gomara  bears  the  character,  among  histori- 
ans, of  inaccuracy,  and  of  great  credulity  in  adopting  unfounded  stories.1 

It  is  unnecessary  to  give  further  refutation  to  this  charge,  especially  as 
it  is  clear  that  Columbus  communicated  his  idea  of  discovery  to  Paulo 
Toscanelli  of  Florence,  in  1474,  ten  years  previous  to  the  date  assigned  by 
Garcilaso  de  la  Vega  for  this  occurrence. 

No.  XIII. 

MARTIN   BEIIEM. 

Tins  able  geographer  \vas  born  in  Nuremburg.  in  Germany,  about  the 
commencement  of  the  year  1430.  His  ancestors  were  from  the  circle  of 
Pilsner,  in  Bohemia,  hence  he  is  called  by  some  writers  Martin  of  Bohe- 
mia, and  the  resemblance  of  his  own  name  to  that  of  the  country  of  his 
ancestors  frequently  occasions  a  confusion  in  the  appellation. 

It  has  been  said  by  some  that  he  studied  under  Philip  Bervalde  the 
elder,  and  by  others  under  John  Muller,  otherwise  called  Hegiomontanus, 
though  De  Murr,  who  has  made  diligent  inquiry  into  his  history,  dis- 
credits both  assertions.  According  to  a  correspondence  between  Behem 
and  his  uncle,  discovered  of  late  years  by  De  Murr,  it  appears  that  the 
early  part  of  his  life  was  devoted  to  commerce.  Some  have  given  him 
the  credit  of  discovering  the  island  of  Fayal,  but  this  is  an  error,  arising 
probably  from  the  circumstance  that  Job  de  lluertar,  father-in-law  of 
Behem,  colonized  that  island  in  1466. 

He  is  supposed  to  have  arrived  at  Portugal  in  1481,  while  Alphonzo 
V.  was  still  on  the  throne  ;  it  is  certain  that  shortly  afterward  he  was  ill 
high  repute  for  his  science  in  the  court  of  Lisbon,  insomuch,  that  he  was 
one  of  the  council  appointed  by  King  John  II.  to  improve  the  art  of  navi- 
gation, and  by  some  he  has  received  the  whole  credit  of  the  memorable 
service  rendered  to  commerce  by  that  council,  in  the  introduction  of  the 
astrolabe  into  nautical  use. 

In  1484  King  John  sent  an  expedition  under  Diego  Cam,  as  Barros 
calls  him,  Cano  according  to  others,  to  prosecute  discoveries  along  the 
coast  of  Africa.  In  this  expedition  Behem  sailed  as  cosmographer.  They 
crossed  the  equinoctial  line,  discovered  the  coast  of  Congo,  advanced  to 
twenty-two  degrees  forty-five  minutes  of  south  latitude,2  and  erected  two 

1  "  Francisco  Lopes  dc  Gomara,  Presbitero,  Sevillano,  escribio  con  eleaante  estilo 
ncerca  de  la  co»as  de  las  Indies,  pero  dexandose  llevarde  falsa*  narracionex."     Bijou  de 
Sevilla,  Xumcro  ii.  p.  4.',  Lei.  F.    The  same  is  stated  iu  Bibliotbeca  llispufia  Xova,  lib. 
i.  p.  437. 

"  Kl  Francisco  Lopez  de  Gomara  cscrivio  tantos  borroncs  e  cosas  que  no  son  verda- 
dera*,  de  que  ha  hecho  nuicho  dana  a  mucho*  escritories  e  coronirtas,  que  despues  del 
Gomara  han  escrito  en  la-  co«as  de  la  Nueva  Espaiia  .  .  .  e»  porque  le*  ha  hecho 
errar  el  Gomara."  licrnal  l>iuz  del  Castillo,  Hist,  de  Iu  Conquest  de  !a  Xueva  Espaua, 
Fin.  de  cap.  18. 

"Tenia  Gomara  doctrina  y  e*tilo  .  .  .  pero  empleosc  en  ordinar  sin  discernimi- 
ento  lo  quo  hallo  escrilo  por  M~IS  untcccnoree,  y  diu  credito  a  pctrana*  no  eulo  lalsas  eiuu 
i.i\cii-'n:ii io."  .luan  I'.aulisla  Muuox,  Hist.  X.  JJundu,  1'roiogo,  p.  IS. 

2  \  aocoucelus,  lib.  4. 


A  PPENDIX.  651 

columns,  on  which  were  engraved  the  arms  of  Portugal,  in  the  month  of 
the  River  Xagra,  in  Africa,  which  thence,  for  some  time,  took  the  name 
of  the  Uiver  of  (  olumns.1 

For  the  services  rendered  on  this  and  on  previous  occasions,  it  is  said 
that  IVhein  was  knighted  by  King  John  in  1485,  though  no  mention  is 
made  of  such  a  circumstance  in  any  of  the  contemporary  historians.  The 
principal  proof  of  his  having  received  this  mark  of  distinclion,  is  his 
having  given  himself  the  title  on  his  own  globe  of  Kttnex  Liixilnmix. 

In  M8Q  he  married  at  Fayal  the  daughter  of  Job  de  llnertar,  and  is 
supposed  to  have  remained  there  for  some  years,  where  be  had  a  son 
named  Martin,  born  in  14JS!>.  During  his  residence  at  Lisbon  and  Fayal, 
it  is  probable  the  acquaintance  took  place  between  him  and  Columbus,  to 
which  Herrera  and  others  allude  :  and  the  admiral  may  have  heard  from 
him  some  of  the  rumors  circulating  in  the  islands,  of  indications  of  west- 
ern lands  floating  to  their  shores. 

In  14(.)1  he  returned  to  Nuremburg  to  see  his  family,  and  while  there, 
in  1492,  he  finished  a  terrestrial  globe,  considered  a  masterpiece  in  those 
days,  which  he  had  undertaken  at  the  request  of  the  principal  magistrates 
of  his  native  city. 

In  14!):J  he  returned  to  Portugal,  and  from  thence  proceeded  to  Fayal. 

In  14U4  King  John  II.,  who  had  a  high  opinion  of  him,  sent  him  to 
Flanders  to  his  natural  son  Prince  George,  the  intended  heir  of  his  crown. 
In  the  course  of  his  voyage  Uehein  was  captured  and  carried  to  England, 
where  he  remained  for  three  months  detained  by  illness.  Having  re- 
covered, he  again  put  to  sea,  but  was  captured  by  a  corsair  and  carried  to 
France.  Having  ransomed  himself,  he  proceeded  to  Antwerp  and  Uruges, 
but  returned  almost  immediately  to  Portugal.  Nothing  more  is  known 
of  him  for  several  years,  during  which  time  it  is  supposed  he  remained 
with  his  family  in  Fayal,  too  old  to  make  further  voyages.  In  1500  he 
went  forth  from  Fayal  to  Lisbon,  where  he  die<|. 

The  assertion  that.  Uehein  had  discovered  the  western  world  previous 
to  Columbus,  in  the  course  of  the  voyage  with  Cam.  was  founded  on  a 
misinterpretation  of  a  passage  interpolated  in  the  chronicle  of  Hart  maun 
Schedel,  a  contemporary  writer.  This  passage  mentions,  that  when  the 
voyagers  were  in  the  Southern  Ocean  not  far  from  the  coast,  and  had 
passed  the  line,  tliey  came  into  another  hemisphere,  where,  when  they 
looked  toward  the  east,  their  shadows  fell  toward  the  south,  on  their 
right  hand;  that  here  they  discovered  a  new  world,  unknown  until  then, 
and  which  for  many  years  had  never  been  sought  except  by  the  Genoese, 
ami  by  them  unsuccessfully. 

"Ilii  duo.  bono  deorum  auspicio,  mare  meridionale  sulcantes.  a  littore 
non  longe  evagantes,  superato  circulo  equinoctial!,  in  altermn  orbem  ex- 
cept! sunt.  Ubi  ipsis  stanlibus  orientem  versus,  umbra  ad  meridiem  et 
dextram  projiciebatur.  Aperuere  igitur  stia  industria,  alium  orbem  hac- 
tenns  nobis  incognitum  et  mullis  annis,  a  uullis  quaui  Januensibus,  licet 
frustra  temptatum." 

These  lines  are  part  of  a  passage  which  it  is  said  is  interpolated  by  a 
different  hand,  in  the  original  manuscript  of  the  chronicle  of  Schedel. 
De  Murr  assures  us  that  they  are  not  to  be  found  in  the  German  transla- 
tion of  the  book  by  George  Alt,  which  was  finished  the  oth  October,  149:}. 
But  even  it  they  were,  they  relate  merely  to  the  discovery  which  Diego 
Cam  made  of  the  southern  hemisphere,  previously  unknown,  and  of  the 
coast  of  Africa  beyond  the  equator,  all  which  appeared  like  a  new  world, 
ami  a^  such  was  talked  of  at  the  time. 

1  Murr,  Notice  sur  M.  Behaim. 


G52  APPENDIX. 

The  fJenocse  alluded  to,  who  had  made  an  unsuccessful  attempt,  were 
Antonio  de  Nolle  with  Bartholomeo  his  In-other,  and  Raphael  tie  Nolle 
his  nephew.  Antonio  was  of  a  noble  family,  and,  tor  some  disgust,  left 
his  country  anil  went  to  Lisbon  with  his  before-mentioned  relatives  in 
two  caravels;  sailing  whence  iu  the  employ  of  Portugal,  they  discovered 
the  island  of  St.  Jago.1 

This  interpolated  passage  of  Schedel  was  likewise  inserted  into  the 
work  l)e  Etiropa  sub  Frederico  111.  of  yEneas  Silvius,  afterward  Pope 
Pius  II.,  who  tiled  in  14i>4,  long  before  the  voyage  in  question.  The  mis- 
interpretation of  the  passage  tirst  gave  rise  to  the  incorrect  assertion  that 
Uehein  had  discovered  the  New  world  prior  to  Columbus;  as  if  it  were 
possible  such  a  circumstance  could  have  happened  without  Behem's  lay- 
ing claim  to  the  glory  of  the  discovery,  and  without  the  world  immedi- 
ately resounding  with  so  important  an  event.  This  error  had  been 
adopted  by  various  authors  without  due  examination;  some  of  whom  bad 
likewise  taken  from  Magellan  the  credit  of  having  discovered  the  strait 
which  goes  by  his  name,  and  had  given  it  to  Behem.  The  error  was  too 
p.ilpabie  to  be  generally  prevalent,  but  was  suddenly  revived  in  the  year 
ITtSU  by  a  French  gentleman  of  highly  respectable  character  of  the  name 
of  Otto,  then  resident  in  New  York,  who  addressed  a  letter  to  Dr.  Frank- 
lin to  br  submitted  to  the  Philosophical  Society  of  Philadelphia,  in  which 
he  undertook  to  establish  the  title  of  Behem  to  the  discovery  of  the  New 
World.  His  memoir  was  published  in  the  Transactions  of  the  American 
Philosophical  Society,  vol.  ii.,  for  ITSti,  article  No.  :!.J,  and  has  been  copied 
into  the  journals  of  most  of  the  nations  of  Europe. 

The  authorities  cited  by  M.  Otto  in  support  of  his  assertion  are  gen- 
erally fallacious,  and  for  the  most  part  given  without  particular  specifica- 
tion. His  assertion  has  been  diligently  and  satisfactorily  refuted  by  Don 
Christoval  Cladera.- 

The  grand  proof  of  M.  Otto  is  a  globe  which  Behem  made  during  his 
residence  in  Xuremburg,  in  14!)2,  the  very  year  that  Columbus  set  out  on 
his  first  voyage  of  discovery.  This  globe,  according  to  M.  Otto,  is  still 
preserved  in  the  library  of  Nuremburg,  and  on  it  are  painted  all  the  dis- 
coveries of  Behem,  which  are  so  situated  that  they  can  be  no  other  than 
the  coast  of  Brazil  and  the  straits  of  Magellan.  This  authority  staggered 
many,  ami  if  supported,  would  demolish  the  claims  of  Columbus. 

Unluckily  for  M.  Otto,  in  his  description  of  the  globe,  he  depended  on 
the  inspection  of  a  correspondent.  The  globe  iu  the  library  of  Nurem- 
burg was  made  in  l.V>0,  by  John  Schoener,  professor  of  mathematics,3 
long  after  the  discoveries  and  death  of  Columbus  and  Behem.  The  real 
globe  of  Behem.  made  in  1492,  does  not  contain  any  of  the  islands  or 
shores  of  the  New  World,  anil  thus  proves  that  he  was  totally  unac- 
quainted with  them.  A  copy,  or  planisphere,  of  Behem's  globe  is  given 
by  Cladera  in  his  Investigations. 

1  Barro*,  ilecad.  1.  lib.  if.  cap.  1.    Lisbon,  1552. 

2  liivesiigacioiieH  Hii»torica«.     Madrid,  17'J4. 
*  Cludera,  luveeiiK-  IH-t.,  p.  115. 


APPENDIX.  653 

No.  XIV. 

VOYAGES  OF  THE   SCANDINAVIANS. 

MANY  elaborate  dissertations  have  been  written  to  prove  that  discov- 
eries were  made  by  the  Scandinavians  on  the  northern  coast  of  America 
long  before  the  era  of  Columbus  ;  but  the  subject  appears  still  to  be 
wrapped  in  much  doubt  and  obscurity. 

It  has  been  asserted  that  the  Norwegians,  as  early  as  the  ninth  cen- 
tury, discovered  a  great  tract  of  land  to  the  west  of  Iceland,  which  they 
called  Grand  Iceland;  but  this  has  been  pronounced  a  fabulous  tradition. 
The  most  plausible  account  is  one  given  by  Snono  Sturleson,  in  his  .Saga 
or  Chronicle  of  King  Glaus.  According  to  this  writer,  one  IJioru  of  Ice- 
land, sailing  to  Greenland  in  search  of  his  father,  from  whom  he  hail 
been  separated  by  a  storm,  was  driven  by  tempestuous  weather  tar  to  the 
south-west,  until  he  came  in  sight  of*  a  low  country,  covered  with  wood, 
with  an  island  in  its  vicinity.  The  weather  becoming  favorable,  he 
turned  to  the  north-east  without  landing,  and  arrived  safe  at  Greenland. 
His  account  of  the  country  he  had  beheld,  it  is  said,  excited  the  enter- 
prise of  Leif,  son  of  Eric  Hauda  (or  Redhead),  the  first  settler  of  Green- 
laud.  A  vessel  was  fitted  out,  and  Leif  and  liioru  departed  alone  in  quest 
of  this  unknown  land.  They  found  a  rocky  and  sterile  island,  to  which 
they  gave  the  name  of  Uelleland;  also  a  low  sandy  country  covered  with 
wood,  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of  Markland;  and,  two  days  after- 
ward, they  observed  a  continuance  of  the  coast,  with  an  island  to  the 
north  of  it.  This  last  they  described  as  fertile,  well  wooded,  producing 
agreeable  fruits,  and  particularly  grapes,  a  fruit  with  which  they  were 'un- 
acquainted. On  being  informed  by  one  of  their  companions,  a  German, 
of  its  qualities  and  name,  they  called  the  country,  from  it,  Vinland. 
They  ascended  a  river,  well  stored  with  fish,  particularly  salmon,  and 
came  to  a  lake  from  which  the  river  took  its  origin,  where  they  passed  the 
winter.  The  climate  appeared  to  them  mild  and  pleasant;  being  accus- 
tomed to  the  rigorous  climates  of  the  north.  On  the  shortest  day  the  sun 
was  eight  hours  above  the  horizon.  Hence  it  has  been  concluded  that 
the  country  was  about  the  4'Jth  degree  of  north  latitude,  and  was  either 
Newfoundland,  or  some  part  of  the  coast  of  North  America  about  the 
Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence.  l  It  is  added  that  the  relatives  of  Leif  made  sev- 
eral voyages  to  Vinland;  that  they  traded  with  the  natives  for  furs;  an:l 
that,  in  liil,  a  bishop  named  Eric  went  from  Greenland  to  Vinland  to 
convert  the  inhabitants  to  Christianity.  From  this  time,  says  Forster,  we 
know  nothing  of  Vinland,  and  there  is  every  appearance  that  the  tribe 
which  still  exists  in  the  interior  of  Newfoundland,  and  which  is  so  dif- 
ferent from  the  other  savages  of  North  America,  both  in  their  appearance 
and  mode  of  living,  and  always  in  a  state  of  warfare  with  the  Esquimaux 
of  the  northern  coast,  are  descendants  of  the  ancient  Normans. 

The  author  of  the  present  work  has  not  had  the  means  of  tracing  this 
story  to  its  original  sources.  He  gives  it  on  the  authority  of  M.  Malte- 
Brun,  and  Mr.  Forster.  The  latter  extracts  it  from  the  Saga  or  Chronicle 
of  bnorro,  who  was  born  in  1179,  ami  wrote  in  1215;  so  that  his  account 
was  formed  long  after  the  event  is  said  to  have  taken  place.  Forster 
s.iys:  "The  facts  which  we  report  have  been  collected  from  a  great  num- 
ber of  Icelandic  manuscripts,  and  transmitted  to  us  by  Torfiens  in  his 
two  works  entitled  Veteris  Groenlandia:  Uescriptio,  Hafnia,  1TOG,  and 

1  Forster'a  Northern  Voyages,  book  ii.  chap.  2. 


654  APPENDIX. 

Historia  Winlandire  Antiqure,  Hafnia,  1705."  Forster  appears  to  have, 
no  doubt  of  the  authenticity  of  the  facts.  As  far  as  the  author  of  the 
present  work  has  had  experience  in  tracing  these  stories  of  early  dis- 
coveries of  portions  of  the  New  World,  lie  has  generally  found  them  very 
confident  deductions  drawn  from  very  vague  and  questionable  facts. 
Learned  men  are  too  prone  to  give  substance  to  mere  shadows,  when 
they  assist  some  preconceived  theory.  Most  of  these  accounts,  when 
divested  of  the  erudite  comments  of  their  editors,  have  proved  little  belter 
than  the  traditionary  fables,  noticed  in  another  part  of  this  work,  respect- 
ing the  imaginary  islands  of  St.  Borondon,  and  of  the  Seven  Cities. 

There  is  no  great  improbability,  however,  that  such  enterprising  and 
roving  voyagers  as  the  Scandinavians  may  have  wandered  to  the  northern 
shores  of  America,  about  the  coast  of  Labrador,  or  the  shores  of  New- 
foundland; and  if  the  Icelandic  manuscripts  said  to  be  of  the  thirteenth 
century  can  be  relied  upon  as  genuine,  free  from  modern  interpolation, 
and  correctly  quoted,  they  would  appear  to  prove  the  fact.  But  grant- 
ing the  truth  of  the  alleged  discoveries,  they  led  to  no  more  result  than 
would  the  interchange  of  communication  between  the  natives  of  Green- 
land and  the.  Esquimaux.  The  knowledge  of  them  appears  not  to  have 
extended  beyond  their  own  nation,  and  to  have  been  soon  neglected  and 
forgotten  by  themselves. 

Another  pretension  to  an  early  discovery  of  the  American  continent 
has  been  set  up,  founded  on  an  alleged  map  and  narrativeof  two  brothers 
of  the  name  of  Zeno,  of  Venice;  but  it  seems  more  invalid  than  those 
just  mentioned.  The  following  is  the  substance  of  this  claim. 

Xicolo  Zeno,  a  noble  Venetian,  is  said  to  have  made  a  voyage  to  the 
north  in  1380,  in  a  vessel  fitted  out  at  his  own  cost,  intending  to  visit 
England  and  Flanders;  but  meeting  with  a  terrible  tempest,  was  driven 
for  many  days  he  knew  not  whither,  until  he  was  cast  away  upon  Frise- 
land,  an  island  much  in  dispute  among  geographers,  but  supposed  to  be 
the  archipelago  of  the  Ferroe  islands.  The  shipwrecked  voyagers  were 
assailed  by  the  natives;  but  rescued  by  Zichmni,  a  prince  of  the  islands, 
lying  on  the  south  side  of  Friseland,  and  duke  of  another  district  lying 
over  against  Scotland.  Zeno  entered  into  the  service  of  this  prince,  and 
aided  him  in  conquering  Friseland,  and  other  northern  islands.  He  w.is 
soon  joined  by  his  brother  Antonio  Zeno,  who  remained  fourteen  years 
in  those  countries. 

During  his  residence  in  Friseland,  Antonio  Zeno  wrote  to  his  brother 
Carlo,  in  Venice,  giving  an  account  of  a  report  brought  by  a  certain  fi<h- 
ernian,  about  a  land  to  the  westward.  According  to  the  tale  of  thi;, 
mariner,  he  had  been  one  of  a  party  who  sailed  from  Friseland  about 
twenty-six  years  before,  in  four  fishing-boats.  Being  overtaken  by  a 
mighty  tempest,  they  were  driven  about  the  sea  for  many  days,  until  the 
boat  containing  himself  and  six  companions  was  cast  upon  an  islan  1 
called  Estotiland,  about  one  thousand  miles  from  Friseland.  They  were 
taken  by  the  inhabitants  and  carried  to  a  fair  and  populous  city,  where 
the  king  sent  for  many  interpreters  to  converse  with  them,  but  none  that 
they  could  understand,  until  a  man  was  found  who  had  likewise  been 
cast  away  upon  the  coast,  and  who  spoke  Latin.  They  remained  several 
days  upon  the  island,  which  was  rich  and  fruitful,  abounding  with  all 
kinds  of  metals,  ami  especially  gold.1  There,  was  a  high  mountain  in  the 
centre,  from  which  flowed  four  rivers  which  watered  the  whole  country. 

'  This  account  is  taketi  from  Hackluyt,  vol.  iii.  p.  VJ3.  The  passage  about  ^old  a  id 
other  metals  is  not  to  lie  found  in  the  original  luiiaii  of  Katuuoio  (loui.  ii.  p.  -oj,  a.,d  id 
probably  au  iuterpoialiou. 


APPENDIX.  655 

The  inhabitants  were  intelligent  ami  acquainted  with  the  mechanical  arts 
of  Europe.  They  cultivated  grain,  made  beer,  and  lived  in  hmis-.s  built 
of  stone.  Then-  were  Latin  books  in  the  king's  library,  though  Hie  in- 
habitants had  no  knowledge  of  that  language.  They  had  many  cities 
and  castles,  and  carried  on  a  trade  with  Greenlan  1  for  pitch,  sulphur,  and 
peltry.  Though  much  given  to  navigation,  they  were  ignorant  of  the  use 
of  the  compass,  and  Hading  the  Friselunders  acquainted  with  it.  held  them 
in  great  esteem;  and  the  king  sent  them  with  twelve  barks  to  visit,  a 
country  to  the  south,  called  Drogeo.  They  had  nearly  perished  in  a 
storm,  but  were  cast  away  upon  the  coast  of  Drogeo.  They  found  the 
people  to  be  cannibals,  and  were  on  the  point  of  being  killed  and  de- 
voured, but  were  spared  on  account  of  their  great  skill  in  (idling. 

The  fisherman  described  this  Drogeo  as  being  a  country  of  vast  extent, 
or  rather  a  new  world;  that  the  inhabitants  were  naked  and  barbarous; 
but  that  far  to  the  south-west  there  was  a  more  civilized  region,  an  1 
temperate  climate,  where  the  inhabitants  had  a  knowledge  of  gold  and 
silver,  lived  in  cities,  erected  splendid  temples  to  idols,  and  sacrificed 
human  victims  to  them,  which  they  afterward  devoured. 

After  the  fisherman  had  resided  many  years  on  this  continent,  during 
which  time  he  had  passed  from  the  service  of  one  chieftain  to  another, 
and  traversed  various  parts  of  it,  certain  boats  of  Estotiland  arrived  on 
the  coast  of  Drogeo.  The  fisherman  went  on  board  of  them,  acted  as 
interpreter,  and  followed  the  trade  between  the  main-land  and  Estotiland 
for  some  time,  until  he  became  very  rich:  then  he  fitted  out  a  bark  of  his 
own,  and  with  the  assistance  of  some  of  the  people  of  the  island,  made 
his  way  back,  across  the  thousand  intervening  miles  of  ocean,  and  arrived 
safe  at  Friseland.  The  account  he  gave  of  these  countries,  determined 
Zichmni,  the  prince  of  Friseland,  to  send  an  expedition  thither,  and 
Antonio  Zeno  was  to  command  it.  Just  before  sailing,  the  fisherman, 
who  was  to  have  acted  as  guide,  died:  but  certain  mariners,  who  had 
accompanied  him  from  Estotiland,  were  taken  in  his  place.  The  expe- 
dition sailed  under  command  of  Zichmni;  the  Venetian.  Zeno,  merely 
accompanied  it.  It  was  unsuccessful.  After  having  discovered  an  island 
called  Icaria,  where  they  met  with  a  rough  reception  from  the  inhabitants, 
and  were  obliged  to  withdraw,  the  ships  were  driven  by  a  storm  to  Green- 
land. No  record  remains  of  any  further  prosecution  of  the  enterprise. 

The  countries  mentioned  in  the  account  of  Zeno  were  laid  down  on  a 
man  originally  engraved  on  wood.  The  island  of  Estotiland  has  been 
supposed  by  Malte-Brun  to  be  Newfoundland;  its  partially  civilized  in- 
habitants the  descendants  of  the  Scandinavian  colonists  of  Vinland;  and 
the  Latin  books  in  the  king's  library  to  be  the  remains  of  the  library  of 
the  Greenland  bishop,  who  emigrated  thither  in  1 121.  Drogeo.  according 
to  the  same  conjecture,  was  Nova  Scotia  and  New  England.  The  civilized 
people  to  the  south-west,  who  sacrificed  human  victims  in  rich  temples, 
he  surmises  to  have  been  the  Mexicans,  or  some  ancient  nation  of  Florida 
or  Louisiana. 

The  premises  do  not  appear  to  warrant  this  deduction.  The  whole 
story  abounds  with  improbabilities;  not  the  least  of  which  is  the  civ- 
ilization prevalent  among  the  inhabitants:  their  houses  of  stone,  their 
European  arts,  the  library  of  their  king,  no  traces  of  which  were  to  be 
found  on  their  subsequent  discovery.  Not  to  mention  the  information 
about  Mexico  penetrating  through  the  numerous  savage  tribes  of  a  vast 
continent.  It  is  proper  to  observe  that  this  account  was  not  published 
until  looS,  long  after  the  discovery  of  Mexico.  It  was  given  to  the  world 
by  Francisco  Marcolini,  a  descendant  of  the  Zeni,  from  the  fragments  of 
letters  said  to  have  been  written  by  Antonio  Zeno  to  Carlo  his  brother. 


f>56  APPENDIX. 

'  It  grieves  me,"  says  the  editor,  "that  the  l>ook,  and  divers  olhor  writ- 
ings concerning  these  matters,  are  miserably  lost:  for  being  but  a  child 
when  they  came  to  my  hands,  and  not  knowing  what  they  were,  i  tore 
them  and  renl  them  to  pieces,  which  now  1  cannot  call  to  remembrance 
but  to  my  exceeding  great  grief."  l 

The  garbled  statement  by  Marcolini.  derived  considerable  authority  by 
being  introduced  by  Abraham  Ortelius,  an  able  geographer,  in  his  The- 
atrum  Orbis;  but  the  whole  story  has  l>oen  condemned  by  able  commen- 
tators as  a  gross  fabrication.  Mr.  Forster  resents  this,  as  an  instance 
of  obstinate  incredulity,  saying  that  it  is  impossible  to  doubt  the  exist- 
ence of  the  country  of  which  Carlo,  Nicolo.  and  Antonio  Xeno  talk:  as 
original  acts  in  the  archives  of  Venice  prove  that  the  chevalier  under- 
took a  voyage  to  the  north;  that  his  brother  Antonio,  followed  him;  that 
Antonio  traced  a  map,  which  he  brought  back  and  hung  up  in  his 
house  where  it  remained  subject  to  public  examination,  until  the  time 
of  Marcolini,  as  an  incontestable  proof  of  the  truth  of  what  he  advanced. 
Granting  all  this,  it  merely  proves  that  Antonio  and  his  brother  were  at 
Friseland  and  Greenland.  Their  letters  never  assert  that  Zeno  made  the 
voyage  to  Estotiland.  The  Heel  was  carried  by  a  tempest  to  Greenland, 
after  which  we  hear  no  more  of  him;  and  his  account  of  Estotiland  and 
Drogeo  rests  simply  on  the  tale  of  the  fisherman,  after  whose  descriptions 
his  map  must  have  been  conjecturally  projected.  The  whole  story  resem- 
bles much  the  fables  circulated  shortly  after  the  discovery  of  Columbus,  to 
arrogate  to  other  nations  and  individuals  the  credit  of  the  achievement. 

M.  Malte-IJrun  intimates  that  the  alleged  discovery  of  Vinland  may 
have  been  known  to  Columbus  when  he  made  a  voyage  in  the  North  Sea 
in  1477,-  and  that  the  map  of  Xeno,  being  in  the  national  library  at  Lou- 
don,  in  a  Danish  work,  at  the  time  when  Bartholomew  Columbus  was  in 
that  city,  employed  in  making  maps,  he  may  have  known  something 
of  it,  and  have  communicated  it  to  his  brother.3  Had  M.  Malte-IJrun 
examined  the  history  of  Columbus  with  his  usual  accuracy,  he  would 
have  perceived  that,  in  his  correspondence  with  Paulo  Toscanelli  in  1474, 
he  had  expressed  his  intention  of  seeking  India  by  a  route  directly  to  the 
west.  His  voyage  to  the  north  did  not  take  place  until  three  years  after- 
ward. As  to  the  residence  of  Bartholomew  in  London,  it  was  not  until 
after  Columbus  had  made  his'propositions  of  discovery  to  Portugal,  if  not 
to  the  courts  of  other  powers.  Granting,  therefore,  that  he  had  subse- 
quently heard  the  dubious  stories  of  Vinland,  and  of  the  fisherman's 
adventures,  as  related  by  Zeno.  or  at  least  by  Marcolini.  they  evidently 
could  not  have  influenced  him  in  his  great  enterprise.  His  route  had  no 
reference  to  them,  but  was  a  direct  western  course,  not  toward  Vinland, 
and  Estotiland.  and  Drogeo,  but  in  search  of  Cipango,  and  Cathay,  and 
the  other  countries  described  by  Marco  Polo,  as  lying  at  the  extremity  ol 
India. 


CIRCUMNAVIGATION  OF   AFiiK'A   r.Y   THE   ANCIENTS. 

THE  knowledge  of  the  ancients  with  respect  to  the  Atlantic  coast  of 
Africa  is  considered  by  modern  investigators  much  less  extensive  than 
had  been  imagined;  and  it  is  doubted  whether  they  had  any  practical 

i   llacklnj-i,  Collwt.  vol.  iii.  p.  1'27. 

*  MalU'-IJrim,  Hist,  de  (Jeou.,  loin.  i.  lit),  xvll. 

8  Mem.  (Jcug.  Uuiversclli1,  toiii.  xiv.    Note  »ur  la  decourerto  de  I'Amerique. 


APPENDIX.  657 

authority  for  the  belief  that  Africa  was  circumnavigable.  The  alleged 
voyage  of  Kudoxus  of  Cy/.icus,  from  the  I  fed  Sea  to  Gibraltar,  though 
recorded  by  Pliny,  Poniponiiis  Mela,  and  others,  is  given  entirely  on  the 
asMTtion  of  Cornelius  Nepos,  who  does  not  tell  from  whence  he  derived 
his  information.  Posidonius  (cited  by  Strabo)  gives  an  entirely  different 
account  of  this  voyage,  and  rejects  it  with  contempt.1 

The  famous  voyage  of  lianno,  ihe  Carthaginian,  is  supposed  to  have 
taken  place  about  a  thousand  years  In-fore  the  Christian  era.  The  Periplus 
llannonis  remains,  a  brief  and  obscure  record  of  this  expedition,  and  a 
subject  of  great  comment  and  controversy.  By  some  it  has  been  pro- 
nounced a  fictitious  work,  fabricated  among  the  Greeks,  but  its  authen- 
ticity has  been  ably  vindicated.  It  appears  to  be  satisfactorily  proved, 
however,  that  the  voyage  of  this  navigator  has  been  greatly  exaggerated, 
and  that  lie  never  circumnavigated  the  extreme  end  of  Africa.  Mons. 
de  liougainville  -  traces  his  route  to  a  promontory  which  he  named  the 
West  Horn,  supposed  to  be  Cape  Pahnas,  about  live  or  six  degrees  north 
of  the  equinoctial  line,  whence  he  proceeded  to  another  promontory, 
under  the  same  parallel,  which  he  called  the  South  Horn,  supposed  to  be 
Cape  de  Trcs  Puntas.  Mons.  Gosselin,  however,  in  his  Researches  into 
the  Geography  of  the  Ancients  (tome  1,  p.  102,  etc.),  after  a  rigid  exam- 
ination of  the  Periplus  of  Ilainio,  determines  that  he  had  not  sailed 
farther  south  than  Cape  Non.  Pliny,  who  makes  Hanno  range  the  whole 
coast  of  Africa,  from  the  straits  to  the  confines  of  Arabia,  had  never  seen 
his  Periplus,  but  took  his  idea  from  the  works  of  Xenophon  of  Lampsaco. 
The  Greeks  surcharged  the  narration  of  the  voyager  with  all  kinds  of 
fables,  and  on  their  unfaithful  copies,  Strabo  founded  many  of  his  asser- 
tions. According  to  M.  Gosselin,  the  itineraries  of  Hanno.  of  Scylax, 
Polybius,  Statins,  Sebosus  and  .Juba;  the  recitals  of  Plato,  of  Aristotle, 
of  Pliny,  of  Plutarch,  and  the  tables  of  Ptolemy,  all  bring  us  to  the  same 
results,  and,  notwithstanding  their  apparent  contradictions,  fix  the  limit 
of  southern  navigation  about  the  neighborhood  of  Cape  Non,  or  Cape 
Bojador. 

The  opinion  that  Africa  was  a  peninsula,  which  existed  among  the 
Persians,  the  Egyptians,  and  perhaps  the  Greeks,  several  centuries  prior 
to  the  Christian  era,  was  not,  in  his  opinion,  founded  upon  any  known 
facts;  but  merely  on  conjecture,  from  considering  the  immensity  and 
unity  of  the  ocean:  or  perhaps  on  more  ancient  traditions;  or  on  ideas 
produced  by  the  Carthaginian  discoveries,  beyond  the  IStrailsof  Gibraltar, 
and  those  of  the  Egyptians  beyond  the  Gulf  of  Arabia.  He  thinks  that 
there  was  a  very  remote  period,  when  geography  was  much  more  perfect 
than  in  the  lime  of  the  Phenicians  and  the  Greeks,  whose  knowledge  was 
but  confused  traces  of  what  had  previously  been  better  known. 

The  opinion  that  the  Indian  Sea  joined  the  ocean  was  admitted  among 
the  Greeks,  and  in  the  school  of  Alexandria,  until  the  time  of  Hipparchus. 
It  seemed  authorized  by  the  direction  which  the  coast  of  Africa  took  after 
Cape  Aromata,  always  tending  westward,  as  far  as  it  had  been  explored 
by  navigators. 

It  was  supposed  that  the  western  coast  of  Africa  rounded  off  to  meet 
the  eastern,  and  that  the  whole  was  bounded  by  the  ocean,  much  to  the 
northward  of  the  equator.  Such  was  the  opinion  of  Crates,  who  lived  in 
the  time  of  Alexander;  of  Aratus,  of  Cleanthes,  of  Cleoiiiedes,  of  Strabo, 
of  Pomponius  .Mela,  of  Macrobius,  and  many  others. 

Hipparchus  proposed  a  different  system,  and  led  the  world   into  an 

1  (!o-*soliii,  RprhcrclicM  wur  lit  (ii'ogriiphie  dps  Ancieus,  torn.  i.  p.  162,  etc. 
*  Memuin*  Ue  I'AcuU.  Ue»  liiscript.,  toiu.  xxvi. 


658  Ai'i' 

error,  which  for  a  long  time  retarded  (he  maritime  communication  of 
Europe  and  India.  He  supposed  that  the  seas  were  separated  into  dis- 
tinct basins,  and  that  the  eastern  shores  of  Africa  made  a  circuit  round 
the  Indian  Sea,  so  as  to  join  those  of  Asia  beyond  the  mouth  of  the 
Ganges.  Subsequent  discoveries,  instead  of  refuting  this  error,  only 
placed  the  junction  of  the  continents  at  a  greater  distance.  Marinus  of 
Tyre,  and  Ptolemy,  adopted  this  opinion  in  their  works,  and  illustrated 
it  in  their  maps,  which  for  centuries  controlled  the  general  belief  of  man- 
kind, and  perpetuated  the  idea  that  Africa  extended  onward  to  the  south 
pole,  and  that  it  was  impossible  to  arrive  by  sea  at  the  coasts  of  India. 
Still  there  were  geographers  who  leaned  to  the  more  ancient  idea  of  a 
communication  between  the  Indian  .Sea  and  the  Atlantic  Ocean.  It  had 
its  advocates  in  Spain,  and  was  maintained  by  Pomponius  Mela,  and  by 
Isidore  of  Seville.  It  was  believed  also  by  some  of  the  learned  in  Italy, 
in  the  thirteenth,  fourteenth,  and  fifteenth  centuries;  and  thus  was  kept 
alive  until  it  was  acted  upon  so  vigorously  by  Prince  Henry  of  Portugal, 
and  at  length  triumphantly  demonstrated  by  Vasco  de  Gaina,  in  his  cir- 
cumnavigation of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope. 


No.  XVI. 

OF  THE  SHIPS  OF  COLUMBUS. 

IN  remarking  on  the  smallness  of  the  vessels  with  which  Columbus 
made  his  first  voyage,  Dr.  Robertson  observes  that,  "in  the  fifteenth 
century,  the  bulk  and  construction  of  vessels  were  accommodated  to  the 
short  and  easy  voyages  along  the  coast,  which  they  were  accustomed  to 
perform."  We  have  many  proofs,  however,  that  even  anterior  to  the 
fifteenth  century,  there  were  large  ships  employed  by  the  Spaniards,  as 
well  as  by  other  nations.  In  an  edict  published  in  Barcelona,  in  i:J54,  by 
Pedro  IV.,  enforcing  various  regulations  for  the  security  of  commerce, 
mention  is  made  of  Catalonian  merchant  ships  of  two  and  three  decks 
and  from  80()0  to  12,000  quintals  burden. 

In  141i),  Alonzo  of  Aragon  hired  several  merchant  ships  to  transport 
artillery,  horses,  etc.,  from  Barcelona  to  Italy,  among  which  were  two, 
each  carrying  one  hundred  and  twenty  horses,  which  it  is  computed 
would  require  a  vessel  of  at  least  600  tons. 

In  14(58,  mention  is  made  of  a  Venetian  ship  of  700  tons  which  arrived 
at  Barcelona  from  England,  laden  with  wheat. 

In  1497,  a  Castilian  vessel  arrived  there  being  of  12.000  quintals  burden. 
These  arrivals  incidentally  mentioned  among  others  of  similar  size,  as 
happening  at  one  port,  show  that  large  ships  were  in  use  in  those  days.1 
Indeed,  at  the  time  of  fitting  out  the  second  expedition  of  Columbus, 
there  were  prepared  in  the  port  of  Bermeo,  a  Caracca  of  1250  tons,  and 
four  ships  of  from  150  to  450  tons  burden.  Their  destination,  however, 
was  altered,  and  they  were  sent  to  convoy  Muley  Boabdil,  the  last  Moor- 
ish king  of  Granada,  from  the  coast  of  his  conquered  territory  to  Africa.2 

It  was  not  for  want  of  large  vessels  in  the  Spanish  ports,  therefore, 
that  those  of  Columbus  were  of  so  small  a  size.  He  considered  them 
best  adapted  to  voyages  of  discovery,  as  they  required  but  little  depth  of 
water,  and  therefore  could  more  easily  and  safely  coast  unknown  shores, 
and  explore  bays  and  rivers.  He  had  some  purposely  constructed  of  a 
very  small  size  for  this  service;  such  was  the  caravel,  which  in  his  third 


1  Capmany,  Questioners  Criticas.     Quest.  C.  2  Archives  dt;  lud.  eu  Scvilla. 


APPENDIX.  659 

voyage  he  despatched  to  look  out  for  an  opening  to  the  sea  at  the  upper 
part  of  the  Gulf  of  Paria,  when  the  water  grew  too  shallow  for  his  vessel 
of  one  hundred  tons  burden. 

The  most  singular  circumstance  with  respect  to  the  ships  of  Columbus 
is  that  they  should  be  open  vessels:  for  it  seems  difficult  to  believe  that 
a  voyage  of  such  extent  and  peril  should  be  attempted  in  barks  of  so 
frail  a  construction.  This,  however,  is  expressly  mentioned  by  IVter 
Martyr,  in  his  Decades  written  at  the  time;  and  mention  is  made  occa- 
sionally, in  the  memoirs  relative  to  the  voyages  written  by  Columbus  and 
his  son,  of  certain  of  his  vessels  being  without  decks.  He  sometimes 
speaks  of  the  same  vessel  as  a  ship  and  a  caravel.  There  has  been  some 
discussion  of  late  as  to  the  precise  meaning  of  the  term  caravel.  The 
Chevalier  Bossi,  in  his  dissertations  on  Columbus,  observes  that  in  the 
Mediterranean  caravel  designates  the  largest  class  of  ships  of  war  among 
the  Mussulmans,  and  that  in  Portugal  it  means  a  small  vessel  of  from 
120  to  140  tons  burden;  but  Columbus  sometimes  applies  it  to  a  vessel  of 
forty  tons. 

Du  Cange,  in  his  glossary,  considers  it  a  word  of  Italian  origin.  Bosn 
thinks  it  either  Turkish  or  Arabic,  and  probably  introduced  into  the 
European  languages  by  the  Moors.  Mr.  Edward  Everett,  in  a  note  to 
his  Plymouth  oration,  considers  that  the  true  origin  of  the  word  is  given 
in  "Ferrarii  Origines  Lingiue  Italics*:,"  as  follows:  "Caravela,  uavigii 
ininoris  genus.  Lat.  Carabus:  Grace  Karabron." 

That  the  word  caravel  was  intended  to  signify  a  vessel  of  a  small  size 
is  evident  from  a  naval  classification  made  by  King  Alonzo  in  the  middle 
of  the  thirteenth  century.  In  the  first  class  he  enumerates  Naus.  or 
large  ships  which  go  only  with  sails,  some  of  which  have  two  masts,  and 
others  but  one.  In  the  second  class  smaller  vessels  as  Carracas,  Fustas, 
Ballenares,  Pinazas,  Curabelax,  etc.  In  the  third  class  vessels  with  sails 
am!  oars,  as  Galleys,  Galeots,  Tardantes,  and  Saetias.1 

Bossi  gives  a  copy  of  a  letter  written  by  Columbus  to  Don  Raphael 
Xausis,  treasurer  of  the  King  of  Spain,  an  edition  of  which  exists  in 
the  public  library  at  Milan.  With  this  letter  he  gives  several  wood-cuts 
of  sketches  made  with  a  pen,  which  accompanied  this  letter,  and  which 
he  supposes  to  have  been  from  the  hand  of  Columbus.  In  these  are 
represented  vessels  which  are  probably  caravels.  They  have  high  bows 
and  sterns,  with  castles  on  the  latter.  They  have  short  masts  with  large 
square  sails.  One  of  them,  besides  sails,  has  benches  of  oars,  and  is 
probably  intended  to  represent  a  galley.  They  are  all  evidently  vessels 
of  small  size,  and  light  construction. 

In  a  work  called  "  Recherches  sur  le  Commerce,"  published  in  Am- 
sterdam, 1799,  is  a  plate  representing  a  vessel  of  the  latter  part  of  the 
fifteenth  century.  It  is  taken  from  a  picture  in  the  church  of  St.  Gio- 
vanni e  Paolo  in  Venice.  The  vessel  bears  much  resemblance  to  those 
said  to  have  been  sketched  by  Columbus;  it  has  two  masts,  one  of  which 
is  extremely  small  with  a  latine  sail.  The  main-mast  has  a  large  square 
sail.  The  vessel  has  a  high  poop  and  prow,  is  decked  at  each  end,  and 
is  open  in  the  centre. 

It  appears  to  be  the  fact,  therefore,  that  most  of  the  vessels  with  which 
Columbus  undertook  his  long  and  perilous  voyages,  were  of  this  light 
and  frail  construction,  and  little  superior  to  the  small  craft  which  ply 
on  rivers  and  along  coasts  in  modern  days. 

1  Capmany,  Queal.  Crit. 


600  APPENDIX. 

No.  XVII. 

ROUTE  OF  COLUMBUS   IX   HIS   FIRST  VOYAGE.1 

IT  has  hitherto  been  supposed  that  one  of  the  Bahama  Islands,  at  pre- 
sent bearing  the  name  of  .San  Salvador,  and  which  is  also  known  as  Cat 
Island,  was  the  h'rst  point  where  Columbus  came  in  contact  with  the 
New  World.  Navarrete,  however,  in  his  introduction  to  the  "Collection 
of  Spanish  Voyages  and  Discoveries,"  recently  published  at  Madrid,  has 
endeavored  to  show  that  it  must  have  been  Turk's  Island,  one  of  the 
same  group,  situated  about  100  leagues  (of  '20  to  the  degree)  S. E.  of  San 
Salvador.  Great  care  has  been  taken  to  examine  candidly  the  opinion 
of  Navarrete,  comparing  it  with  the  journal  of  Columbus,  as  published 
in  the  above-mentioned  work,  and  with  the  personal  observations  of  the 
writer  of  this  article,  who  has  been  much  among  these  islands. 

Columbus  describes  Guanahani,  on  which  he  landed,  and  to  which  he 
gave  the  name  of  San  Salvador,  as  being  a  beautiful  island,  and  very 
large;  as  being  level,  and  covered  with  forests,  many  of  the  trees  of 
which  bore  fruit;  as  having  abundance  of  fresh  water,  and  a  large  lake 
in  the  centre;  that  it  was  inhabited  by  a  numerous  population;  That  he 
proceeded  for  a  considerable  distance  in  his  boats  along  the  shore,  which 
trended  to  the  ML N.E.,  and  as  he  passed,  was  visited  by  the  inhabitants 
of  several  villages.  Turk's  Island  does  not  answer  to  this  description. 

Turk's  Island  is  a  low  key  composed  of  sand  and  rocks,  and  lying  north 
and  south,  less  than  two  leagues  in  extent.  It  is  utterly  destitute  of 
wood,  and  has  not  a  single,  tree  of  native  growth.  It  has  no  fresh  water, 
the  inhabitants  depending  entirely  on  cisterns  and  casks  in  which  they 
preserve  the  rain;  neither  has  it  any  lake,  but  several  salt-ponds,  which 
furnish  the  sole  production  of  the  island.  Turk's  Island  cannot  be  ap- 
proached on  the  east  or  north-east  side,  in  consequence  of  the  reef  that 
surrounds  it.  It  has  no  harbor,  but  has  an  open  road  on  the  west  side, 
which  vessels  at  anchor  there  have  to  leave  and  put  to  sea  whenever  the 
wind  comes  from  any  other  quarter  than  that  of  the  usual  trade  breeze 
of  N.E.  which  blows  over  the  island;  for  the  shore  is  so  bold  that  there 
is  no  anchorage  except  close  to  it;  and  when  the  wind  ceases  to  blow 
from  the  land,  vessels  remaining  at  their  anchors  would  be  swunu  against 
the  rocks,  or  forced  high  upon  the  shore,  by  the  terrible  surf  that  then 
prevails.  The  unfrequented  road  of  the  Hawk's  Nest,  at  the  south  end 
of  the  island,  is  even  more  dangerous.  This  island,  which  is  not  sus- 
ceptible of  the.  slightest  cultivation,  furnishes  a  scanty  subsistence  to  a 
few  sheep  and  horses.  The  inhabitants  draw  all  their  consumption  from 
abroad,  with  the  exception  of  fish  and  turtle,  which  are  taken  in  abun- 
dance, and  supply  the  principal  food  of  the  slaves  employed  in  the  salt- 
works. The  whole  wealth  of  the  island  consists  in  the  produce  of  the. 
salt-ponds,  and  in  the  salvage  and  plunder  of  the  many  wrecks  which 
take  place  in  the  neighborhood.  Turk's  Island,  therefore,  would  never 
be  inhabited  in  a  savage  state  of  society,  where  commerce  does  not  exist, 
and  where  men  are  obliged  to  draw  their  subsistence  from  the  spot  which 
they  people. 

Again:  when  about  to  leave  Guanahani,  Columbus  was  at  a  loss  to 

1  The  author  of  this  work  is  indebted  for  this  able  examination  of  the  route  of  Colum- 
bus to  an  officer  of  the  navy  of  the  t'nkeii  States,  whose  name  he  regrets  the  not  bei:ii;  :it 
liberty  to  mention.  He  has  been  greatly  benefited,  in  various  parts  of  this  history,  by 
liaulical  lufuriuatiou  from  the  same  intelligent  source. 


APPENDIX.  661 

choose  which  to  visit  of  a  great  number  of  islands  in  sight.  Now  there 
is  no  land  visible  from  Turk's  Island,  excepting  the  two  salt  keys  which 
lie  south  of  it,  and  with  it  form  the  group  known  as  Turk's  Islands.  The 
journal  of  Columbus  does  not  tell  us  what  course  he  steered  in  going 
from  Guanahani  to  Concepcion,  but  he  states  that  it  was  rive  leagues 
distant  from  the  former,  and  that  the  current  was  against  him  in  sailing 
to  it:  whereas  the  distance  from  Turk's  Island  to  the  Gran  Caico,  sup- 
posed by  Navarrete  to  be  the  Concepcion  of  Columbus,  is  nearly  double, 
and  the  current  sets  constantly  to  the  VV.N.W.  among  these  islands, 
which  would  be  favorable  in  going  from  Turk's  Island  to  the  Calcos. 

From  Concepcion,  Columbus  went  next  to  an  island  which  he  saw  nine 
leagues  off  in  a  westerly  direction,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Fer- 
nandina.  This  Navarrete  takes  to  be  Little  Inagua,  distant  no  less  than 
twenty-two  leagues  from  Gran  Caico.  Besides,  in  going  to  Little  Inagua, 
it  would  be  necessary  to  pass  quite  close  to  three  islands,  each  larger  than 
Turk's  Island,  none  of  which  are  mentioned  in  the  journal.  Columbus 
describes  Fernandina  as  stretching  twenty-eight  leagues  S.E.  and  N.W. : 
whereas  Little  Inagua  has  its  greatest  length  of  four  leagues  in  a  S.W. 
direction.  In  a  word  the  description  of  Fernandina  has  nothing  in 
common  with  Little  Inagua.  From  Fernandina,  Columbus  sailed  S.E.  to 
Isabella,  which  Navarrete  takes  to  be  Great  Inagua;  whereas  this  latter 
bears  S.W.  from  Little  Inagua,  a  course  differing  90°  from  the  one  fol- 
lowed by  Columbus.  Again:  Columbus,  on  the  20th  of  November,  takes 
occasion  to  say  that  Guanahani  was  distant  eight  leagues  from  Isabella; 
whereas  Turk's  Island  is  thirty-five  leagues  from  Great  Inagua. 

Leaving  Isabella,  Columbus  stood  W.S.W.  for  the  island  of  Cuba,  and 
fell  in  with  the  Islas  Arenas.  This  course  drawn  from  Great  Inagua 
would  meet  the  coast  of  Cuba  about  Port  Nipe:  whereas  Navarrete  sup- 
poses that  Columbus  next  fell  in  with  the  keys  south  of  the  Jumentos, 
and  which  bear  W.N.W.  from  Inagua;  a  course  differing  45°  from  the 
one  steered  by  the  ships.  After  sailing  for  some  time  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Cuba,  Columbus  finds  himself,  on  the  14th  of  November,  in  the 
sea  of  Nuestra  Sefiora,  surrounded  by  so  many  islands  that  it  was  im- 
possible to  count  them:  whereas,  on  the  same  day,  Navarrete  places  him 
off  Cape  Moa,  where  there  is  but  one  small  island,  and  more  than  fifty 
leagues  distant  from  any  group  that  can  possibly  answer  the  description. 

Columbus  informs  us  that  San  Salvador  was  distant  from  Port  Principe 
forty-five  leagues:  whereas  Turk's  Island  is  distant  from  the  point,  sup- 
posed by  Navarrete  to  be  the  same,  eighty  leagues. 

On  taking  leave  of  Cuba,  Columbus  remarks  that  he  had  followed  its 
coast  for  an  extent  of  120  leagues.  Deducting  twenty  leagues  for  his 
having  followed  its  windings,  there  still  remain  100.  Now,  Navarrete 
only  supposes  him  to  have  coasted  this  island  an  extent  of  seventy 
leagues. 

Such  are  the  most  important  difficulties  which  the  theory  of  Navarrete 
offers,  and  which  appear  insurmountable.  Let  us  now  take  up  the  route 
of  Columbus  as  recorded  in  his  journal,  and,  with  the  best  charts  before 
us,  examine  how  it  agrees  with  the  popular  and  traditional  opinion,  that 
he  tirst  landed  on  the  island  of  San  Salvador. 

We  learn  from  the  journal  of  Columbus  that,  on  the  llth  of  October, 
14!>2,  he  continued  steering  W.S.W.  until  sunset,  when  he  returned  to 
his  old  course  of  west,  the  vessels  running  at  the  rate  of  three  leagues  an 
hour.  At  ten  o'clock  he  and  several  of  his  crew  saw  a  light,  which  seemed 
like  a  torch  carried  about  on  land.  He  continued  running  on  four  hours 
longer,  and  had  made  a  distance  of  twelve  leagues  farther  west,  when  at 
two  in  the  morning  land  was  discovered  ahead,  distant  two  leagues.  The 


662  APPENDIX. 

twelve  leagues  which  they  ran  since  ten  o'clock,  with  the  two  leagues 
distance  from  the  land,  form  a  total  corresponding  essentially  with  Ihe 
distance  and  situation  of  \Vratling's  Island  from  San  Salvador;  and  it  is 
thence  presumed  that  the  light  seen  at  that  hour  was  on  Walling' s  Island, 
which  they  were  then  passing.  Had  the  light  been  seen  on  land  ahead, 
and  they  had  kept  running  on  four  hours  at  the  rate  of  three  leagues  an 
hour,  they  must  have  run  high  and  dry  on  shore.  As  the  admiral  himself 
received  the  royal  reward  for  having  seen  this  light,  as  the  first  discovery 
of  land,  Wat  ling's  Island  is  believed  to  be  the  point  for  which  this  pre- 
mium was  granted. 

On  making  land,  the  vessels  were  hove  to  until  daylight  of  the  same  12th 
of  October;  they  then  anchored  off  an  island  of  great  beauty,  covered 
with  forests,  and  extremely  populous. 

It  was  called  Guauahani  by  the  natives,  but  Columbus  gave  it  the  name 
of  San  Salvador.  Exploring  its  coast,  where  it  ran  to  the  N.N.E.,  he 
found  a  harbor  capable  of  sheltering  any  number  of  ships.  This  descrip- 
tion corresponds  minutely  with  the  S.E.  part  of  the  island  known  as  San 
Salvador,  or  Cat  Island,  which  lies  east  and  west,  bending  at  its  eastern 
extremity  to  the  N  N.E.,  and  has  the  same  verdant  and  fertile  appearance. 
The  vessels  had  probably  drifted  into  this  bay  at  the  S.E.  side  of  San  Sal- 
vador, on  the  morning  of  the  12th,  while  lying  to  for  daylight;  nor  did 
Columbus,  while  remaining  at  the  island,  or  when  sailing  from  it,  open 
the  land  so  as  to  discover  that  what  he  had  taken  for  its  whole  length  was 
but  a  bend  at  one  end  of  it.  and  that  the  main  body  of  the  island  lay  behind, 
stretching  far  to  the  N.W.  From  Guanaham,  Columbus  saw  so  many 
other  islands  that  he  was  at  a  loss  which  next  to  visit.  The  Indians  sig- 
nified that  they  were  innumerable,  and  mentioned  the  names  of  above  a 
hundred.  lie  determined  to  go  to  the  largest  in  sight,  which  appeared  to 
be  about  five  leagues  distant;  some  of  the  others  were  nearer,  and  some 
farther  off.  The  island  thus  selected,  it  is  presumed,  was  the  present 
island  of  Concepcion;  and  that  the  others  were  that  singular  belt  of  small 
islands,  known  as  La  Cadena  (or  the  chain),  stretching  past  the  island  of 
San  Salvador  in  a  S  E.  and  N.W.  direction;  the  nearest  of  the  group  being 
nearer  than  Concepcion,  while  the  rest  are  more  distant. 

Leaving  San  Salvador  in  the  afternoon  of  the  14th  for  the  island  thus 
selected,  the  ships  lay  by  during  the  night,  and  did  not  reach  it  until  late 
in  the  following  day,  being  retarded  by  ad  verse  currents.  Columbus  gave 
this  island  the  name  of  Santa  Maria  de  la  Concepcion;  he  does  not  men- 
tion either  its  bearings  from  San  Salvador,  or  the  course  which  he  steered 
in  going  to  it.  We  know  that  in  all  this  neighborhood  the  current  sets 
strongly  and  constantly  to  the  W.N.W. ;  and  since  Columbus  had  the 
current  against  him,  he  must  have  been  sailing  in  an  opposite  direction, 
or  to  the  E.S.E.  Besides,  when  near  Concepcion,  Columbus  sees  another 
island  to  the  westward,  the  largest  he  had  yet  seen;  but  he  tells  us  that 
he  anchored  off  Concepcion,  and  did  not  stand  for  this  larger  island,  be- 
cause he  could  not  have  sailed  to  the  west.  Hence  it  is  rendered  certain 
that  Columbus  did  not  sail  westward  in  going  from  San  Salvador  to  Con- 
cepcion; for,  from  the  opposition  of  the  wind,  as  there  could  be  no  other 
cause,  he  could  not  sail  toward  that  quarter.  Now,  on  reference  to  the 
chart,  we  find  the  island  at  present  known  as  Concepcion  situated  E.S.E. 
from  S;tn  Salvador,  and  at  a  corresponding  distance  of  five  leagues. 

Leaving  Concepcion  on  the  Kith  of  October,  Columbus  steered  fora 
very  large  island  seen  to  the  westward  nine  leagues  off,  and  which  ex- 
tended itself  twenty-eight  leagues  in  a  S.E.  and  X.W.  direction.  He  was 
becalmed  the  whole  day,  and  did  not  reach  the  island  until  the  following 
morning,  17th  of  October.  He  named  it  Fernandiua.  At  noon  he  made 


APPENDIX. 

sail  again,  with  a  view  to  run  round  it,  and  reach  another  island  called 
Samoet ;  but  the  wind  being  at  S.E.  by  S.,  the  course  he  wished  to  steer, 
the  natives  signified  that  it  would  be  easier  to  sail  round  this  island  by 
running  to  the  N.W.  with  a  fair  wind.  He  therefore  bore  up  to  the 
N.\V.,  and  having  run  two  leagues  found  a  marvellous  port,  with  a  nar- 
row entrance,  or  rather  with  two  entrances,  for  there  was  an  island 
which  shut  it  in  completely,  forming  a  noble  basin  within.  Sailing  out 
of  this  harbor  by  the  opposite  entrance  at  the  N.W.,  he  discovered  that 
part  of  the  island  which  runs  east  and  west.  The  natives  signified  to 
him  that  this  island  was  smaller  than  Samoet,  and  that  it  would  be 
better  to  return  toward  the  latter.  It  had  now  become  calm,  but  shortly 
after  there  sprung  up  a  breeze  from  W.N.W.,  which  was  ahead  for  the 
course  they  had  been  steering;  so  they  bore  up  and  stood  to  the  E.S.E.  in 
order  to  get  an  offing;  for  the  weather  threatened  a  storm,  which  how- 
ever dissipated  itself  in  rain.  The  next  day,  being  the  18th  of  October, 
they  anchored  opposite  the  extremity  of  Fernandina. 

The  whole  of  this  description  answers  most  accurately  to  the  island  of 
Exuma,  which  lies  south  from  San  Salvador,  and  S.\V.  by  S.  from  Con- 
cepcion.  The  only  inconsistency  is  that  C'olumbus  states  that  Fernandina 
bore  nearly  west  from  Concepcion,  and  was  twenty-eight  leagues  in  ex- 
tent. This  mistake  must  have  proceeded  from  his  having  taken  the  long 
chain  of  keys  called  La  Cadena  for  part  of  the  same  Exuma;  which  con- 
tinuous appearance  they  naturally  assume  when  seen  from  Concepcion, 
for  they  run  in  the  same  S.E.  and  N.W.  direction.  Their  bearings,  when 
seen  from  the  same  point,  are  likewise  westerly  as  well  as  south-westerly. 
As  a  proof  that  such  was  the  case,  it  may  be  observed  that,  after  having 
approached  these  islands,  instead  of  the  extent  of  Fernandina  being  in- 
creased to  his  eye,  he  now  remarks  that  it  was  twenty  leagues  long, 
whereas  before  it  was  estimated  by  him  at  twenty-eight;  he  now  discov- 
ers that  instead  of  one  island  there  were  many,  and  alters  his  course 
southerly  to  reach  the  one  that  was  most  conspicuous. 

The  identity  of  the  island  here  described  with  Exuma  is  irresistibly 
forced  upon  the  mind.  The  distance  from  Concepcion,  the  remarkable 
port  with  an  island  in  front  of  it,  and  farther  on  its  coast  turning  off  to 
the  westward,  are  all  so  accurately  delineated,  that  it  would  seem  as 
though  the  chart  had  been  drawn  from  the  description  of  Columbus. 

On  the  19th  of  October,  the  ships  left  Fernandina,  steering  S.E.  with 
the  wind  at  north.  Sailing  three  hours  on  this  course,  they  discovered 
Samoet  to  the  east,  and  steered  for  it,  arriving  at  its  north  point  before 
noon.  Here  they  found  a  little  island  surrounded  by  rocks,  with  another 
reef  of  rocks  lying  between  it  and  Samoet.  To  Samoet,  Columbus  gave 
the  name  of  Isabella,  and  to  the  point  of  it  opposite  the  little  island,  that 
of  Cabo  del  Isleo;  the  cape  at  the  S.W.  point  of  Samoet,  Columbus 
culled  Cabo  de  Laguna,  and  off  this  last  his  ships  were  brought  to  anchor. 
The  little  island  lay  in  the  direction  from  Fernandina  to  Isabella,  east 
and  west.  The  coast  from  the  small  island  lay  westerly  twelve  leagues 
to  a  cape,  which  Columbus  called  Fermosa  from  its  beauty;  this  he  be- 
lieved to  be  an  island  apart  from  Samoet  or  Isabella,  with  another  one 
between  them.  Leaving  Cape  Laguna,  where  he  remained  until  the  20th 
of  October,  Columbus  steered  to  the  N.  E.  toward  Cabo  del  Isleo,  but 
meeting  with  shoals  inside  the  small  island,  he  did  not  come  to  anchor 
until  the  day  following.  Near  this  extremity  of  Isabella  they  found  a 
lake,  from  which  the  ships  were  supplied  with  water. 

This  island  of  Isabella,  or  Samoet,  agrees  so  accurately  in  its  descrip- 
tion \\iih  Isla  Larga,  which  lies  east  of  Exuma,  that  it  is  only  necessary 
to  read  it  with  the  chart  unfolded  to  be  convinced  of  the  identity. 


G64  APPENDIX. 

Having  resolved  to  visit  the  island  which  the  natives  called  Cuba,  and 
described  as  bearing  W.S.W.  from  Isabella,  Columbus  left  Cabo  del  Isleo 
at  midnight,  the  commencement  of  the  24th  of  October,  and  shaped 
his  course  accordingly  to  the  W.S.W.  The  wind  continued  light,  with 
rain,  until  noon,  when  it  freshened  up,  and  in  the  evening  Cape  Verde, 
the  S.W.  point  of  Fernandina,  bore  N.W.  distant  seven  leagues.  As  the 
night  became  tempestuous,  he  lay  to  until  morning,  drifting  according  to 
the  reckoning  two  leagues. 

On  the  morning  of  the  25th  he  made  sail  again  to  W.S.W. ,  until  nine 
o'clock,  when  he  had  run  five  leagues;  he  then  steered  west  until  three, 
when  he  had  run  eleven  leagues,  at  which  hour  land  was  discovered, 
consisting  of  seven  or  eight  keys  lying  north  and  south,  and  distant  five 
leagues  from  the  ships.  Here  he  anchored  the  next  day,  south  of  these 
islands,  which  he  called  Islas  de  Arena;  they  were  low,  and  five  or  six 
leagues  in  extent. 

The  distances  run  by  Columbus,  added  to  the  departure  taken  from 
Fernandina  and  the  distance  from  these  islands  of  Arena  at  the  time  of 
discovering,  give  a  sum  of  thirty  leagues.  This  sum  of  thirty  leagues  is 
about  three  less  than  the  distance  from  the  S.W.  point  of  Fernandina  or 
Exuma,  whence  Columbus  took  his  departure,  to  the  group  of  Mucaras, 
which  lie  east  of  Cayo  Lobo  on  the  grand  bank  of  Bahama,  and  which 
correspond  to  the  description  of  Columbus.  If  it  were  necessary  to  ac- 
count for  the  difference  of  three  leagues  in  a  reckoning,  where  so  much 
is  given  on  conjecture,  it  would  readily  occur  to  a  seaman,  that  an  allow- 
ance of  two  leagues  for  drift,  during  a  long  night  of  blowy  weather,  is  but 
a  small  one.  The  course  from  Exuma  to  the  Mucaras  is  about  S.W.  by 
W.  The  course  followed  by  Columbus  differs  a  little  from  this,  but  as 
it  was  his  intention,  on  setting  sail  from  Isabella,  to  steer  W.S.W.,  and 
since  he  afterward  altered  it  to  west,  we  may  conclude  that  he  did  so  in 
consequence  of  having  been  run  out  of  his  course  to  the  southward,  while 
lying  to  the  night  previous. 

Oct.  27.  —  At  sunrise  Columbus  set  sail  from  the  isles  Arenas  or  Mu- 
earac,  for  an  island  called  Cuba,  steering  S.S.W.  At  dark,  having  made 
seventeen  leagues  on  that  course,  he  saw  the  land,  and  hove  his  ships 
to  until  morning.  On  the  28th  he  made  sail  again  at  S.S.W.,  and  entered 
a  beautiful  river  with  a  fine  harbor,  which  he  named  San  Salvador.  The 
journal  in  this  part  does  not  describe  the  localities  with  the  minuteness 
with  which  every  thing  has  hitherto  been  noted;  the  text  also  is  in  several 
places  obscure. 

This  port  of  San  Salvador  we  take  to  be  the  one  now  known  as  Cara- 
velas  Grandes,  situated  eight  leagues  west  of  Neuvitas  del  Principe.  Its 
bearings  and  distance  from  the  Mucaras  coincide  exactly  with  those  run 
by  Columbus;  and  its  description  agrees,  as  far  as  can  be  ascertained  by 
charts,  with  the  port  which  he  visited. 

Oct.  29.  —  Leaving  this  port,  Columbus  stood  to  the  west,  and  having 
sailed  six  leagues,  he  came  to  a  point  of  the  island  running  N.W.,  which 
we  take  to  be  the  Punta  Gorda;  and,  ten  leagues  farther,  another  stretch- 
ing easterly,  which  will  be  Punta  Curiana.  One  league  farther  he  discov- 
ered a  small  river,  and  beyond  this  another  very  large  one,  to  which  he 
gave  the  name  of  Rio  de  Mares.  This  river  emptied  into  a  line  basin  re- 
sembling a  lake,  and  having  a  bold  entrance:  it  had  for  landmarks  two 
round  moutains  at  the  S. \V".,  and  to  the  W.N.W.  a  bold  promontory, 
suitable  for  a  fortification,  which  projected  far  into  the  sea.  This  we 
take  to  be  the  fine  harbor  and  river  situated  west  of  Point  Curiana;  its 
distance  corresponds  with  that  run  by  Columbus  from  Caravelas  Grandes, 
which  we  have  supposed  identical  with  Port  ban  Salvador.  Leaving  Kio 


APPENDIX.  665 

dp  Mares  the  30th  of  Octolxr,  Columbus  stood  to  the  N.W.  for  fifteen 
leagues,  when  he  saw  a  cape,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  t'abo  de 
Palmos.  This,  we  believe,  is  the  one  which  forms  the  eastern  entrance 
to  Laguna  de  Moron.  Beyond  this  cape  was  a  river,  distant,  according 
to  the  natives,  four  days'  journey  from  the  town  of  Cuba;  Columbus  de- 
termined therefore  to  make  for  it. 

Having  lain  to  all  night,  he  reached  the  river  on  the  31st  of  October, 
but  found  that  it  was  too  shallow  to  admit  his  ships.  This  is  supposed 
to  be  what  is  now  known  as  Laguna  de  Moron.  Beyond  this  was  a  cape 
surrounded  by  shoals,  and  another  projected  still  farther  out.  Between 
these  two  capes  was  a  bay  capable  of  receiving  small  vessels.  The  iden- 
tity here  of  the  description  with  the  coast  near  Laguna  de  Moron  seems 
very  clear.  The  cape  east  of  Laguna  de  Moron  coincides  with.  Cape 
Palmas,  the  Laguna  de  Moron  with  the  shoal  river  described  by  Colum- 
bus ;  and  in  the  western  point  of  entrance,  with  the  island  of  Cabriou 
opposite  it,  we  recognize  the  two  projecting  capes  he  speaks  of,  with  what 
appeared  to  be  a  bay  between  them.  This  all  is  a  remarkable  combina- 
tion, difficult  to  be  found  anywhere  but  in  the  same  spot  which  Colum- 
bus visited  and  described.  Further,  the  coast  from  the  port  of  .San 
Salvador  had  run  west  to  Rio  de  Mares,  a  distance  of  seventeen  leagues, 
and  from  Rio  de  Mares  it  had  extended  N.W.  fifteen  leagues  to  C'abo 
de  Palmos ;  all  of  which  agrees  fully  with  what  has  been  here  supposed. 
The  wind  having  shifted  to  north,  which  was  contrary  to  the  course 
they  had  been  steering,  the  vessels  bore  up  and  returned  to  Rio  de 
Mares. 

On  the  12th  of  November  the  ships  sailed  out  of  Rio  de  Mares  to  go 
in  quest  of  Babeque,  an  island  believed  to  abound  in  gold,  and  to  lie  E. 
by  S.  from  that  port.  Having  sailed  eight  leagues  with  a  fair  wind,  they 
came  to  a  river,  in  which  may  be  recognized  the  one  which  lies  just  west 
of  Punta  Gorda.  Four  leagues  farther  they  saw  another,  which  they 
called  Rip  del  Sol.  It  appeared  very  large,  but  they  did  not  stop  to 
examine  it,  as  the  wind  was  fair  to  advance.  This  we  take  to  be  the 
river  now  known  as  Sabana.  Columbus  was  now  retracing  his  steps,  and 
had  made  twelve  leagues  from  Rio  de  Mares,  but  ingoing  west  from  Port 
San  Salvador  to  Rio  de  Mares,  he  had  run  seventeen  leagues.  San  Salva- 
dor, therefore,  remains  five  leagues  east  of  Rio  del  Sol; 'and,  accordingly, 
on  reference,  to  the  chart,  we  find  Caravelas  Graiides  situated  a  corre- 
sponding distance  from  Sabana. 

Having  run  six  leagues  from  Rio  del  Sol,  which  makes  in  all  eighteen 
leagues  from  Rio  de  Mares,  Columbus  came  to  a  cape  which  he  called 
Cabo  de  Cuba,  probably  from  supposing  it  to  be  the  extremity  of  that 
island.  This  corresponds  precisely  in  distance  from  Punta  Curiana  with 
the  lesser  islands  of  Guajava,  situated  near  Cuba,  and  between  which  and 
the  greater  Guajava  Columbus  must  have  passed  in  running  in  for  Port 
San  Salvador.  Either  he  did  not  notice  it,  from  his  attention  being  en- 
grossed by  the  magnificent  island  before  him,  or,  as  is  also  possible,  his 
vessels  may  have  been  drifted  through  the  passage,  which  is  two  legaues 
wide,  while  lying  to  the  night  previous  to  their  arrival  at  Port  San  Sal- 
vador. 

On  the  13th  of  November,  having  hove  to  all  night,  in  the  morning 
the  ships  passed  a  point  two  leagues  in  extent,  and  then  entered  into  a 
gulf  that  made  into  the  S.S.W.,  and  which  Columbus  thought  separated 
Cuba  from  Bohio.  At  the  bottom  of  the  gulf  was  a  large  basin  between 
t\\o  mountains.  He  could  not  determine  whether  or  not  this  was  an 
arm  of  the  sea;  for  not  finding  shelter  from  the  north  wind,  he  put  to 
sea  again.  Hence  it  would  appear  that  Columbus  must  have  partly 


666  APPENDIX. 

sailed  round  the  smaller  Guajava,  which  he  took  to  be  the  extremity  of 
Cul>a,  without  being  aware  that  a  few  hours'  sail  would  have  taken  him, 
by  this  channel,  to  Port  San  Salvador,  his  first  discovery  in  Cuba,  and 
so  back  to  the  same  Rio  del  Sol  which  he  had  passed  the  day  previous. 
Of  the  two  mountains  seen  on  both  sides  of  this  entrance,  the  principal 
one  corresponds  with  the  peak  called  Alto  de  Juan  Daune,  which  lies 
seven  leagues  west  of  Punta  de  Maternillos.  The  wind  continuing  north, 
he  stood  east  fourteen  leagues  from  Cape  Cuba,  which  we  have  supposed 
the  lesser  island  of  Guajava.  It  is  here  rendered  sure  that  the  point  of 
little  Guajava  was  believed  by  him  to  be  the  extremity  of  Cuba;  for  he 
speaks  of  the  land  mentioned  as  lying  to  leeward  of  the  above-mentioned 
gulf  as  being  the  island  of  Bohio,  and  says  that  he  discovered  twenty 
leagues  of  it  running  E.S.E.  and  W.N.W. 

On  the  14th  November,  having  lain  to  all  night  with  a  X.E.  wind,  he 
determined  to  seek  a  port,  and  if  he  found  none,  to  return  to  those  which 
lie  had  left  in  the  island  of  C'uba;  for  it  will  be  remembered  that  all  east 
of  little  Guajava  he  supposed  to  be  Bohio.  He  steered  E.  by  S.  there- 
fore six  leagues,  and  then  stood  in  for  the  land.  Here  he  saw  many 
ports  and  islands;  but  as  it  blew  fresh,  with  a  heavy  sea,  he  dared  not 
enter,  but  ran  the  coast  down  N.W.  by  W.  for  a  distance  of  eighteen 
leagues,  where  he  saw  a  clear  entrance  and  a  port,  in  which  he  stood 
S.S.W.  and  afterward  S.E.,  the  navigation  being  all  clear  and  open. 
Here  Columbus  beheld  so  many  islands  that  it  was  impossible  to  count 
them.  They  were  very  lofty,  and  covered  with  trees.  Columbus  called 
the  neighboring  sea  Mar  dc  Nuestro  Sefiora,  and  to  the  harbor  near  the 
entrance  to  these  islands  he  gave  the  name  of  Puerto  del  Principe.  This 
harbor  he  says  he  did  not  enter  until  the  Sunday  following,  which  was 
four  days  after.  This  part  of  the  text  of  Columbus' s  journal  is  confused, 
and  there  are  also  anticipations,  as  if  it  had  been  written  subsequently, 
or  mixed  together  in  copying.  It  appears  evident  that  while  lying  to  the 
night  previous,  with  the.  wind  at  N.E.,  the  ships  had  drifted  to  the  X.  W., 
and  been  carried  by  the  powerful  current  of  the  Bahama  channel  far  in 
the  same  direction.  When  they  bore  up,  therefore,  to  return  to  the  ports 
which  they  had  left  in  the  island  of  Cuba,  they  fell  in  to  leeward  of  them, 
and  now  first  discovered  the  numerous  group  of  islands  of  which  Cayo 
Koniano  is  the  principal.  The  current  of  this  channel  is  of  itself  suffi- 
cient to  have  carried  the  vessels  to  the  westward  a  distance  of  20 
leagues,  which  is  what  they  had  run  easterly  since  leaving  Cape  C'uba, 
or  Guajava,  for  it  had  acted  upon  them  during  a  period  of  thirty  hours. 
There  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  identity  of  these  keys  with  those  about 
Cayo  Romano;  for  they  are  the  only  ones  in  the  neighborhood  of  Cuba 
that  are  not  of  a  low  and  swampy  nature,  but  large  and  lofty.  They  en- 
close a  free,  open  navigation,  and  abundance  of  fine  harbors,  in  late  years 
the  resort  of  pirates,  who  found  security  and  concealment  for  themselves 
and  their  prizes  in  the  recesses  of  these  lofty  keys.  From  the  descrip- 
tion of  Columbus,  the  vessels  must  have  entered  between  the  islands  of 
Baril  and  Pacedon,  and  sailing  along  Cayo  Romano  on  a  S.E.  course', 
have  reached  in  another  day  their  old  cruising  ground  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  lesser  Guajava.  Not  only  Columbus  does  not  tell  us  here  of  his 
having  changed  his  anchorage  among  these  keys,  but  his  journal  does 
not  even  mention  his  having  anchored  at  all,  until  the  return  from  the 
ineffectual  search  after  Babeque.  It  is  clear,  from  what  has  been  said, 
that  it  was  not  in  Port  Principe  that  the  vessels  anchored  on  this  occa- 
sion; but  it  could  not  have  been  very  distant,  since  Columbus  went  from 
the  ships  in  his  boats  on  the  18th  November,  to  place  a  cross  at  its  en- 
Vrauce.  He  had  probably  seen  the  entrance  from  without,  when  sailing 


APPENDIX.  667 

east  from  Guajava  on  the  13th  of  November.  The  identity  of  this  port 
willi  the  one  now  known  as  Nuevitas  el  Principe  seems  certain,  from 
the  description  of  its  entrance.  Columbus,  it  appears,  did  iiot  visit  its 
interior. 

Ou  the  19th  November  the  ships  sailed  again,  in  quest  of  Babeque. 
At  sunset  Port  Principe  bore  S.S.VV.  distant  seven  leagues,  and  having 
sailed  all  night  at  N.E.  by  N.  and  until  ten  o'clock  of  the  next  day  C_'Oth 
November),  they  had  run  a  distance  of  fifteen  leagues  on  that  course. 
The  wind  blowing  from  E.S.E.,  which  was  the  direction  in  which  Babcque 
was  supposed  to  lie,  and  the  weather  being  foul,  Columbus  determined  to 
rot  urn  to  Port  Principe,  which  was  then  distant  twenty-five  leagues.  He 
did  not  wish  to  go  to  Isabella,  distant  only  twenty  leagues,  lest  the  Indians 
whom  he  had  brought  from  San  Salvador,  which  lay  eight  leagues  from 
Isabella,  should  make  their  escape.  Thus,  in  sailing  N.E.  by  N.  from 
near  Port  Principe,  Columbus  had  approached  within  a  short  distance  of 
Isabella.  That  island  was  then,  according  to  his  calculations,  thirty- 
seven  leagues  from  Port  Principe,  and  San  Salvador  was  forty-five  leagues 
from  the  same  point.  The  first  differs  but  eight  leagues  from  the  truth, 
the  latter  nine;  or  from  the  actual  distance  of  Nuevitas  el  Principe  from 
Isla  Larga  and  San  Salvador.  Again,  let  us  now  call  to  mind  the  course 
made  by  Columbus  in  going  from  Isabella  to  Cuba;  it  was  first  W.S.W., 
then  W.,  and  afterward  S.S.W.  Having  consideration  for  the  different 
distances  run  on  each,  these  yield  a  medium  course  not  materially  differ- 
ent from  S.W.  Sailing  then  S.W.  from  Isabella,  Columbus  had  reached 
Port  San  Salvador,  on  the  coast  of  Cuba.  Making  afterward  a  course  of 
N.E.  by  N.  from  off  Port  Principe,  he  was  going  in  the  direction  of  Isa- 
bella. Hence  we  deduce  that  Port  San  Salvador,  on  the  coast  of  Cuba, 
lay  west  of  Port  Principe,  and  the  whole  combination  is  thus  bound  to- 
gether and  established.  The  two  islands  seen  by  Columbus  at  ten  o'clock 
of  the  same  2'Kh  November,  must  have  been  some  of  the  keys  which  lie 
west  of  the  Jumentos.  Running  back  toward  Port  Principe,  Columbus 
made  it  at  dark,  but  found  that  he  had  been  carried  to  the  westward  by 
the  currents.  This  furnishes  a  sufficient  proof  of  the  strength  of  the 
current  in  the  Bahama  channel;  for  it  will  be  remembered  that  he  ran 
over  to  Cuba  with  a  fair  wind.  After  contending  for  four  days,  until 
the  24th  November,  with  light  winds  against  the  force  of  these  cur- 
rents, he  arrived  at  length  opposite  the  level  island  whence  he  had  set 
out  the  week  before  when  going  to  Babeque. 

We  are  thus  accidentally  informed  that  the  point  from  which  Columbus 
started  in  search  of  Babeque  was  the  same  island  of  Guajava  the  lesser, 
which  lies  west  of  Nuevitas  el  Principe.  Further:  at  first  he  dared  not 
enter  into  the  opening  between  the  two  mountains,  for  it  seemed  as 
though  the  sea  broke  upon  them;  but  having  sent  the  boat  ahead,  the 
vessels  followed  in  at  S.W.  and  then  W.  into  a  fine  harbor.  The  level 
island  lay  north  of  it,  and  with  another  island  formed  a  secure  basin  cap- 
able of  sheltering  all  the  navy  of  Spain.  This  level  island  resolves  itself 
then  into  our  late  Cape  Cuba,  which  we  have  supposed  to  be  little  Gua- 
java, and  the  entrance  east  of  it  becomes  identical  witli  the  gulf  above 
mentioned  which  lay  between  two  mountains,  one  of  which  we  have  sup- 
posed the  Alto  de  Juan  Daune,  and  which  gulf  appeared  to  divide  Cuba 
from  LJohio.  Our  course  now  becomes  a  plain  one.  On  the  26th  of  No- 
vember, Columbus  sailed  from  Santa  Catalina  (the  name  given  by  him  to 
the  port  last  described)  at  sunrise,  and  stood  for  the  cape  at  the  S. E. 
which  he  called  Cabo  de  Pico.  In  this  it  is  easy  to  recognize  the  high 
peak  already  spoken  ot  as  the  Alto  de  Juan  Daune.  Arrived  off  this  he 
saw  another  cape,  distant  fifteen  leagues,  and  still  farther  another  five 


668  APPENDIX. 

leagues  beyond  it,  which  he  called  Cabo  de  Campana.  The  first  must  be 
that  now  known  as  Point  Padre,  the  second  Point  Mulas:  their  distances 
from  Alto  de  Juan  Daune  are  underrated;  but  it  requires  no  little  experi- 
ence to  estimate  correctly  the  distances  of  the  bold  headlands  of  Cuba,  as 
seen  through  the  pure  atmosphere  that  surrounds  the  island. 

Having  passed  Point  Mulas  in  the  night,  on  the  27th  Columbus  looked 
into  the  deep  bay  that  lies  S.E.  of  it,  and  seeing  the  bold  projecting  head- 
land that  makes  out  between  Port  Nipe  and  Port  Banes,  with  those  deep 
bays  on  each  side  of  it,  he  supposed  it  to  be  an  arm  of  the  sea  dividing 
one  land  from  another  with  an  island  between  them. 

Having  landed  at  Taco  for  a  short  time,  Columbus  arrived  in  the  even- 
ing of  the  27th  at  Baracoa,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Puerto  Santo. 
From  Cabro  del  Pico  to  Puerto  Santo,  a  distance  of  sixty  leagues,  he  had 
passed  no  fewer  than  nine  good  ports  and  live  rivers  to  Cape  Campana, 
and  thence  to  Puerto  Santo  eight  more  rivers,  each  with  a  good  port;  all 
of  which  may  be  found  on  the  chart  between  Alto  de  Juan  Daune  and 
Baracoa.  By  keeping  near  the  coast  he  had  been  assisted  to  the  S.E.  by 
the  eddy  current  of  the  Bahama  channel.  Sailing  from  Puerto  Santo  or 
Baracoa  on  the  4th  of  December,  he  reached  the  extremity  of  Cuba  the 
following  day,  and  striking  off  upon  a  wind  to  the  S.E.  in  search  of  Ba- 
beque,  which  lay  to  the  N.E.,  he  came  in  sight  of  Bohio,  to  which  he  gave 
the  name  of  Hispaniola. 

On  taking  leave  of  Cuba,  Columbus  tells  us  that  he  had  coasted  it  a 
distance  of  120  leagues.  Allowing  twenty  leagues  of  this  distance  for  his 
having  followed  the  undulations  of  the  coast,  the  remaining  100  measured 
from  1Joint  Maysi  fall  exactly  upon  Cabrion  Key,  which  we  have  sup- 
posed the  western  boundary  of  his  discoveries. 

The  astronomical  observations  of  Columbus  form  no  objection  to  what 
has  been  here  advanced;  for  he  tells  us  that  the  instrument  which  he 
made  use  of  to  measure  the  meridian  altitudes  of  the  heavenly  bodies  was 
out  of  order  and  not  to  be  depended  upon.  He  places  his  first  discovery, 
Guanahani,  in  the  latitude  of  Ferro,  which  is  about  27°  30'  north.  San 
Salvador  we  find  in  24°  30' and  Turk's  Island  in  21°  30':  both  are  very 
wide  of  the  truth,  but  it  is  certainly  easier  to  conceive  an  error  of  three 
than  one  of  six  degrees. 

Laying  aside  geographical  demonstration,  let  us  now  examine  how  his- 
torical records  agree  with  the  opinion  here  supported,  that  the  island  of 
San  Salvador  was  the  first  point  where  Columbus  came  in  contact  with 
the  Xew  World.  Herrera,  who  is  considered  the  most  faithful  and  authen- 
tic of  Spanish  historians,  wrote  his  History  of  the  Indies  toward  the 
year  1600.  In  describing  the  voyage  of  Juan  Ponce  de  Leon,  made  to 
Florida  in  1512,  he  makes  the  following  remarks:1  "  Leaving  Aguada  in 
Porto  Rico,  they  steered  to  the  N.  W.  by  N.,  and  in  five  days  arrived  at  an 
island  called  El  Viejo,  in  latitude  22°  30'  north.  The  next  day  they  ar- 
rived at  a  small  island  of  the  Lucayos,  called  Caycos.  On  the  eighth 
day  they  anchored  at  another  island  called  Yaguna  in  24°,  on  the  eighth  day 
out  from  Porto  Rico.  Thence  they  passed  to  the  island  of  Manuega,  in 
24°  30',  and  on  the  eleventh  day  they  reached  Guanahani,  which  is  in  25° 
40'  north.  This  island  of  Guanabani  was  the  first  discovered  by  Colum- 
bus on  his  first  voyage,  and  which  he  called  San  Salvador."  This  is  the 
substance  of  the  remarks  of  Herrera,  and  is  entirely  conclusive  as  to  the 
location  of  San  Salvador.  The  latitudes,  it  is  true,  are  all  placed  higher 
than  we  now  know  them  to  be;  that  of  San  Salvador  being  such  as  to 
correspond  with  no  other  land  than  that  now  known  as  the  Berry  Islands, 

»  Herrera,  Hist.  lud.,  decad.  i.  lib.  is.,  cap.  10. 


APPENDIX.  669 

which  are  seventy  leagues  distant  from  the  nearest  coast  of  Cuba:  where- 
as Columbus  tells  us  that  San  Salvador  was  only  forty-five  leagues  from 
Port  Principe.  But  in  those  infant  days  of  navigation,  the  instruments 
for  measuring  the  altitudes  of  the  heavenly  bodies,  and  the  tables  of 
declinations  for  deducing  the  latitude,  must  have  been  so  imperfect  as  to 
place  the  most  scientific  navigator  of  the  time  below  the  most  mechanical 
one  of  the  present. 

The  second  island  arrived  at  by  Ponce  de  Leon,  in  his  north-western 
course,  was  one  of  the  Caycos;  the  first  one,  then  called  El  Viejo,  must 
have  been  Turk's  Island,  which  lies  S.E.  of  the  Caycos.  The  third  island 
they  came  to  was  probably  Mariguana;  the  fourth,  Crooked  Island;  and 
the  fifth,  Isla  Larga.  Lastly  they  came  to  Guanahani,  the  San  Salvador 
of  Columbus.  If  this  be  supposed  identical  with  Turk's  Island,  where  do 
we  find  the.  succession  of  islands  touched  at  by  Ponce  de  Leon  on  his  way 
from  Porto  liico  to  San  Salvador?1  No  stress  has  been  laid,  in  these 
remarks,  on  the  identity  of  name  which  has  been  preserved  to  San  Salva- 
dor, Concepcion,  and  Port  Principe,  with  those  given  by  Columbus, 
though  traditional  usage  is  of  vast  weight  in  such  matters.  Geographical 
proof,  of  a  conclusive  kind  it  is  thought,  has  been  advanced,  to  enable 
the  world  to  remain  in  its  old  hereditary  belief  that  the  present  island  of 
San  Salvador  is  the  spot  where  Columbus  first  set  foot  upon  the  New 
World.  Established  opinions  of  the  kind  should  not  be  lightly  molested. 
It  is  a  good  old  rule,  that  ought  to  be  kept  in  mind  in  curious  research  as 
well  as  territorial  dealings,  "Do  not  disturb  the  ancient  landmarks." 

Note  to  the  Keriaed  Edition  of  1848.  —  The  Baron  de  Humboldt,  in  bis  "Examon 
Critique  de  rhi-t»ire  de  la  geographic  du  nouveau  continent,"  published  in  1837,  speaks 
repeatedly  in  hi^h  terms  of  the  ability  displayed  in  the  above  examination  of  the  route  of 
Coiumbus,  and  argue*  at  great  length  and  quite  conclusively  in  support  of  the  opinion 
contained  in  it.  Above  all,  he  produce*  a  document  hitherto  unknown,  and  the  great 
importance  of  which  had  been  discovered  by  M.  Valeknaer  and  himself  in  is  ;j.  This  IB 
a  map  made  in  ]">00  l«y  that  able  mariner  Juan  de  la  Cosa,  who  accompanied  Columbus  in 
his  second  voyage  and  sailed  with  other  of  the  dise.iveivis.  In  this  map,  of  which  the 
Baron  de  Humboldt  gives  an  engraving,  the  islands  as  laid  down  agree  completely  with 
the  bearings  and  distance*  given  in  the  journal  of  Columbus,  and  establishes  the  identity 
of  San  Salvador,  or  Cat  Island,  and  Guanahani. 

"  I  feel  happy,"  says  M.  de  flumboldt,  "  to  be  enabled  to  destroy  the  incertitudes 
(which  rested  on  this  subject)  by  a  document  as  ancient  as  it  is  unknown;  a  document 
which  coni'mns  irrevocably  the  arguments  which  Mr.  Washington  Irving  has  given  in  his 
work  against  the  hypotheses  of  the  Turk's  Island." 

In  the  present  revised  edition  the  author  feels  at  liberty  to  give  the  merit  of  the  very 
masterly  paper  on  the  route  of  Columbus  where  it  is  justly  due.  It  was  furnished  him 
at  Madrid  by  the  late  commander  Alexander  Slidel  Mackenzie,  of  the  United  States 
navy,  whose  modesty  shrunk  from  affixing  his  name  to  an  article  so  calculated  to  do  him 
credit,  uud  which  has  since  challenged  the  high  eulogiuius  of  men  of  nautical  science. 


No.  XVIII. 

PRINCIPLES  UPON  WHICH  THE   SUMS   MENTIONED   IN   THIS  WORK   HAVE 
BEEN   REDUCED   INTO   MODERN    CURRENCY. 

IN  the  reign  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  the  mark  of  silver,  which  was 
equal  to  8  ounces  or  to  50  castillanos  was  divided  into  65  reals,  and  each 
real  into  34  maravedies;  so  that  there  were  2210maravedies  in  the  mark  of 
silver.  Among  other  silver  coins  there  was  the  real  of  8,  which,  consist- 

1  In  the  first  chapter  of  Herrera's  description  of  the  Indies,  appended  to  his  history, 
\B  another  scale  of  the  Bahama  Islands,  which  corroborates  the  above.  It  begins  at  the 
opposite  end,  at  the  N.\V.,  aud  iuus  down  to  the  S-E.  It  in  thought  unnecessary  to  cite 
It  particularly. 


670  APPENDIX. 

ing  of  8  reals,  was,  within  a  small  fraction,  the  eighth  part  of  a  mark  of 
silver,  or  one  ounce.  Of  the  gold-coins  then  in  circulation  the  castillano 
or  dobla  de  la  cunda  was  worth  4'JO  maravedies,  and  the  ducadooSo  mara- 
veJies. 

If  the  value  of  the  inaravedi  had  remained  unchanged  in  Spain  down 
to  the  present  day,  it  would  be  easy  to  reduce  a  sum  of  the  time  of  Ferdi- 
nand and  Isabella  into  a  correspondent  sum  of  current  money;  but  by  the 
successive  depreciations  of  the  coin  of  Vellon,  or  mixed  metals,  issued 
since  that  period,  the  real  and  maravedi  of  Vellon,  which  had  replaced 
the  ancient  currency,  were  reduced  toward  the  year  1700,  to  about  a  third 
of  the  old  real  and  maravedi,  now  known  as  the  real  and  inaravedi  of  silver. 
As,  however,  the  ancient  piece  of  8  reals  was  equal  approximately  to  the 
ounce  of  silver,  and  the  duro,  or  dollar  of  the  present  day,  is  likewise 
equal  to  an  ounce,  they  may  be  considered  identical.  Indeed,  in  Spanish 
America,  the  dollar,  instead  of  being  divided  into  20  reals,  as  in  Spain,  is 
divided  into  only  8  parts  called  reals,  which  evidently  represent  the  real 
of  the  time  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  as  the  dollar  does  the  real  of  8. 
But  the  ounce  of  silver  was  anciently  worth  276£  maravedis;  the  dollar, 
therefore,  is  likewise  equal  to  270£  maravedies.  By  converting  then  the 
sums  mentioned  in  this  work  into  maravedies  they  have  been  afterward 
reduced  into  dollars  by  dividing  by  27(>i. 

There  is  still,  however,  another  calculation  to  be  made,  before  we  can 
arrive  at  the  actual  value  of  any  sum  of  gold  and  silver  mentioned  in 
former  times.  It  is  necessary  to  notice  the  variation  which  has  taken 
place  in  the  value  of  the  metals  themselves.  In  Europe,  previous  to  the 
discovery  of  the  Xew  World,  an  ounce  of  gold  commanded  an  amount  of 
food  or  labor  which  would  cost  three  ounces  at  the  present  day;  hence  an 
ounce  of  gold  was  then  estimated  at  three  times  its  present  value.  At  the 
same  time  an  ounce  of  silver  commanded  an  amount  which  at  present 
costs  4  ounces  of  silver.  It  appears  from  this,  that  the  value  of  gold  and 
silver  varied  with  respect  to  each  other,  as  well  as  with  respect  to  all 
other  commodities.  This  is  owing  to  there  having  been  much  more  silver 
brought  from  the  Xew  World,  with  respect  to  the  quantity  previously  in 
circulation,  than  there  has  been  of  gold.  In  the  fifteenth  century  one 
ounce  of  gold  was  equal  to  about  12  of  silver;  and  now,  in  the  year  1827, 
it  is  exchanged  against  16. 

Hence  giving  an  idea  of  the  relative  value  of  the  sums  mentioned  in 
this  work,  it  has  been  found  necessary  to  multiply  them  by  three  when 
in  gold,  and  by  four  when  expressed  in  silver.1 

It  is  expedient  to  add  that  the  dollar  is  reckoned  in  this  work  at  100 
cents  of  the  United  States  of  North  America,  and  four  shillings  and  six- 
pence of  England. 

No.  XIX. 
PRESTER  JOHN: 

SAID  to  be  derived  from  the  Persian  Prestegani  or  Pere-stir/ani,  which 
signifies  apostolique;  or  PreKchtak  Geham,  angel  of  the  world.  It  is  the 
name  of  a  potent  Christian  monarch  of  shadowy  renown,  whose  domin- 
ions were  placed  by  writers  of  the  middle  ages  sometimes  in  the  remote 
parts  of  Asia  and  sometimes  in  Africa,  and  of  whom  such  contradictory 
accounts  were  given  by  the  travellers  of  those  days  that  the  very  existence 
either  of  him  or  his  kingdom  came  to  be  considered  doubtful.  It  now 

1  See  Caballero  Pesos  y  Medidau.    J.  B.  cjay,  Economic  Polilique. 


APPENDIX.  671 

appears  to  be  admitted  that  there  really  was  such  a  potentate  in  a  remote 
part,  of  Asia.  He  was  of  the  Nestorian  Christians,  a  sect  spread  through- 
out Asia,  and  taking  its  name  and  origin  from  Nestorius,  a  Christian 
patriarch  of  Constantinople. 

The  first  vague  reports  of  a  Christian  potentate  in  the  interior  of  Asia, 
or  as  it  was  then  railed,  India,  were  brought  to  Europe  by  the  Crusaders, 
who  it  is  supposed  gathered  them  from  the  Syrian  merchants  who  traded 
to  the  very  confines  of  China. 

In  subsequent  ages,  when  the  Portuguese  in  their  travels  and  voyages 
discovered  a  Christian  king  among  the  Abyssinians,  called  Baleel-Gian, 
they  confounded  him  with  the  potentate  already  spoken  of.  Nor  was  the 
blunder  extraordinary,  since  the  original  Prester  John  was  said  to  reign 
over  a  remote  part  of  India;  and  the  ancients  included  in  that  name 
Ethiopia  and  all  the  regions  of  Africa  and  Asia  bordering  on  the  Ked  Sea 
and  on  the  commercial  route  from  Egypt  to  India. 

Of  the  Prester  John  of  India  we  have  reports  furnished  by  William 
Kuysbrook,  commonly  called  Uubruquis,  a  Franciscan  friar  sent  by  Louis 
IX.,  about  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century,  to  convert  the  Grand 
Khan.  According  to  him,  Prester  John  was  originally  a  Nestorian  priest, 
who  on  the  death  of  the  sovereign  made  himself  King  of  the  Naymans, 
all  Nestorian  Christians.  Carpini,  a  Franciscan  friar,  sent  by  Pope  Inno- 
cent in  1245  to  convert  the  Mongols  of  Persia,  says  that  Ocoday,  one  of 
the  sons  of  Ghengis  Khan  of  Tartary,  inarched  with  an  army  against  the 
Christians  of  Grand  India.  The  king  of  that  country,  who  was  calletl 
Prester  John,  came  to  their  succor.  Having  \jad  figures  of  men  made  of 
bronze,  he  had  them  fastened  on  the  saddles  of  horses,  and  put  fire  with- 
in, with  a  man  behind  with  a  bellows.  When  they  came  to  battle  these 
horses  were  put  in  the  advance,  and  the  men  who  were  seated  behind  the 
figures  threw  something  into  the  fire,  and  blowing  with  their  bellows, 
made  such  a  smoke  that  the  Tartars  were  quite  covered  with  it. 

They  then  fell  on  them,  despatched  many  with  their  arrows,  and  put 
the  rest  to  flight. 

Marco  Polo  (1271)  places  Prester  John  near  the  great  wall  of  China,  to 
the  north  of  Chan-si,  in  Teudich,  a  populous  region  full  of  cities  and 
castles. 

Mandeville  (1332)  makes  Prester  sovereign  of  Upper  India  (Asia),  with 
four  thousand  islands  tributary  to  him. 

When  John  II.  of  Portugal,  was  pushing  his  discoveries  along  the 
African  coast,  he  was  informed  that  350  leagues  to  the  east  of  the  king- 
dom of  Benin  in  the  profound  depths  of  Africa,  there  was  a  puissant 
monarch,  called  Ogave,  who  had  spiritual  and  temporal  jurisdiction  over 
all  the  surrounding  kings. 

An  African  prince  assured  him,  also,  that  to  the  east  of  Timbuctoo 
there  was  a  sovereign  who  professed  a  religion  similar  to  that  of  the 
Christians  and  was  king  of  a  Mosaic  people. 

King  John  now  supposed  he  had  found  traces  of  the  real  Prester  John, 
with  whom  he  was  eager  to  form  an  alliance  religious  as  well  as  com- 
mercial. In  1487  he  sent  envoys  by  land  in  quest  of  him.  One  was  a 
gentleman  of  his  household,  Pedro  de  Covilham;  the  other,  Alphonso  de 
Paiva.  They  went  by  Naples  to  Rhodes,  thence  to  Cairo,  thence  to  Aden 
on  the  Arabian  Gulf  above  the  mouth  of  the  Red  Sea. 

Here  they  separated  with  an  agreement  to  rendezvous  at  Cairo.  Al- 
phonso de  Paiva  sailed  direct  for  Ethiopia;  Pedro  de  Covilham  for  the 
Indies.  The  latter  passed  to  Callicut  and  Goa,  where  he  embarked  for 
Sofala  on  the  eastern  coast  of  Africa,  thence  returned  to  Aden,  and  made 
his  way  back  to  Cairo.  Here  he  learned  that  his  coadjutor,  Alphonso  de 


672  APPENDIX. 

Paiva,  had  rlied  in  that  city.  He  found  two  Portuguese  .Tows  waiting  for 
him  with  fresh  orders  from  King  John  not  to  give  up  his  researches  after 
Prester  John  until  he  found  him.  One  of  the  Jews  he  sent  back  with  a 
journal  and  verbal  accounts  of  his  travels.  With  the  other  lie  set  off 
again  for  Aden;  thence  to  Ormuz,  at  the  entrance  of  the  gulf  of  Per.-ia. 
where  all  the  rich  merchandise  of  the  East  was  brought  to  be  transported 
thence  by  Syria  and  Egypt  into  Europe. 

Having  taken  note  of  every  tiling  here,  he  embarked  on  the  Red  Sea, 
and  arrived  at  the  court  of  an  Abyssinian  prince  named  Escander  (the 
Arabic  version  of  Alexander),  whom  he  considered  the  real  Prester  .John. 
The  prince  received  him  graciously,  and  manifested  a  disposition  to  favor 
the  object  of  his  embassy,  but  died  suddenly,  and  his  successor  Naut  re- 
fused to  let  Covilham  depart,  but  kept  him  for  many  years  about  his 
person,  as  his  prime  councillor,  lavishing  on  him  wealth  and  honors. 
After  all,  this  was  not  the  real  Prester  John,  who  as  has  been  observed, 
was  an  Asiatic  potentate. 

No.  XX. 

MARCO  POLO.1 

THE  travels  of  Marco  Polo,  or  Paolo,  furnish  a  key  to  many  parts  of 
the  voyages  and  speculations  of  Columbus,  which  without  it  would  hardly 
be  comprehensible. 

Marco  Polo  was  a  native  of  Venice,  who.  in  the  thirteenth  century, 
made  a  journey  into  the  remote,  and,  at  that  tune,  unknown  regions  of 
the  East,  and  filled  all  Christendom  with  curiosity  by  his  account  of  'he 
countries  he  had  visited.  He  was  preceded  in  his  travels  by  his  father 
Nicholas  and  his  uncle  Maffeo  Polo.  These  two  brothers  were  of  an 
illustrious  family  in  Venice,  and  embarked  about  the  year  1255  on  a 
commercial  voyage  to  the  East.  Having  traversed  the  Mediterranean  and 
through  the  Bosphorus,  they  stopped  for  a  short  time  at  Constantinople, 
which  city  had  recently  been  wrested  from  the  Greeks  by  the  joint  arms 
of  France  and  Venice.  Here  they  disposed  of  their  Italian  merchandise, 
and,  having  purchased  a  stock  of  jewellery,  departed  on  an  adventurous 
expedition  to  trade  with  the  western  Tartars,  who,  having  overrun  many 
parts  of  Asia  and  Europe,  were  settling  and  forming  cities  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  Wolga.  After  traversing  the  Euxine  to  Soldaia  (at  present  Sudak), 
a  port  in  the  Crimea,  they  continued  on,  by  land  and  water,  until  they 
reached  the  military  court,  or  rather  camp,  of  a  Tartar  prince,  named 
Barkah,  a  descendant  of  Ghengis  Khan,  into  whose  hands  they  confided 
all  their  merchandise.  The  barbaric  chieftain,  while  he  was  dazzled  by 
their  precious  commodities,  was  flattered  by  the  entire  confidence  in  his 
justice  manifested  by  these  strangers.  He  repaid  them  with  princely 
munificence,  and  loaded  them  with  favors  during  a  year  that  they  re- 
mained at  his  court.  A  war  breaking  out  between  their  patron  and  his 
cousin  Hulagu,  chief  of  the  eastern  Tartars,  and  Barkah  being  defeated, 
the  Polos  were  embarrassed  how  to  extricate  themselves  from  the  country 
and  return  home  in  safety.  The  road  to  Constantinople  being  cut  off  by 

1  Tn  preparing  the  first  edition  of  this  work  for  he  press  the  author  had  not  the 
benefit  of  the  English  translation  of  Marco  Polo,  published  a  few  years  since,  with 
admirable  commentaries,  by  William  Marsden,  F.U.8.  He  availed  himself,  principally, 
of  an  Italian  version  in  the  Venetian  edition  of  liamusio  li.ii.;,,  the  French  tiu-i>i;iti"ii 
by  Bergeron,  and  an  old  and  very  incorrect  Spanish  translation.  Having  since  procured 
the  work  of  Mr.  Marnden  he  Las  made  considerable  alterations  iu  them;  uotices  of 
Marco  1'ulo. 


APPENDIX.  673 

the  enemy,  they  took  a  circuitous  route,  round  the  head  of  the  Caspian 
Sea,  and  through  the  deserts  of  Transoxiana,  until  they  arrived  in  the. 
city  of  Bokhara,  where  they  resided  for  three  years. 

While  here  there  arrived  a  Tartar  nobleman  who  was  on  an  embassy 
from  the  victorious  Hulagu  to  his  brother  the  Grand  Khan.  The  ambas- 
sador became  acquainted  with  the  Venetians,  and  finding  them  to  be 
versed  in  the  Tartar  tongue,  and  possessed  of  curious  and  valuable  knowl- 
edge, he  prevailed  upon  them  to  accompany  him  to  the  court  of  the 
emperor,  situated,  as  they  supposed,  at  the  very  extremity  of  the  East. 

After  a  inarch  of  several  months,  being  delayed  by  snow-storms  and 
inundations,  they  arrived  at  the  court  of  Cublai,  otherwise  called  the 
Great  Khan,  which  signifies  King  of  Kings,  being  the  sovereign  potentate 
of  the  Tartars.  This  magnificent  prince  received  them  with  great  dis- 
tinction; he  made  inquiries  about  the  countries  and  princes  of  the  West, 
their  civil  and  military  government,  and  the  manners  and  customs  of  the 
Latin  nation.  Above  all,  he  was  curious  on  the  subject  of  the  Christian 
religion.  He  was  so  much  struck  by  their  replies,  that,  after  holding  a 
council  with  the  chief  persons  of  his  kingdom,  he  entreated  the  two 
brothers  to  go  on  his  part  as  ambassadors  to  the  pope,  to  entreat  him  to 
srnd  a  hundred  learned  men  well  instructed  in  the  Christian  faith,  to 
impart  a  knowledge  of  it  to  the  sages  of  his  empire.  He  also  entreated 
them  to  bring  him  a  little  oil  from  the  lamp  of  our  Saviour,  in  Jerusalem, 
which  he  concluded  must  have  marvellous  virtues.  It  has  been  supposed, 
and  with  great  reason,  that  under  this  covert  of  religion,  the  shrewd 
Tartar  sovereign  veiled  motives  of  a  political  nature.  The  influence  of 
the  pope  in  promoting  the  crusades  had  caused  his  power  to  l>e  known 
and  respected  throughout  the  East;  it  was  of  some  moment,  therefore,  to 
conciliate  his  good-will.  Cublai  Khan  had  no  bigotry  nor  devotion  to  any 
particular  faith,  and  probably  hoped,  by  adopting  Christianity,  to  make 
it  a  common  cause  between  himself  and  the  warlike  princes  of  Christen- 
dom, against  his  and  their  inveterate  enemies,  the  soldan  of  Egypt  and 
tin-  Saracens. 

Having  written  letters  to  the  pope  in  the  Tartar  language,  he  delivered 
tli-'in  to  the  Polos,  and  appointed  one  of  the  principal  noblemen  of  his 
court  to  accompany  them  in  their  mission.  On  their  taking  leave  he 
furnished  them  with  a  tablet  of  gold  on  which  was  engraved  the  royal 
arms;  this  was  to  serve  as  a  passport,  at  sight  of  which  the  governors 
of  the  various  provinces  were  to  entertain  them,  to  furnish  them  with 
escorts  through  dangerous  places,  and  render  them  all  other  necessary 
services  at  the  expense  of  the  Great  Khan. 

They  had  sc°.rce  proceeded  twenty  miles,  when  the  nobleman  who 
accompanied  their:  fell  ill,  and  they  were  obliged  to  leave  him,  and  con- 
tinue on  their  route.  Their  golden  passport  procured  them  every  atten- 
tion and  facility  throughout  the  dominions  of  the  Great  Khan.  They 
arrived  safely  at  Acre,  in  April,  12(59.  Here  they  received  news  of  the 
recent  death  of  Pope  Clement  IV.,  at  which  they  were  much  grieved, 
fearing  it  would  cause  delay  in  their  mission.  There  was  at  that  time  in 
Acre  a  legate  of  the  holy  chair,  Tebaldo  di  Vesconti,  of  Placentia,  to 
whom  they  gave  an  account  of  their  embassy%  He  heard  them  with  great 
attention  and  interest,  and  advised  them  to  await  the  election  of  a  new 
pope,  which  must  soon  take  place,  before  they  proceeded  to  Rome  on 
their  mission.  They  determined  in  the  interim  to  make  a  visit  to  their 
families,  and  accordingly  departed  for  Negropont,  and  thence  to  Venice, 
where  great  changes  had  taken  place  in  their  domestic  concerns,  during 
their  long  absence.  The  wife  of  Nicholas,  whom  be  had  left  pregnant, 
ha.l  died,  in  giving  birth  to  a  son,  who  had  been  named  Marco. 


674  APPENDIX. 

As  the  contested  election  for  the  new  pontiff  remained  pending  for  two 
years,  they  were  uneasy,  lest  the  Emperor  of  Tartary  should  grow  im- 
patient at  so  long  a  postponement  of  the  conversion  of  himself  and  his 
people;  they  determined,  therefore,  not  to  wait  the  election  of  a  pope, 
but  to  proceed  to  Acre,  and  get  such  despatches  and  such  ghostly  minis- 
try for  the  Grand  Khan  as  the  legate  could  furnish.  On  the  second 
journey,  Nicholas  Polo  took  with  him  his  son  Marco,  who  afterward 
wrote  an  account  of  these  travels. 

They  were  again  received  with  great  favor  hy  the  legate  Tehaldo,  who, 
anxious  for  the  success  of  their  mission,  furnished  them  with  letters  to 
the  Grand  Khan,  in  which  the  doctrines  of  the  Christian  faith  were  fully 
expounded.  With  these,  and  with  a  supply  of  the  holy  oil  from  the 
sepulchre,  they  once  more  set  out,  in  September,  1271,  for  the  remote 
parts  of  Tartary.  They  had  not  long  departed,  when  missives  arrived 
from  Rome,  informing  the  legate  of  his  own  election  to  the  holy  chair. 
lie  took  the  name  of  Gregory  X.,  and  decreed  that  in  future,  on  the  death 
of  a  pope,  the  cardinals  should  he  shut  up  in  conclave  until  they  elected 
a  successor;  a  wise  regulation,  which  has  since  continued,  enforcing  a 
prompt  decision,  and  preventing  intrigue. 

Immediately  on  receiving  intelligence  of  his  election,  he  despatched  a 
courier  to  the  King  of  Armenia,  requesting  that  the  two  Venetians  might 
be  sent  hack  to  him,  if  they  had  not  departed.  They  joyfully  returned, 
and  were  furnished  with  new  letters  to  the  Khan.  Two  elegant  friars, 
also,  Nicholas  Vincent  and  Gilbert  de  Tripoli,  were  sent  with  them,  with 
powers  to  ordain  priests  and  bishops  and  to  grant  absolution.  They  had 
presents  of  crystal  vases,  and  other  costly  articles  to  deliver  to  the  Grand 
Khan;  and  thus  well  provided,  they  once  more  set  forth  on  their  journey.1 

Arriving  in  Armenia,  they  ran  great  risk  of  their  lives  from  the  war 
which  was  raging,  the  soldan  of  Babylon  having  invaded  the  country. 
They  took  refuge  for  some  time  with  the  superior  of  a  monastery.  Here 
the  two  reverend  fathers,  losing  all  courage  to  prosecute  so  perilous  an 
enterprise,  determined  to  remain,  and  the  Venetians  continued  their 
journey.  They  were  a  long  time  on  the  way,  and  exposed  to  great  hard- 
ships and  sufferings  from  floods  and  snow-storms,  it  being  the  winter 
season.  At  length  they  reached  a  town  in  the  dominions  of  the  Khan. 
That  potentate  sent  officers  to  meet  them  at  forty  days'  distance  from  the 
court,  and  to  provide  quarters  for  them  during  their  journey.2  He  re- 
ceived them  with  great  kindness,  was  highly  gratified  with  the  result  of 
their  mission  and  with  the  letters  of  the  pope,  and  having  received  from 
them  some  oil  from  the  lamp  of  the  holy  sepulchre,  he  had  it  locked  up, 
and  guarded  it  as  a  precious  treasure. 

The  three  Venetians,  father,  brother,  and  son,  were  treated  with  such 
distinction  ,by  the  Khan,  that  the  courtiers  were  filled  with  jealousy. 
Marco  soon,  however,  made  himself  popular,  and  was  particularly  es- 
teemed by  the  emperor.  He  acquired  the  four  principal  languages  of  the 
country,  and  was  of  such  remarkable  capacity  that,  notwithstanding  his 
youth,  the  Khan  employed  him  in  missions  and  services  of  importance, 
in  various  parts  of  his  dominions,  some  to  the  distance  of  even  six 
months'  journey.  On  these  expeditions  he  was  industrious  in  gathering 
all  kinds  of  information  respecting  that  vast  empire;  and  from  notes  and 
minutes  made  for  the  satisfaction  of  the  Grand  Khan,  he  afterward  com- 
posed the  history  of  his  travels. 

1  Kainii-io,  loin.  lii. 

.  2  Bergeron,  by  blunder  in  the  translation  from  the  original  Latin,  has  utaleil  that  tho 
Khan  oi-ni  -W.tHiu  nn-n  to  excort  thi-in.  This  hax  drawn  I  IK-  ire  of  the  critics  upou  Marco 
Polo,  who  lui\c  cilcd  it  ao  oue  of  bib  inouetrouB  exaggcaalious. 


APPENDIX.  675 

After  ahont  seventeen  years  residence  in  the  Tartar  court  the  Venetians 
felt  a  longing  to  return  to  their  native  country.  Their  patron  was 
advanced  in  age  and  could  not  survive  much  longer,  and  after  his  death, 
their  return  might  be  difficult  if  not  impossible.  They  applied  to  the 
Grand  Khan  for  permission  to  depart,  but  for  a  time  met  with  a  refusal, 
accompanied  by  friendly  upbraidings.  At  length  a  singular  train  of 
events  operated  in  their  favor;  an  embassy  arrived  from  a  Mogul  Tartai 
prince,  who  ruled  in  Persia;  and  who  was  grand-nephew  10  the  emperor. 
The  object  was  to  entreat,  as  a  spouse,  a  princess  of  the  imperial  lineage. 
A  grand-daughter  of  Cublai  Khan,  seventeen  years  of  age,  and  of  great 
beauty  and  accomplishments,  was  granted  to  the  prayer  of  the  prince, 
and  departed  for  Persia  with  the  ambassadors,  and  with  a  splendid 
retinue,  but  after  travelling  for  some  months,  was  obliged  to  return  on 
account  of  the  distracted  state  of  the  country. 

The  ambassadors  despaired  of  conveying  the  beautiful  bride  to  the 
arms  of  her  expecting  bridegroom,  when  Marco  Polo  returned  from  a 
voyage  to  certain  of  the  Indian  islands.  His  representations  of  the  safety 
of  a  voyage  in  those  seas,  and  his  private  instigations,  induced  the  am- 
bassadors to  urge  the  Grand  Khan  for  permission  to  convey  the  princess 
by  sea  to  the  Gulf  of  Persia,  and  that  the  Christians  might  accompany 
them,  as  being  best  experienced  in  maritime  affairs.  Cublai  Khan  con- 
sented with  great  reluctance,  and  a  splendid  fleet  was  fitted  out  and 
victualled  for  two  years,  consisting  of  fourteen  ships  of  four  masts,  some 
of  which  had  crews  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  men. 

On  parting  with  the  Venetians  the  munificent  Khan  gave  them  rich 
presents  of  jewels,  and  made  them  promise  to  return  to  him  after  they 
had  visited  their  families.  He  authorized  them  to  act  as  his  ambassadors 
to  the  principal  courts  of  Europe,  and,  as  on  a  former  occasion,  furnished 
them  with  tablets  of  gold,  to  serve,  not  merely  as  passports,  but  as  orders 
upon  all  commanders  in  his  territories  for  accommodations  and  supplies. 

They  set  sail  therefore  in  the  fleet  with  the  Oriental  princess  and  her 
attendants  and  the  Persian  ambassadors.  The  ships  swept  along  the 
coast  of  Cochin  China,  stopped  for  three  months  at  a  port  of  the  island 
of  .Sumatra  near  the  western  entrance  of  the  Straits  of  Malacca,  waiting 
for  the  change  of  the  monsoon  to  pass  the  Bay  of  Bengal.  Traversing  this 
vast  expanse  they  touched  at  the  island  of  Ceylon  and  then  crossed  the 
strait  to  the  southern  part  of  the  great  peninsula  of  India.  Thence  sail- 
ing up  the  Pirate  coast,  as  it  is  called,  the  fleet  entered  the  Persian  Gulf 
and  arrived  at  the  famous  port  of  Olmuz.  where  it  is  presumed  the 
voyage  terminated,  after  eighteen  months  spent  in  traversing  the  Indian 
seas. 

Unfortunately  for  the  royal  bride  who  was  the  object  of  this  splendid 
naval  expedition,  her  bridegroom,  the  Mogul  king,  had  died  some  time 
before  her  arrival,  leaving  a  son  named  Ghazan,  during  whose  minority 
the  government  was  administered  by  his  uncle,  Kai-Khatu.  According 
to  the  directions  of  the  regent,  the  princess  was  delivered  to  the  youthful 
prince,  son  of  her  intended  spouse.  He  was  at  that  time  at  the  head  of 
an  army  on  the  borders  of  Persia.  He  was  of  a  diminutive  stature  but 
of  a  great  soul,  and,  on  afterwards  ascending  the  throne,  acquired  renown 
for  his  talents  and  virtues.  What  became  of  the  Eastern  bride,  who  had 
travelled  so  far  in  quest  of  a  husband,  is  not  known;  but  every  thing 
favorable  is  to  be  inferred  from  the  character  of  Ghazan. 

The  Polos  remained  some  time  in  the  court  of  the  regent,  and  then 
departed,  with  fresh  tablets  of  gold  given  by  that  prince,  to  carry  them 
in  safety  and  honor  through  his  dominions.  As  they  had  to  traverse 
many  countries  where  the  traveller  is  exposed  to  extreme  peril,  they 


676  APPENDIX. 

appeared  on  their  journeys  as  Tartars  of  low  condition,  having  converted 
all  their  wealth  into  precious  stones  and  sewn  them  up  in  the  folds  and 
linings  of  their  coarse  garments.  They  had  a  long,  difficult,  and  peril- 
ous journey  to  Trebizoud,  whence  they  proceeded  to  Constantinople, 
thence  to  Negropont,  and,  finally  to  Venice,  where  they  arrived  in  1295, 
in  good  health,  and  literally  laden  with  riches.  Having  heard  during 
their  journey  of  the  death  of  their  old  benefactor,  Cublai  Khan,  they 
considered  their  diplomatic  functions  at  an  end,  and  also  that  they  were 
absolved  from  their  promise  to  return  to  his  dominions. 

Kamusio,  in  his  preface  to  the  narrative  of  Marco  Polo,  gives  a  variety 
of  particulars  concerning  their  arrival,  which  he  compares  to  that  of 
Ulysses.  When  they  arrived  at  Venice,  they  were  known  by  nobody, 
feo  many  years  had  elapsed  since  their  departure  without  any  tidings  of 
them,  that  they  were  either  forgotten  or  considered  dead.  Besides,  their 
foreign  garb,  the  influence  of  southern  suns,  and  the  similitude  which 
men  acquire  to  those  among  whom  they  reside  for  any  length  of  time, 
had  given  them  the  look  of  Tartars  rather  than  Italians. 

They  repaired  to  their  own  house,  which  was  a  noble  palace,  situated 
In  the  street  of  !St.  Giovanne  Chrisostomo,  and  was  afterward  known  by 
the  name  of  la  Corte  de  la  Milione.  They  found  several  of  their  relatives 
still  inhabiting  it;  but  they  were  slow  in  recollecting  the  travellers,  not 
knowing  of  their  wealth,  and  probably  considering  them,  from  their 
coarse  and  foreign  attire,  poor  adventurers  returned  to  be  a  charge  upon 
their  families.  The  Polos,  however,  took  an  effectual  mode  of  quicken- 
ing the  memories  of  their  friends,  and  insuring  themselves  a  loving  recep- 
tion. They  invited  them  all  to  a  grand  banquet.  When  their  guests 
arrived,  they  received  them  richly  dressed  in  garments  of  crimson  satin  of 
Oriental  fashion.  When  water  had  been  served  for  the  washing  of  hands, 
and  the  company  were  summoned  to  table,  the  travellers,  who  had  retired, 
appeared  again  in  still  richer  robes  of  crimson  damask.  The  first  dresses 
were  cut  up  and  distributed  among  the  servants,  being  of  such  length 
that  they  swept  the  ground,  which,  says  Kamusio,  was  the  mode  in  those 
days  with  dresses  worn  within  doors.  After  the  first  course,  they  again 
retired  and  came  in  dressed  in  crimson  velvet;  the  damask  dresses  being 
likewise  given  to  the  domestics,  and  the  same  was  done  at  the  end  of  the 
feast  with  their  velvet  robes,  when  they  appeared  in  the  Venetian  dress 
of  the  day.  The  guests  were  lost  in  astonishment,  and  could  not  com- 
prehend the  meaning  of  this  masquerade.  Having  dismissed  all  the  at- 
ten  lants,  Marco  Polo  brought  forth  the  coarse  Tartar  dresses  in  which 
they  had  arrived.  Slashing  them  in  several  places  with  a  knife,  and  rip- 
ping open  the  seams  and  lining,  there  tumbled  forth  rubies,  sapphires, 
emeralds,  diamonds,  and  other  precious  stones,  until  the  whole  table  glit- 
tered with  inestimable  wealth,  acquired  from  the  munificence  of  the 
Grand  Khan,  and  conveyed  in  this  portable  form  through  the  perils  of 
their  long  journey. 

The  company,  observes  Ramusio,  were  out  of  their  wits  with  amaze- 
ment, and  now  clearly  perceived  what  they  had  at  first  doubted,  that  these 
in  very  truth  were  those  honored  and  valiant  gentlemen  the  Polos,  and, 
accordingly,  paid  them  great  respect  and  reverence. 

The  account  of  this  curious  feast  is  given  by  Kamusio,  on  traditional 
authority,  having  heard  it  many  times  related  by  the  illustrious  Gasparo 
Malipiero,  a  very  ancient  gentleman,  and  a  senator,  of  unquestionable 
veracity,  who  had  it  from  his  father,  who  had  it  from  his  grandfather, 
and  so  on  up  to  the  fountain-head. 

When  the  fame  of  this  banquet  and  of  the  wealth  of  the  travellers 
came  to  be  divulged  throughout  Venice,  all  the  city,  uoble  and  simple, 


APPENDIX.  677 

crowded  to  do  honor  to  the  extraordinary  merit  of  the  Polos.  Maffeo, 
who  was  the  eldest,  was  admitted  to  the  dignity  of  the  magistracy.  The 
youth  of  the  city  came  every  day  to  visit  and  converse  with  Marco  Polo, 
who  was  extremely  amiable  and  communicative.  They  were  insatiable 
in  their  inquiries  about  Cathay  and  the  Grand  Khan,  which  he  answered 
with  great  courtesy,  giving  details  with  which  they  were  vastly  delighted, 
and,  as  he  always  spoke  of  the  wealth  of  the  Grand  Khan  in  round  num- 
bers, they  gave  him  the  name  of  Messer  Marco  Milioni. 

Some  months  after  their  return,  Lampa  Doria,  commander  of  the 
Genoese  navy,  appeared  in  the  vicinity  of  the  island  of  Curzola  with 
seventy  galleys.  Andrea  Dandolo,  the  Venetian  admiral,  was  sent  against 
him.  Marco  Polo  commanded  a  galley  of  the  fleet.  His  usual  good 
fortune  deserted  him.  Advancing  the  first  in  the  line  with  his  galley, 
and  not  being  properly  seconded,  he  was  taken  prisoner,  thrown  in  irons, 
and  carried  to  Genoa.  Here  he  was  detained  fora  longtime  in  prison,  ani 
all  offers  of  ransom  rejected.  His  imprisonment  gave  great  uneasi- 
ness to  his  father  and  uncle,  fearing  that  he  might  never  return.  Seeing 
themselves  in  this  unhappy  state,  with  so  much  treasure  and  no  heirs, 
they  consulted  together.  They  were  both  very  old  men;  but  Nicola, 
observes  Kamusio,  was  of  a  galliard  complexion:  it  was  determined  he 
should  take  a  wife.  He  did  so;  and  to  the  wonder  of  his  friends,  in  four 
years  had  three  children. 

Jn  the  mean  while  the  fame  of  Marco  Polo's  travels  had  circulated  in 
Genoa.  His  prison  was  daily  crowded  with  nobility,  and  he  was  supplied 
with  every  thing  that  could  cheer  him  in  his  confinement.  A  Genoese 
gentleman,  who  visited  him  every  day,  at  length  prevailed  upon  him  to 
write  an  account  of  what  he  had  seen.  He  had  his  papers  and  journals 
sent  to  him  from  Venice,  and  with  the  assistance  of  his  friend,  or.  as 
some  will  have  it,  his  fellow-prisoner,  produced  the  work  which  after- 
ward made  such  noise  throughout  the  world. 

The  merit  of  Marco  Polo  at  length  procured  him  his  liberty.  He  re- 
turned to  Venice,  where  he  found  his  father  with  a  house  full  of  children. 
He  took  it  in  good  part,  followed  the  old  man's  example,  married,  and 
had  two  daughters,  Moivtta  and  Fantina.  The  date  of  the  death  of 
Marco  Polo  is  unknown;  he  is  supposed  to  have  been,  at  the  time,  about 
seventy  years  of  age.  On  his  death-bed  he  is  said  to  have  been  exhorted 
by  his  friends  to  retract  what  he  had  published,  or,  at  least,  to  disavow 
those  parts  commonly  regarded  as  fictions.  He  replied  indignantly  that 
so  far  from  having  exaggerated,  he  had  not  told  one  half  of  the  extraor- 
dinary things  of  which  he  had  been  an  eye-witness. 

Marco  Polo  died  without  male  issue.  Of  the  three  sons  of  his  father 
hy  the  second  marriage,  one  only  had  children  —  viz.,  five  sons  and  one 
daughter.  The  sons  died  without  leaving  issue;  the  daughter  inherited 
all  her  father's  wealth  and  married  into  the  noble  and  distinguished  house 
of  Trevesino.  Thus  the  male  line  of  the  Polos  ceased  in  1417,  and  the 
family  name  was  extinguished. 

Such  are  the  principal  particulars  known  of  Marco  Polo,  a  man  whose 
travels  for  a  long  time  made  a  great  noise  in  Europe,  and  will  be  found 
to  have  had  a  great  effect  on  mo  !ern  discovery.  His  splendid  account  of 
the  extent,  wealth,  and  population  of  the  Tartar  territories  filled  every 
one  with  admiration.  The  possibility  of  bringing  all  those  regions  under 
the  dominion  of  the  Church,  and  rendering  the  Grand  Khan  an  obedient 
va<s:il  to  the  holy  chair,  was  for  a  long  time  a  favorite  topic  among  the 
enthusiastic  missionaries  of  Christendom,  and  there  were  many  saints- 
errant  who  undertook  to  effect  the  conversion  of  this  magnificent  infi.lcl. 

Even  at,  the  distance  of  two  centuries,  when  the  enterprises  for  the  dis- 


673  APPENDIX. 

covery  of  the  new  route  to  India  had  set  all  the  warm  heads  of  Europe 
madding  about  these  remote  regions  of  the  East,  the  conversion  of  the 
Grand  Khan  became  again  a  popular  theme;  and  it  was  too  speculative 
and  romantic  an  enterprise  not  to  catch  the  vivid  imagination  of 
Columbus.  In  all  his  voyages,  he  will  be  found  continually  to  be  seeking 
after  the  territories  of  the  Grand  Khan,  and  even  after  his  last  expe- 
dition, when  nearly  worn  out  by  age,  hardships,  and  infirmities,  he 
offered,  in  a  letter  to  the  Spanish  monarchs,  written  from  a  bed  of  sick- 
ness, to  conduct  any  missionary  to  the  territories  of  the  Tartar  emperor, 
who  would  undertake  his  conversion. 


No.  XXI. 

THE  WORK   OF  MAKCO   POLO. 

THE  work  of  Marco  Polo  is  stated  by  some  to  have  been  originally  writ- 
ten in  Latin,1  though  the  most  probable  opinion  is  that  it  was  written  in 
the  Venetian  dialect  of  the  Italian.  Copies  of  it  in  manuscript  were 
multiplied  and  rapidly  circulated;  translations  were  made  into  various 
languages,  until  the  invention  of  printing  enabled  it  to  be  widely  diffused 
throughout  Europe.  In  the  course  of  these  translations  and  successive 
editions,  the  original  text,  according  to  Purchas,  has  been  much  vitiated, 
and  it  is  probable  many  extravagances  in  numbers  and  measurements 
with  which  Marco  Polo  is  charged  may  be  the  errors  of  translators  and 
printers. 

When  the  work  first  appeared,  it  was  considered  by  some  as  made  up 
of  fictions  and  extravagances,  and  Vossius  assures  us  that  even  after  the 
death  of  Marco  Polo  he  continued  to  be  a  subject  of  ridicule  among 
the  light  and  unthinking,  insomuch  that  he  was  frequently  personated  at 
masquerades  by  some  wit  or  droll,  who,  in  his  feigned  character,  related 
all  kinds  of  extravagant  fables  and  adventures.  His  work,  however,  ex- 
cited great  attention  among  thinking  men,  containing  evidently  a  fund 
of  information  concerning  vast  and  splendid  countries,  before  unknown 
to  the  European  world.  Vossius  assures  us  that  it  was  at  one  time  highly 
esteemed  by  the  learned.  Francis  Pepin,  author  of  the  Brandenburgh 
version,  styles  Polo  a  man  commendable  for  his  piety,  prudence,  and 
fidelity.  Athanasius  Kircher,  in  his  account  of  China,  says  that  none  of 
the  ancients  have  described  the  kingdoms  of  the  remote  East  with  more 
exactness.  Various  other  learned  men  of  past  times  have  borne  tes- 
timony to  his  character,  and  most  of  the  substantial  parts  of  his  work 
have  been  authenticated  by  subsequent  travellers.  The  most  able  and 
ample  vindication  of  Marco  Polo,  however,  is  to  be  found  in  the  English 
translation  of  his  work,  with  copious  notes  and  commentaries,  by  William 
Marsden,  F.R.S.  He  has  diligently  discriminated  between  what  Marco 
Polo  relates  from  his  own  observation,  and  what  he  relates  as  gathered 
from  others;  he  points  out  the  errors  that  have  arisen  from  misinterpre- 
tations, omissions,  or  interpretations  of  translators,  and  he  claims  all 
proper  allowance  for  the  superstitious  coloring  of  parts  of  the  narrative 
frt>m  the  belief,  prevalent  among  the  most  wise  and  learned  of  his  day,  in 
miracles  and  magic.  After  perusing  the  work  of  Mr.  Marsden,  the  char- 
acter of  Marco  Polo  rises  in  the  estimation  of  the  reader.  It  is  evident 
that  his  narration,  as  far  as  related  from  his  own  observations,  is  correct, 
and  that  he  had  re.illy  traversed  a  great  part  of  Tartary  and  China,  and 

1  Hist,  des  Voyages,  torn,  xxvii.  lib.  iv.  cap.  3.    Paris,  1549. 


APPENDIX.  679 

navigated  in  the  Indian  seas.  Some  of  the  countries  and  many  of  the 
islands,  however,  are  evidently  described  from  accounts  given  by  others, 
and  in  these  accounts  are  generally  found  the  fables  which  have  excited 
incredulity  and  ridicule.  As  he  composed  his  work  after  his  return 
home,  partly  from  memory  and  partly  from  memorandums,  he  was  liable 
to  confuse  what  he  had  heard  with  what  he  had  seen,  and  thus  to  give 
undue  weight  to  many  fables  and  exaggerations  which  he  had  received 
from  others. 

Much  has  been  said  of  a  map  brought  from  Cathay  by  Marco  Polo, 
which  was  conserved  in  the  convent  of  San  Michale  de  Murano  in  the 
vicinity  of  Venice,  and  in  which  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  and  the  island 
of  Madagascar  were  indicated,  countries  which  the  Portuguese  claim  the 
merit  of  having  discovered  two  centuries  afterward.  It  has  been  sug- 
gested also  that  Columbus  had  visited  the  convent  and  examined  this  map, 
whence  he  derived  some  of  his  ideas  concerning  the  coast  of  India.  Ac- 
cording to  Kamusio,  however,  who  had  been  at  the  convent,  and  was  well 
acquainted  with  the  prior,  the  map  preserved  there  was  one  copied  by  a 
friar  from  the  original  one  of  Marco  Polo,  and  many  alterations  and  ad- 
ditions had  since  been  made  by  other  hands,  so  that  for  a  longtime  it  lost 
all  credit  with  judicious  people,  until  on  comparing  it  with  the  work  of 
Marco  Polo  it  was  found  in  the  main  to  agree  with  his  descriptions.1 
The  Cape  of  Goo.l  Hope  was  doubtless  among  the  additions  made  sub- 
sequent to  the  discoveries  of  the  Portuguese.2  Columbus  makes  no 
mention  of  this  map,  which  he  most  probably  would  have  done  had  he 
seen  it.  He  seems  to  have  been  entirely  guided  by  the  one  furnished  by 
Paulo  Toscanelli,  and  which  was  apparently  projected  after  the  original 
niii]),  or  after  the  descriptions  of  Marco  Polo  and  the  maps  of  Ptolemy. 

When  the  attention  of  the  world  was  turned  toward  the  remote  parts 
of  Asia  in  the  fifteenth  century,  and  the  Portuguese  were  making  their 
attempts  to  circumnavigate  Africa,  the  narration  of  Marco  Polo  agian 
rose  to  notice.  This,  with  the  travels  of  Nicolo  de  Comte,  the  Venetian, 
and  of  Hieronimo  da  San  Stefano,  a  Genoese,  are  said  to  have  been  the 
principal  lights  by  which  the  Portuguese  guided  themselves  in  their 
voyages.3 

Above  all,  the  influence  which  the  work  of  Marco  Polo  had  over  the 
mind  of  Columbus  gives  it  particular  interest  and  importance.  It  was 
evidently  an  oracular  work  with  him.  He  frequently  quotes  it,  and  on 
his  voyages,  supposing  himself  to  be  on  the  Asiatic  coast,  he  is  continually 
endeavoring  to  discover  the  islands  and  main-lands  described  in  it,  and  to 
find  the  famous  Cipango. 

It  is  proper,  therefore,  to  specify  some  of  those  places,  and  the  manner 
in  which  they  are  described  by  a  Venetian  traveller,  that  the  reader  may 
more  fully  understand  the  anticipations  which  were  haunting  the  mind 
of  Columbus  in  his  voyages  among  the  West  Indian  islands,  and  along 
the  coast  of  Terra  Firma. 

The  winter  residence  of  the  Great  Khan,  according  to  Marco  Polo,  was 
in  the  city  of  Cambalu,  or  Kanbalu  (since  ascertained  to  be  Pekin),  in 
the  province  of  Cathay.  This  city,  he  says,  was  twenty-four  miles  square, 
and  admirably  built.  It  was  impossible,  according  to  Marco  Polo,  to  de- 

1  Kamusio,  vol.  ii.  p.  17. 

J  Mr.  Marsden,  who  has  inspected  a  splendid  foe-simile  of  this  map  preserved  in  the 
British  Museum,  object*  even  to  the  fundamental  part  of  it:  "where,"  he  observes, 
"  situations  are  given  to  places  that  seem  quite  inconsistent  with  the  descriptions  in  the 
travels,  and  cannot  be  attributed  to  their  author,  although  inserted  uu  the  buppoaed 
authority  of  his  writings."  Marsden's  M.  Polo,  lutrod.  p.  xlii. 

3  Hist,  des  Voyages,  torn.  xl.  lib.  xi.  chap.  4. 


680  APPENDIX. 

scribe  the  vast  amount  and  variety  of  merchandise  and  manufactures 
brought  there;  it  would  seem  they  were  enough  to  furnish  the  universe. 
"  Here  are  to  be  seen  in  wonderful  abundance  the  precious  stones,  the 
pearls,  the  silks,  and  the  diverse  perfumes  of  the  East;  scarce  a  day 
passes  that  there  does  not  arrive  nearly  a  thousand  cars  laden  with  silk, 
of  which  they  make  admirable  stuffs  in  this  city." 

The  palace  of  the  Great  Khan  is  magnificently  built,  and  four  miles  in 
circuit.  It  is  rather  a  group  of  palaces.  In  the  interior  it  is  resplendent 
with  gold  and  silver;  and  in  it  are  guarded  the  precious  vases  and  jewels 
of  the  sovereign.  All  the  appointments  of  the  Khan  for  war,  for  the 
chase,  for  various  festivities,  are  described  in  gorgeous  terms.  But  though 
Marco  Polo  is  magnificent  in  his  description  of  the  provinces  of  Cathay, 
and  its  imperial  city  of  Cambalu,  he  outdoes  himself  when  he  conies  to 
describe  the  province  of  Mangi.  This  province  is  supposed  to  be  the 
southern  part  of  China.  It  contains,  he  says,  twelve  hundred  cities. 
The  capital  Quinsai  (supposed  to  be  the  city  of  Hang-cheu)  was  twenty- 
five  miles  from  the  sea,  but  communicated  by  a  river  with  a  port  situated 
oil  the  seacoast,  and  had  great  trade  with  India. 

The  name  Quinsai,  according  to  Marco  Polo,  signifies  the  city  of  heaven; 
he  says  he  has  been  m  it  and  examined  it  diligently,  and  affirms  it  to  be 
the  largest  in  the  world;  and  so  undoubtedly  it  is  if  the  measurement  of 
the  traveller  is  to  be  taken  literally,  for  he  declares  that  it  is  one  hundred 
miles  in  circuit.  This  seeming  exaggeration  has  been  explained  by  sup- 
posing him  to  mean  Chinese  miles  or  li,  which  are  to  the  Italian  miles  in 
the  proportion  of  three  to  eight;  and  Mr.  Marsden  observes  that  the  walls 
even  of  the  modern  city,  the  limits  of  which  have  been  considerably  con- 
tracted, are  estimated  by  travellers  at  sixty  li.  The  ancient  city  has  evi- 
dently been  of  immense  extent,  and  as  Marco  Polo  could  not  be  supposed 
lo  have  measured  the  walls  himself,  he  has  probably  taken  the  loose  and 
incorrect  estimates  of  the  inhabitants.  He  describes  it  also  as  built  upon 
little  islands  like  Venice,  and  has  twelve  thousand  stone  bridges,1  the 
arches  of  which  are  so  high  that  the  largest  vessels  can  pass  under  them 
without  lowering  their  masts.  It  has,  he  affirms,  three  thousand  baths, 
and  six  hundred  thousand  families,  including  domestics.  It  abounds 
with  magnificent  houses,  and  has  a  lake  thirty  miles  in  circuit  within  its 
walls,  on  the  banks  of  which  are  superb  palaces  of  people  of  rank.-  The 
inhabitants  of  Quinsai  are  very  voluptuous,  and  indulge  in  all  kinds  of 
luxuries  and  delights,  particularly  the  women,  who  are  extremely  beau- 
tiful. There  are  many  merchants  and  artisans,  but  the  masters  do  not 
work,  they  employ  servants  to  do  all  their  labor.  The  province  of  Mangi 
was  conquered  by  the  Great  Khan,  who  divided  it  into  nine  kingdoms, 
appointing  to  each  a  tributary  king.  He  drew  from  it  an  immense  rev- 
enue, for  the  country  abounded  in  gold,  silver,  silks,  sugar,  spices,  and 
perfumes. 

1  Another  blunder  in  translation  has  drawn  upon  Marco  Polo  the  indignation  of 
George  Hornius,  who  (in  his  Origin  of  America,  iv.  3)  exclaim*,  "  Who  can  Believe  all 
that  he  says  of  the  city  of  Quinsai?  as  for  example,  that  it  has  stone  bridges  twelve 
thousand  miles  high!  "etc.  It  is  probable  that  many  of  the  exaggerations  in  tin-  ac- 
counts of  Marco  Polo  are  in  fact  the  errors  of  bis  translators. 

Mandeville,  speaking  of  the  same  city,  which  he  calls  Causai,  says  it  is  built  on  the 
w?a  like  Venice,  and  has  twelve  hundred  bridges. 

1  Sir  George  Stautiton  mentions  this  lake  as  being  a  beautiful  sheet  of  water,  about 
three  or  four  miles  in  diameter;  it*  margin  ornamented  with  houses  and  gardens  of 
mandarius,  together  with  temples,  monasteries  for  the  priests  of  Fo,  and  au  imperial 
palace. 


APPENDIX.  681 


ZIPAXGU,  ZIPANGRI,   OR  CIPANGO. 

Fifteen  hundred  miles  from  the  shores  of  Mangi,  according  to  Marco 
Polo,  lay  the  great  island  of  Zipangu,  by  some  written  Zipangri,  and  by 
Columbus  Cipango.1  Marco  Polo  describes  it  as  abounding  in  gold, 
which,  however,  the  king  seldom  permits  to  be  transported  out  of  the 
island.  The  king  has  a  magnificent  palace  covered  with  plates  of  gold, 
as  in  other  countries  the  palaces  are  covered  with  sheets  of  lead  or  cop- 
per. The  halls  and  chambers  are  likewise  covered  with  gold,  the  windows 
adorned  with  it,  sometimes  in  plates  of  the  thickness  of  two  fingers. 
Tin1  island  also  produces  vast  quantities  of  the  largest  and  finest  pearls, 
together  with  a  variety  of  precious  stones;  so  that,  in  fact,  it  abounds  in 
riches.  The  Great  Khan  made  several  attempts  to  conquer  this  island, 
but  in  vain  ;  which  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  if  it  be  true  what  Marco 
Polo  relates,  that  the  inhabitants  had  certain  stones  of  a  charmed  virtue 
inserted  between  the  skin  and  the  flesh  of  their  right  arms,  which, 
through  the  power  of  diabolical  enchantments,  rendered  them  invulner- 
able. This  island  was  an  object  of  diligent  search  to  Columbus. 

About  the  island  of  Zipangu  or  Cipango,  and  between  it  and  the  coast 
of  Mangi,  the  sea,  according  to  Marco  Polo,  is  studded  with  small  islands 
to  the  number  of  seven  thousand  four  hundred  and  forty,  of  which  the 
greater  part  are  inhabited.  There  is  not  one  which  does  not  produce 
odoriferous  trees  and  perfumes  in  abundance.  Columbus  thought  himself 
at  onetime  in  the  midst  of  these  islands. 

These  are  the  principal  places  described  by  Marco  PoJo,  which  occur  in 
the  letters  and  journals  of  Columbus.  The  island  of  Cipango  was  the 
first  land  he  expected  to  make,  and  he  intended  to  visit  afterward  the 
province  of  Mangi,  and  to  seek  the  Great  Khan  in  his  city  of  Cambalu, 
in  the  province  of  Cathay.  Unless  the  reader  can  bear  in  mind  these 
sumptuous  descriptions  of  Marco  Polo,  of  countries  teeming  with  wealth, 
and  cities  where  the  very  domes  and  palaces  flamed  with  gold,  he  will 
have  but  a  faint  idea  of  the  splendid  anticipations  which  filled  the  imagi- 
nation of  Columbus  when  he  discovered,  as  he  supposed,  the  extremity 
of  Asia.  It  was  his  confident  expectation  of  soon  arriving  at  these  coun- 
tries, and  realizing  the  accounts  of  the  Venetian,  that  induced  him  to 
hold  forth  those  promises  of  immediate  wealth  to  the  sovereigns,  which 
caused  so  much  disappointment,  and  brought  upon  him  the  frequent 
reproach  of  exciting  false  hopes  and  indulging  in  wilful  exaggeration. 


No.  XXII. 

SIR  JOHN  MANDEVILLE. 

NEXT  to  Marco  Polo  the  travels  of  Sir  John  Mandeville,  and  his  account 
of  the  territories  of  the  Great  Khan  along  the  coast  of  Asia,  seem  to  have 
been  treasured  up  in  the  mind  of  Columbus. 

Mandeville  was  born  in  the  city  of  St.   Albans.     He  was  devoted  to 

1  Supposed  to  be  those  islands  collectively  called  Japan.  They  are  named  by  the 
Chinese,  tie-pen,  the  terminating  syllable  git  added  by  Marco  Polo,  is  supposed  to  be 
the  Chinese  word  kttf ,  signifying  kingdom,  which  is  commonly  annexed  to  the  names  of 
foreign  countries.  As  the  utetMtee  of  the  nearest  part  of  the  southern  island  from  the 
coasi  of  China,  near  Ning-po,  is  not  more  than  five  hundred  Italian  miles,  Mr.  Marsdeu 
suppose*  Marco  Polo  in  stati'ig  it  to  be  1500,  means  Chinese  miles,  or  li,  which  are  iH  the 
proportion  of  somewhat  more  lhau  one-third  of  the  former. 


682  APPENDIX. 

study  from  his  earliest  childhood,  and  after  finishing  his  general  educa- 
tion applied  himself  to  medicine.  Having  a  great  desire  to  see  the 
remotest  parts  of  the  earth,  then  known,  that  is  to  say,  Asia  and  Africa, 
and  above  all,  to  visit  the  Holy  Land,  he  left  England  in  1332,  and  pass- 
ing through  France  embarked  at  Marseilles.  According  to  his  own 
account  he  visited  Turkey,  Armenia,  Egypt,  Upper  and  Lower  Lybia, 
Syria,  Persia.  Chaldea,  Ethiopia,  Tartary,  Amazonia  and  the  Indies, 
residing  in  their  principal  cities.  But  most  he  says  he  delighted  in 
the  Holy  Land,  where  he  remained  for  a  long  time,  examining  it  with  the 
greatest  minuteness,  and  endeavoring  to  follow  all  the  traces  of  our 
Saviour.  After  an  absence  of  thirty-four  years  he  returned  to  England, 
but  found  himself  forgotten  and  unknown  by  the  greater  part  of  his 
countrymen,  and  a  stranger  in  his  native  place.  He  wrote  a  history  of 
his  travels  in  three  languages  —  English,  French,  and  Latin  —  for  he  was 
master  of  many  tongues.  He  addressed  his  work  to  Edward  III.  His 
wanderings  do  not  seem  to  have  made  him  either  pleased  with  the  world 
at  large  or  contented  with  his  home.  He  railed  at  the  age,  saying  that 
there  was  no  more  virtue  extant,  that  the  Church  was  ruined;  error 
prevalent  among  the  clergy;  simony  upon  the  throne;  and,  in  a  word, 
that  the  devil  reigned  triumphant.  He  soon  returned  to  the  continent, 
and  died  at  Liege  in  1372.  He  was  buried  in  the  abbey  of  the  Guliemites, 
in  the  suburbs  of  that  city,  where  Ortelius,  in  his  Itinerarium  Belgiae, 
says  that  he  saw  his  monument,  on  which  was  the  effigy,  in  stone,  of  a 
man  with  a  forked  beard  and  his  hands  raised  toward  his  head  (probably 
folded  as  in  prayer,  according  to  the  manner  of  old  tombs)  and  a  lion  at 
his  feet.  There  was  an  inscription  stating  his  name,  quality  and  calling 
(viz.,  professor  of  medicine),  that  he  was  very  pious,  very  learned,  and 
very  charitable  to  the  poor,  and  that  after  having  travelled  over  the  whole 
world  he  had  died  at  Liege.  The  people  of  the  convent  showed  also  his 
spurs,  and  the  housings  of  the  horses  which  he  had  ridden  in  his  travels. 

The  descriptions  given  by  Mandeville  of  the  Grand  Khan,  of  the  prov- 
ince of  Cathay,  and  the  city  of  Cambalu,  are  no  less  splendid  than  those 
of  Marco  Polo.  The  royal  palace  was  more  than  two  leagues  in  circum- 
ference. The  grand  hall  had  twenty-four  columns  of  copper  and  gold. 
There  were  more  than  three  hundred  thousand  men  occupied  and  living 
in  and  about  the  palace,  of  which  more  than  one  hundred  thousand  were 
employed  in  taking  care  of  ten  thousand  elephants  and  of  a  vast  variety 
of  other  animals,  birds  of  prey,  falcons,  parrots,  and  parroquets.  On  days 
of  festival  there  were  even  twice  the  number  of  men  employed.  The 
title  of  this  potentate  in  his  letters  was  "  Khan,  the  son  of  God,  exalted 
possessor  of  all  the  earth,  master  of  those  who  are  masters  of  others." 
On  his  seal  was  engraved,  "  God  reigns  in  heaven,  Khan  upon  earth." 

Mandeville  has  become  proverbial  for  indulging  in  a  traveller's  exagger- 
ations :  yet  his  accounts  of  the  countries  which  he  visited  have  been 
found  far  more  veracious  than  had  been  imagined.  His  descriptions  of 
Cathay  and  the  wealthy  province  of  Mangi,  agreeing  with  those  of  Marco 
Polo,  bad  great  authority  with  Columbus. 


No.   XXIII. 

THE   ZONES. 

THE  zones  were  imaginary  hands  or  circles  in  the  heavens  producing  an 
efft-ct  of  climate  on  corresponding  belts  on  the  globe  of  tlie  earth.  The 
polar  circles  aud  the  tropics  mark  these  divisions. 


A  PPEND1X.  683 

The  central  region,  lying  beneath  the  track  of  the  sun,  was  termed  the 
torrid  zone  ;  (lie  two  regions  between  the  tropics  ami  the  polar  circles 
were  termed  the  temperate  zones,  and  the  remaining  parts,  between  the 
polar  circles  and  the  poles,  the  frigid  zones. 

The  frozen  regions  near  the  poles  were  considered  uninhabitable  and 
unnavigable  on  account  of  the  extreme  cold.  The  burning  zone,  or 
rather  the  central  part  of  it,  immediately  about  the  equator,  was  consid- 
ered uninhabitable,  unproductive,  and  impassable  in  consequence  of  the 
excessive  heat.  The  temperate  zones,  lying  between  them,  were  sup- 
posed io  be  fertile  and  salubrious,  and  suited  to  the  purposes  of  life. 

The  globe  was  divided  into  two  hemispheres  by  the  equator,  an  imagin- 
ary line  encircling  it  at  equal  distance  from  the  poles.  The  whole  of  the 
world  known  to  the  ancients  was  contained  in  the  temperate  zone  of 
the  northern  hemisphere. 

It  was  imagined  that  if  there  should  be  inhabitants  in  the  temperate 
zone  of  the  southern  hemisphere,  there  could  still  be  no  communication 
with  them  on  account  of  the  burning  zone  which  intervened. 

Parmenides,  according  to  Strabo,  was  the  inventor  of  this  theory  of 
the  five  zones,  but  he  made  the  torrid  zone  extend  on  each  side  of  the 
equator  beyond  the  tropics.  Aristotle  supported  this  doctrine  of  the 
zones.  In  his  time  nothing  was  known  of  the  extreme  northern  parts 
of  Europe  and  Asia,  nor  of  interior  Ethiopia  and  the  southern  part 
of  Africa,  extending  beyond  the  tropic  of  Capricorn  to  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope.  Aristotle  believed  that  there  was  habitable  earth  in  the 
southern  hemisphere,  but  that  it  was  forever  divided  from  the  part  of 
the  world  already  known  by  the  impassable  zone  of  scorching  heat  at 
the  equator.1 

Pliny  supported  the  opinion  of  Aristotle  concerning  the  burning  zones. 
"  The  temperature  of  the  central  region  of  the  earth,"  he  observes, 
"  where  the  sun  runs  its  course,  is  burnt  up  as  with  fire.  The  tem- 
perate zones  which  lie  on  either  side  can  have  no  communication  with 
each  other  in  consequence  of  the  fervent  heat  of  this  region."  * 

Strabo  (lib.  xi. ),  in  mentioning  this  theory,  gives  it  likewise  his  sup- 
port: and  others  of  the  ancient  philosophers,  as  well  as  the  poets,  might 
be  cited  to  show  the  general  prevalence  of  the  belief. 

It  must  be  observed  that,  at  the  time  when  Columbus  defended  his 
proposition  before  the  learned  board  at  Salamanca,  the  ancient  theory  ot 
the  burning  zone  had  not  yet  been  totally  disproved  by  modern  discov- 
ery. The  Portuguese,  it  is  true,  had  penetrated  within  the  tropics; 
but,  though  the  whole  of  the  space  between  the  tropic  of  Cancer  and 
that  of  Capricorn,  in  common  parlance,  was  termed  the  torrid  zone,  the 
uninhabitable  and  impassable  part,  strictly  speaking,  according  to  the 
doctrine  of  the  ancients,  only  extended  a  limited  number  of  degrees  on 
each  side  of  the  equator,  forming  about  a  third,  or  at  most,  the  half 
of  the  zone.  The  proofs  which  Columbus  endeavored  to  draw  there- 
fore from  the  voyages  made  to  St.  George  la  Mina,  were  not  conclusive 
with  those  who  were  bigoted  to  the  ancient  theory,  and  who  placed 
this  scorching  region  farther  southward,  and  immediately  about  the 
equator. 

»  Aristot.,  2  Met.  cap.  5.  »  Pliny,  lib.  i.  cap.  61. 


684  APPENDIX. 


No.  XXIV. 

OF  THE   ATALANTIS  OF  PLATO. 

THE  island  Atalantis  is  mentioned  by  Plato  in  liis  dialogue  of  Timseus. 
Solon  the  Athenian  lawgiver,  is  supposed  to  have  travelled  into  Egypt. 
lie  is  in  an  ancient  city  on  the  Delta,  the  fertile  island  formed  by  the 
Nile,  and  is  holding  converse  with  certain  learned  priests  on  the  antiq- 
uities of  remote  ages,  when  one  of  them  gives  him  a  description  of  the 
island  of  Atalantis,  and  of  its  destruction,  which  he  describes  as  having 
taken  place  before  the  conflagration  of  the  world  by  Phaeton. 

This  island,  he  was  told,  had  been  situated  in  the  Western  Ocean, 
opposite  to  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar.  There  was  an  easy  passage  from  it 
to  other  islands,  which  lay  adjacent  to  a  large  continent,  exceeding  in 
size  all  Europe  and  Asia.  Neptune  settled  in  this  island,  from  whose  son 
Atlas  its  name  was  derived,  and  he  divided  it  among  his  ten  sons.  His 
descendants  reigned  here  in  regular  succcession  for  many  ages.  They 
made  irruptions  into  Europe  and  Africa,  subduing  all  Lybia  as  far  as 
Egypt,  and  Europe  to  Asia  Minor.  They  were  resisted,  however,  by  the 
Athenians,  and  driven  back  to  their  Atlantic  territories.  Shortly  after 
this  there  was  a  tremendous  earthquake  and  an  overflowing  of  the  sea. 
which  continued  for  a  day  and  a  night.  Jn  the  course  of  this  the  vast 
island  of  Atalantis,  and  all  its  splendid  cities  and  warlike  nations, 
were  swallowed  up,  and  sunk  to  the  bottom  of  the  sea,  which,  spread- 
ing its  waters  over  the  chasm,  formed  the  Atlantic  Ocean.  For  a  long 
time,  however,  the  sea  was  not  navigable,  on  account  of  rocks  and 
shelves,  of  mud  and  slime,  and  of  the  ruins  of  that  drowned  coun- 
try. 

Many,  in  modern  times,  have  considered  this  a  mere  fable:  others 
suppose  that  Plato,  while  in  Egypt,  had  received  some  vague  accounts  of 
the  Canary  Islands,  and,  on  his  return  to  Greece,  finding  those  islands 
so  entirely  unknown  to  his  countrymen,  had  made  them  the  seat  of  his 
political  and  moral  speculations.  Some,  however,  have  been  disposed 
to  give  greater  weight  to  this  story  of  Plato.  They  imagine  that  such 
an  island  may  really  have  existed,  filling  up  a  great  part  of  the-Atlantic, 
and  that  the  continent  beyond  it  was  America,  which,  in  such  case,  was 
not  unknown  to  the  ancients.  Kircher  supposes  it  to  have  been  an 
island  extending  from  the  Canaries  to  the  Azores;  that  it  was  really  in- 
gulfed in  one  of  the  convulsions  of  the  globe,  and  that  those  small 
islands  are  mere  shattered  fragments  of  it. 

As  a  further  proof  that  the  New  World  was  not  unknown  to  the  an- 
cients, many  have  cited  the  singular  passage  in  the  Medea  of  Seneca, 
which  is  wonderfully  apposite,  and  shows,  at  least,  how  nearly  the  warm 
imagination  of  a  poet  may  approach  to  prophecy.  The  predictions  of  the 
ancient  oracles  were  rarely  so  unequivocal. 

Venient  annis 

Ssecula  seris,  quibus  Oceanns 
Vincula  rerum  laxet,  et  ingens 
Pateat  tellus,  Typhisque  novos 
Detegat  orbes,  nee  sit  terris 
Ultima  Thule. 

Gosselin,  in  his  able  research  into  the  voyages  of  the  ancients,  supposes 
the  Atalantis  of  Plato  to  have  been  nothing  more  nor  less  than  one  of  the 
nearest  of  the  Canaries,  viz.,  Fortaventura  or  Lancerote. 


APPENDIX.  685 

No.  XXV. 

THE   IMAGINARY  ISLAND  OF  ST.   BRANDAN. 

ONE  of  the  most  singular  geographical  illusions  on  record  is  that  which 
for  a  long  while  haunted  the  imaginations  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Canaries.  They  fancied  they  beheld  a  mountainous  island,  about  ninety 
leagues  in  length,  lying  far  to  the  westward.  It  was  only  seen  at  inter- 
vals, but  in  perfectly  clear  and  serene  weather.  To  some  it  seemed  one 
hundred  leagues  distant,  to  others  forty,  to  others  only  fifteen  or  eigh- 
teen.1 On  attempting  to  reach  it,  however,  it  somehow  or  other  eluded 
the  search,  and  was  nowhere  to  be  found.  Still  there  were  so  many  eye- 
witnesses of  credibility  who  concurred  in  testifying  to  their  having  seen 
it,  and  the  testimony  of  the  inhabitants  of  different  islands  agreed  so 
well  as  to  its  form  and  position,  that  its  existence  was  generally  believed, 
and  geographers  inserted  it  in  their  maps.  It  is  laid  down  on  the  globe 
of  Martin  Behem,  projected  in  1492,  as  delineated  by  M.  de  Murr,  and  it 
will  be  found  in  most  of  the  maps  of  the  time  of  Columbus,  placed  com- 
monly about  two  hundred  leagues  west  of  the  Canaries.  During  the  time 
that  Columbus  was  making  his  proposition  to  the  court  of  Portugal,  an 
inhabitant  of  the  Canaries  applied  to  King  John  II.  for  a  vessel  to  go  in 
search  of  this  island.  In  the  archives  of  the  Torre  do  Tombo2  also, 
there  is  a  record  of  a  contract  made  by  the  crown  of  Portugal  with  Fer- 
nando de  Uhno,  cavalier  of  the  royal  household,  and  captain  of  the 
island  of  Tercera,  wherein  he  undertakes  to  go,  at  his  own  expense,  in 
quest  of  an  island  or  islands,  or  Terra  Firma,  supposed  to  be  the  island 
of  the  Seven  Cities,  on  condition  of  having  jurisdiction  over  the  same  for 
himself  and  his  heirs,  allowing  one-tenth  of  the  revenues  to  the  king.  This 
I* lino,  finding  the  expedition  above  his  capacity,  associated  one  Juan 
Alfonso  del  Estreito  in  the  enterprise.  They  were  bound  to  be  ready  to 
sail  with  two  caravels  in  the  month  of  March,  1487. 8  The  fate  of  their 
enterprise  is  unknown. 

The  name  of  St.  Brandan,  or  Borondon,  given  to  this  imaginary  island 
from  time  immemorial,  is  said  to  be  derived  from  a  Scotch  abbot,  who 
flourished  in  the  sixth  century,  and  who  is  called  sometimes  by  the  fore- 
going appellations,  sometimes  St.  Blandano,  or  St.  Blandanus.  In  the 
M.irtyrology  of  the  order  of  St.  Augustine,  he  is  said  to  have  been  the 
patriarch  of  three  thousand  monks.  About  the  middle  of  the  sixth  cen- 
tury he  accompanied  his  disciple,  St.  Maclovio,  or  St.  Malo,  in  search  of 
certain  islands  possessing  the  delights  of  paradise,  which  they  were  told 
existed  in  the  midst  of  the  ocean,  and  were  inhabited  by  infidels.  These 
most  adventurous  saints-errant  wandered  for  a  long  time  upon  the  ocean, 
and  at  length  landed  upon  an  island  called  Ima.  Here  St.  Malo  found 
the  body  of  a  giant  lying  in  a  sepulchre.  He  resuscitated  him,  and  had 
much  interesting  conversation  with  him,  the  giant  informing  him  that  the 
inhabitants  of  that  island  had  some  notions  of  the  Trinity,  and,  more- 
over, giving  him  a  gratifying  account  of  the  torments  which  Jews  and 
Pagans  suffered  in  the  infernal  regions.  Finding  the  giant  so  docile  and 
reasonable,  St.  Malo  expounded  to  him  the  doctrines  of  the  Christian  reli- 
gion, converted  him,  and  baptized  him  by  the  name  of  Mil.lum.  The 
giant,  however,  either  through  weariness  of  life  or  eagerness  to  enjoy  the 

1  Feyjoo,  Theatro  Critico,  torn.  Iv.  d.  10,  §  29. 

-  Lib.  iv.  de  la  fhancelaria  del  Key  I)n.  .Juan  II.,  fol.  101. 

»  Tone  do  Tombo.     Lib.  das  Ylhas,  f.  119. 


686  APPENDIX. 

benefits  of  his  conversion,  begged  permission,  at  the  end  of  fifteen  days, 
to  die  again,  which  was  granted  him. 

According  to  another  account,  the  giant  told  them  he  knew  of  an  island 
in  the  ocean,  defended  by  walls  of  burnished  gold,  so  resplendent  that 
they  shone  like  crystal,  but  to  which  there  was  no  entrance.  At  their 
request  he  undertook  to  guide  them  to  it,  and  taking  the  cable  of  their 
ship,  threw  himself  into  the  sea.  He  had  not  proceeded  far,  however, 
when  a  tempest  rose,  and  obliged  them  all  to  return,  anil  shortly  after  the 
giant  died.1  A  third  legend  makes  the  saint  pray  to  heaven  on  Easter 
day,  that  they  may  be  permitted  to  find  land  where  they  may  celebrate  the 
offices  of  religion  with  becoming  state.  An  island  immediately  appears, 
on  which  they  land,  perform  a  solemn  mass  and  the  sacrament  of  the 
Eucharist;  after  which,  re-embarking  and  making  sail,  they  behold  to  their 
astonishment  the  supposed  island  suddenly  plunge  to  the  bottom  of  the  sea, 
being  nothing  else  than  a  monstrous  whale.2  When  the  rumor  circulated 
of  an  island  seen  from  the  Canaries,  which  always  eluded  the  search,  the 
legends  of  St.  Brandan  were  revived,  and  applied  to  this  unapproachable 
land.  We  are  told,  also,  that  there  was  an  ancient  Latin  manuscript  in 
the  archives  of  the  cathedral  church  of  the  Grand  Canary,  in  which  the 
adventures  of  these  saints  were  recorded.  Through  carelessness,  how- 
ever, this  manuscript  has  disappeared.3  Some  have  maintained  that  this 
island  was  known  to  the  ancients,  and  was  the  same  mentioned  by  Ptolemy 
among  the  Fortunate  or  Canary  Islands,  by  the  names  of  Aprositus.4  or 
the  Inaccessible;  and  which,  according  to  friar  Diego  Philipo  in  his  book 
on  the  Incarnation  of  Christ,  shows  that  it  possessed  the  same  quality  in 
ancient  times  of  deluding  the  eye  and  being  unattainable  to  the  feet  of 
mortals.5  But  whatever  belief  the  ancients  may  have  had  on  this  subject, 
it  is  certain  that  it  took  a  strong  hold  on  the  faith  of  the  moderns  during 
the  prevalent  rage  for  discovery;  nor  did  it  lack  abundant  testimonials. 
Don  Joseph  de  Viera  y  Clavijo  says,  there  never  was  a  more  difficult 
paradox  nor  problem  in  the  science  of  geography;  since  to  affirm  the  ex- 
istence of  this  island  is  to  trample  upon  sound  criticism,  judgment,  and 
reason;  and  to  deny  it  one  must  abandon  tradition  and  experience,  and 
suppose  that  many  persons  of  credit  had  not  the  proper  use  of  their  senses  6 

The  belief  in  this  island  has  continued  long  since  the  time  of  Colum- 
bus. It  was  repeatedly  seen,  and  by  various  persons  at  a  time,  always  in 
the  same  place  and  of  the  same  form.  In  1526  an  expedition  set  off  for 
the  Canaries  in  quest  of  it,  commanded  by  Fernando  de  Troya  and  Fer- 
nando Alvarez.  They  cruised  in  the  wonted  direction,  but  in  vain,  and 
their  failure  ought  to  have  undeceived  the  public.  "  The  phantasm  of 
the  island,  however,''  says  Viera,  "  had  such  a  secret  enchantment  for  all 
who  beheld  it,  that  the  public  preferred  doubting  the  good  conduct  of  the 
explorers,  than  their  own  senses."  In  1570  the  appearances  were  so  re- 
peated and  clear  that  there  was  a  universal  fever  of  curiosity  awakened 
among  the  people  of  the  Canaries,  and  it  was  determined  to  send  forth 
another  expedition. 

That  they  might  not  appear  to  act  upon  light  grounds,  an  exact  inves- 
tigation was  previously  made  of  all  the  persons  of  talent  and  credibility 
who  had  seen  these  apparitions  of  land,  or  who  had  other  proofs  of  its 
existence. 

1  Fr.  Gregorio  Garcia,  Origen  de  los  Indies,  lib  i.  cap.  9. 

2  Si^eberto,  Epist.  ad  Tietmar.     Abbat. 

8  Nunez  de  la  Pena.    Conquist  de  la  Grau  Canada. 

•  Ptolemy,  lib.  iv.  torn.  iv. 

«  Fr.  I).  Philipo,  lib.  viii.  fol.25. 

«  Hist.  I»l.  Cau.,  lib.  i.  cap.  28. 


APPENDIX.  687 

Alonzo  de  Espinosa,  governor  of  the  island  of  Ferro,  accordingly  made 
a  report,  in  which  more  than  one  hundred  witnesses,  several  of  them  per- 
sons of  the  highest  respectability,  deposed  that  they  had  beheld  the  un- 
known island  about  forty  leagues  to  the  north-west  of  Ferro;  that  they 
had  contemplated  it  with  calmness  and  certainty,  and  had  seeu  the  sun 
set  behind  one  of  its  points. 

Testimonials  of  still  greater  force  came  from  the  islands  of  Palma  and 
Teneriffe.  There  were  certain  Portuguese  who  affirmed  that,  being  driven 
about  by  a  tempest,  they  had  come  upon  the  island  of  St.  Borondon. 
PeJro  Velio,  who  was  the  pilot  of  the  vessel,  affirmed  that,  having 
anchored  in  a  bay,  he  landed  with  several  of  the  crew.  They  drank  fresh 
water  in  a  brook,  and  beheld  in  the  sand  the  print  of  footsteps,  double 
the  size  of  those  of  an  ordinary  man,  and  the  distance  between  them  was 
in  proportion.  They  found  a  cross  nailed  to  a  neighboring  tree;  near  to 
which  \\<-re  three  stones  placed  in  form  of  a  triangle,  with  signs  of  fire 
having  been  made  among  them,  probably  to  cook  shell-fish.  Having  seen 
much  cattle  and  sheep  grazing  in  the  neighborhood,  two  of  their  party 
armed  with  lances  went  into  the  woods  in  pursuit  of  them.  The  night 
was  aproaehing,  the  heavens  began  to  lower,  and  a  harsh  wind  arose. 
The  people  on  board  the  ship  cried  out  that  she  was  dragging  her  anchor, 
whereupon  Velio  entered  the  boat  and  hurried  on  board.  In  an  instant 
they  lost  sight  of  land,  being  as  it  were  swept  away  in  the  hurricane. 
When  the  storm  had  passed  away,  and  the  sea  and  sky  were  again  serene, 
they  searched  in  vain  for  the  island;  not  a  trace  of  it  was  to  be  seen,  and 
they  had  to  pursue  their  voyage,  lamenting  the  loss  of  their  two  compan- 
ions who  had  been  abandoned  in  the  wood.1 

A  learned  licentiate,  Pedro  Ortiz  de  Funez,  inquisitor  of  the  Grand 
Canary,  while  on  a  visit  at  Teneriffe,  summoned  several  persons  before 
him,  who  testified  having  seen  the  island.  Among  them  was  one  Marcos 
Verde,  a  man  well  known  in  those  parts.  He  stated  that  in  returning 
from  Barbary  and  arriving  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Canaries,  he  beheld 
land,  which,  according  to  his  maps  and  calculations,  could  not  be  any  of 
the  known  islands.  He  concluded  it  to  be  the  far-famed  St.  Borondon. 
Overjoyed  at  having  discovered  this  land  of  mystery,  he  coasted  along 
its  spell-bound  shores  until  he  anchored  in  a  beautiful  harbor  formed  by 
the  mouth  of  a  mountain  ravine.  Here  he  landed  with  several  of  lus 
crew.  It  was  now,  he  said,  the  hour  of  the  Ave  Maria,  or  of  vespers. 
The  sun  being  set,  the  shadows  began  to  spread  over  the  land.  The 
voyagers  having  separated,  wandered  about  in  different  directions,  until 
out  of  hearing  of  each  other's  shouts.  Those  on  board,  seeing  the  night 
approaching,  made  signal  to  summon  back  the  wanderers  to  the  ship. 
They  re-embarked,  intending  to  resume  their  investigations  on  the  follow- 
ing day.  Scarcely  were  they  on  board,  however,  when  a  whirlwind  came 
rushing  down  the  ravine  with  such  violence  as  to  drag  the  vessel  from  her 
anchor  and  hurry  her  out  to  sea,  and  they  never  saw  any  thing  more  of 
this  hidden  and  inhospitable  island. 

Another  testimony  remains  on  record  in  manuscript  of  one  Abreu 
Galindo;  but  whether  taken  at  this  time  does  not  appear.  It  was  that  of 
a  French  adventurer,  who,  many  years  before,  making  a  voyage  among 
the  Canaries,  was  overtaken  by  a  violent  storm  which  carried  away  his 
masts.  At  length  the  furious  winds  drove  him  to  the  shores  of  an  un- 
known island  covered  with  stately  trees.  Here  he  landed  with  part  of  his 
crew,  and  choosing  a  tree  proper  fora  mast,  cut  it  down,  and  began  to 
shape  it  for  his  purpose.  The  guardian  power  of  the  island,  however, 

1  .Nunez  de  la  IVtiu,  lib.  i.  cap.  1.     Viera  Uisi.  iol.  Cuj.,  torn.  i.  cap.  28. 


688  APPENDIX. 

resented  as  usual  this  invasion  of  his  forbidden  shores.  The  heavens 
assumed  a  dark  and  threatening  aspect;  the  night,  was  approaching,  and 
the  mariners,  fearing  some  impending  evil,  abandoned  their  labor  and  re- 
turned on  board.  They  were  borne  away  as  usual  from  the  coast,  and  the 
next  day  arrived  at  the  island  of  Palma. ' 

The  mass  of  testimony  collected  by  official  authority  in  1750  seemed 
so  satisfactory  that  another  expedition  was  fitted  out  in  the  same  year 
in  the  island  of  Palma.  It  was  commanded-  by  Fernando  de  Villabo- 
los,  regidor  of  the  island,  but  was  equally  fruitless  with  the  preced- 
ing. St.  Borondon  seemed  disposed  only  to  tantalize  the  world  with 
distant  and  serene  glimpses  of  his  ideal  paradise,  or  to  reveal  it  amid 
storms  to  tempest-tossed  mariners,  but  to  hide  it  completely  from  the  view 
of  all  who  diligently  sought  it.  Still  the  people  of  Palma  adhered  to 
their  favorite  chimera.  Thirty-four  years  afterward,  in  1605,  they  sent 
another  ship  on  the  quest,  commanded  by  Gaspar  Perez  de  Acosta,  an 
accomplished  pilot,  accompanied  by  the  padre  Lorenzo  Pinedo,  a  holy 
Franciscan  friar,  skilled  in  natural  science.  St.  Borondon,  however, 
refused  to  reveal  his  island  to  either  monk  or  mariner.  After  cruising 
about  in  every  direction,  sounding,  observing  the  skies,  the  clouds,  the 
winds,  every  thing  that  could  furnish  indications,  they  returned  without 
having  seen  any  thing  to  authorize  a  hope. 

Upward  of  a  century  now  elapsed  without  any  new  attempt  to  seek 
this  fairy  island.  Every  now  and  then,  it  is  true,  the  public  mind  was 
agitated  by  fresh  reports  of  its  having  been  seen.  Lemons  and  other 
fruits,  and  the  green  branches  of  trees  which  floated  to  the  shores  of 
Gomera  and  Ferro,  were  pronounced  to  be  from  the  enchanted  groves 
of  St.  Borondon.  At  length,  in  1721,  the  public  infatuation  again  rose  to 
such  a  height  that  a  fourth  expedition  was  sent,  commanded  by  Don 
Gaspar  Doininguez,  a  man  of  probity  and  talent.  As  this  was  an  expedi- 
tion of  solemn  and  mysterious  import,  he  had  two  holy  friars  as  apostolical 
chaplains.  They  made  sail  from  the  island  of  Tenenffe  toward  the  end 
of  October,  leaving  the  populace  in  an  indescribable  state  of  anxious 
curiosity  mingled  with  superstition.  The  ship,  however,  returned  from 
its  cruise  as  unsuccessful  as  all  its  predecessors. 

We  have  no  account  of  any  expedition  being  since  undertaken,  though 
the  island  still  continued  to  be  a  subject  of  speculation,  and  occasionally 
to  reveal  its  shadowy  mountains  to  the  eyes  of  favored  individuals.  In  a 
letter  written  from  the  island  of  Gomera,  1759,  by  a  Franciscan  monk,  to 
one  of  his  friends,  he  relates  having  seen  it  from  the  village  of  Alaxero 
at  six  in  the  morning  of  the  third  of  May.  It  appeared  to  consist  of  two 
lofty  mountains,  with  a  deep  valley  between;  and  on  contemplating  it 
with  a  telescope,  the  valley  or  ravine  appeared  to  be  filled  with  trees.  He 
summoned  the  curate  Antonio  Joseph  Manrique,  and  upwards  of  forty 
other  persons,  all  of  whom  beheld  it  plainly.2 

Nor  is  this  island  delineated  merely  in  ancient  maps  of  the  time  of 
Columbus.  It  is  laid  down  as  one  of  the  Canary  Islands,  in  a  French  map 
published  in  1704;  and  Mons.  Gautier,  in  a  geographical  chart,  annexed 
to  his  Observations  on  Natural  History,  published  in  1755,  places  it  five 
degrees  to  the  west  of  the  island  of  Ferro,  in  the  29th  deg.  of  N.  lati- 
tude.3 

Such  are  the  principal  facts  existing  relative  to  the  island  of  St.  Bran- 
dan.  Its  reality  was  for  a  long  time  a  matter  of  firm  belief.  It  was  in  vain 
that  repeated  voyages  and  investigations  proved  its  non-existence;  the 

1  Nunez,  Conquinta  le  Gran  Canaria.     Viera,  Hist.,  etc. 
*  Vieia,  Hist.  Isl.  Cau.  toui.  i.  cap.  28.  »  Ibid. 


APPENDIX.  689 

public,  after  trying  all  kinds  of  sophistry,  took  refuge  in  the  supernatural, 
to  defend  their  favorite  chimera.  They  maintained  that  it  was  rendered 
inaccessible  to  mortals  by  Divine  Providence,  or  by  diabolical  magic. 
Most  inclined  to  the  former.  All  kinds  of  extravagant  fancies  were  in- 
dulged concerning  it,1  some  confounded  it  with  the  fabled  island  of  the. 
Seven  Cities  situated  somewhere  in  the  bosom  of  the  ocean,  where  in  old 
times  seven  bishops  and  their  followers  had  taken  refuge  from  the  Moors, 
borne  of  the  Portuguese  imagined  it  to  be  the  abode  of  their  lost  King 
Sebastian.  The  Spaniards  pretended  that  Roderick,  the  la?t  of  their 
Gothic  kings,  had  fled  thither  from  the  Moors  after  the  disastrous  battle 
of  the  Guadalete.  Others  suggested  that  it  might  be  the  seat  of  the  ter- 
restrial paradise,  the  place  wtiere  Enoch  and  Elijah  remained  in  a  state  of 
blessedness  until  the  final  day;  and  that  it  was  made  at  times  apparent  to 
the  eyes,  but  invisible  to  the  search  of  mortals.  Poetry,  it  is  said,  lias 
owed  to  this  popular  belief  one  of  its  beautiful  fictions,  and  the  garden  of 
Armida,  where  Kmaldo  was  detained  enchanted,  and  which  Tasso  places 
in  one  of  the  Canary  Islands,  lias  been  identified  with  the  imaginary  St. 
Borondon.'2 

The  learned  father  Feyjoo8  has  given  a  philosophical  solution  to  this 
geographical  problem.  He  attributes  all  these  appearances,  which  have 
been  so  numerous,  and  so  well  authenticated  as  not  to  admit  of  doubt,  to 
certain  atmospherical  deceptions,  like  that  of  the  Fata  Morgana,  seen  at 
times  in  the  Straits  of  Messina,  where  the  city  of  Ueggioand  its  surround- 
ing country  is  reflected  in  the  air  above  the  neighboring  sea:  a  phenome- 
non which  has  likewise  been  witnessed  in  front  of  the  city  of  Marseilles. 
As  to  the  tales  of  the  mariners  who  had  landed  on  these  forbidden  shores, 
and  been  hurried  thence  in  whirlwinds  and  tempests,  he  considers  them 
as  mere  fabrications. 

As  the  populace,  however,  reluctantly  give  up  any  thing  that  partakes 
of  the  marvellous  and  mysterious,  and  as  the  same  atmospherical  phe- 
nomena, which  first  gave  birth  to  the  illusion,  may  still  continue,  it  is  not 
improbable  that  a  belief  in  the  island  of  St  Brandan  may  still  exist  among 
the  ignorant  and  credulous  of  the  Canaries,  and  that  they  at  times  behold 
its  fairy  mountains  rising  above  the  distant  horizon  of  the  Atlantic. 

No.  XXVI. 

THE  ISLAND  OF  THE  SEVEN  CITIES. 

ONE  o?  the  popular  traditions  concerning  the  ocean,  which  were  cur 
rent  during  the  time  of  Columbus,  was  that  of  the  Island  of  the  Seven 
Cities  It  was  recorded  in  an  ancient  legend,  that  at  the  time  of  the 
conquest  of  Spain  and  Portugal  by  the  Moors,  when  the  inhabitants  fled 
in  every  direction  to  escape  from  slavery,  seven  bishops,  followed  by  a 
great  number  of  their  people,  took  shipping  and  abandoned  themselves 
to  their  fate,  on  the  high  seas.  After  tossing  about  for  some  time  they 
landed  on  an  unknown  island  in  the  midst  of  the  ocean.  Here  the  bish- 
ops burned  the  ships,  to  prevent  the  desertion  of  their  followers,  and 
founded  seven  cities.  Various  pilots  of  Portugal,  it  was  said,  had  reached 
that  island  at  different  times,  but  had  never  returned  to  give  any  infor- 
mation concerning  it,  having  been  detained,  according  to  subsequent  ac- 
counts, by  the  successors  of  the  bishops  to  prevent  pursuit.  At  length, 


a,  Hist.  Isl.  Can.  torn.  i.  cap.  2S.  *  Viera,  ubi  uup. 

3  Theat.ro  Critico,  loin.  iv.  d.  x. 


690  APPENDIX. 

according  to  common  report,  at  the  time  that  Prince  Henry  of  Portugal 
was  prosecuting  his  discoveries,  several  seafaring  men  presented  them- 
selves one  day  before  him,  and  stated  that  they  had  just  returned  from  a 
voyage,  in  the  course  of  which  they  ha^l  landed  upon  this  island.  The 
inhabitants,  they  said,  spoke  their  language,  and  carried  them  immedi- 
ately to  church,  to  ascertain  whether  they  were  Catholics,  and  were  rejoiced 
at  finding  them  of  the  true  faith.  They  then  made  earnest  inquiries,  to 
know  whether  the  Moors  still  retained  possession  of  .Spain  and  Portugal. 
While  part  of  the  crew  were  at  church,  the  rest  gathered  sand  on  the 
shore  for  the  use  of  the  kitchen,  and  found  to  their  surprise  that  one- 
third  of  it  was  gold.  The  islanders  were  anxious  that  the  crew  should 
remain  with  them  a  few  days,  until  the  return  of  their  governor,  who  was 
absent;  but  the  mariners,  afraid  of  being  detained,  embarked  and  made 
sail.  Such  was  the  story  they  told  to  Prince  Henry,  hoping  to  receive 
reward  for  their  intelligence.  The  prince  expressed  displeasure  at  their 
hasty  departure  from  the  island,  and  ordered  them  to  return  and  procure 
further  information;  but  the  men,  apprehensive,  no  doubt,  of  having  the 
falsehood  of  their  tale  discovered,  made  their  escape,  aud  nothing  more 
was  heard  of  them.1 

This  story  had  much  currency.  The  Island  of  the  Seven  Cities  was 
identified  with  the  island  mentioned  by  Aristotle  as  having  been  dis- 
covered by  the  Carthaginians,  and  was  put  down  in  the  early  maps,  about 
the  time  of  Columbus,  under  the  name  of  Antilla. 

At  the  time  of  the  discovery  of  New  Spain,  repo;  ts  were  brought  to 
Hispaniola  of  the  civilization  of  the  country:  that  the  people  wore  cloth- 
ing: that  their  houses  and  temples  were  solid,  spacious,  and  often  mag- 
nificent; and  that  crosses  were  occasionally  found  among  them.  Juan 
cle  Grivalja,  being  despatched  to  explore  the  coast  of  Yucatan,  reported 
that  in  sailing  along  it  he  beheld,  with  great  wonder,  stately  and  beau- 
tiful edifices  of  lime  and  stone,  and  many  high  towers  that  shone  at  a 
distance. 'l  For  a  time  the  old  tradition  of  the  Seven  Cities  was  revived, 
and  many  thought  that  they  were  to  l>e  found  in  the  same  part  of  New 
Spain. 

No.  XXVII. 

DISCOVERY   OF  THE   ISLAND  OF  MADEIRA. 

THE  discovery  of  Madeira  by  Macham  rests  principally  upon  the  au- 
thority of  Francisco  Alcaforado,  an  esquire  of  Prince  Henry  of  Portugal, 
who  composed  an  account  of  it  for  that  prince.  It  does  not  appear  to 
have  obtained  much  faith  among  Portuguese  historians.  No  mention  is 
made  of  it  in  Barros;  he  attributes  the  first  discovery  of  the  island  to 
Juan  Gonzales  and  Tristram  Vaz,  who  he  said  descried  it  from  Porto 
Santo,  resembling  a  cloud  on  the  horizon.3 

The  abbe  Provost,  however,  in  his  general  history  of  voyages,  vol.  6, 
seems  inclined  to  give  credit  to  the  account  of  Alcaforado.  "  It  was 
composed,"  he  observes,  ''at  a  time  when  the  attention  of  the  public 
would  have  exposed  the  least  falsities;  and  no  one  was  more  capable  than 
Alcaforado  of  giving  an  exact  detail  of  this  event,  since  he  was  of  the 
number  of  those  who  assisted  at  the  second  discovery."  The  narrative, 

1  Hist,  del  Alrairante,  cap.  10. 

1  Torquemada  Monarijuia  Indiana,  lib.  iv.  cap.  4.  Origeti  de  log  ludios  por  Fr. 
Orejtorio  Giirrhi,  lil>.  iv.  cap.  2". 

*  Ban-on,  Asia,  decad.  i.  lib.  i.  cap.  3. 


APPENDIX.  691 

as  originally  written,  was  overcharged  with  ornaments  and  digressions. 
It  was  translated  into  French  and  published  in  Paris  in  1671.  The  French 
translator  had  retrenched  the  ornaments,  but  scrupulously  retained  the 
facts.  The  story,  however,  is  cherished  in  the  island  of  Madeira,  where 
a  painting  in  illustration  of  it  is  still  to  be  seen.  The  following  is 
the  purport  of  the  French  translation:  1  have  not  been  able  to  pro- 
cure the  original  of  Alraforado. 

During  the  reign  of  Edward  the  Third  of  England,  a  young  man  of 
great  courage  and  talent,  named  Robert  Macham,  fell  in  love  with  a  young 
lady  of  rare  beauty,  of  the  name  of  Anne  Dorset.  She  was  his  superior 
in  birth,  and  of  a  proud  and  aristocratic  family;  but  the  merit  of  Maehani 
gained  him  the  preference  over  all  his  rivals.  The  family  of  the  young 
lady,  to  prevent  her  making  an  inferior  alliance,  obtained  an  order  from 
the  king  to  have  Macham  arrested  and  confined,  until  by  arbitrary  means 
they  married  his  mistress  to  a  man  of  quality.  As  soon  as  the  nuptials 
were  celebrated,  the  nobleman  conducted  his  beautiful  and  aHlicted  bride 
to  his  seat  near  Bristol.  Macham  was  now  restored  to  liberty.  Indignant 
at  the  wrongs  he  had  suffered,  and  certain  of  the  affections  of  his  mistress, 
he  prevailed  upon  several  friends  to  assist  him  in  a  project  for  the  grati- 
fication of  his  love  and  his  revenge.  They  followed  hard  on  the  traces  of 
the  new-married  couple  to  Bristol.  One  of  the  friends  obtained  an  in- 
troduction into  the  family  of  the  nobleman  in  quality  of  a  groom.  He 
found  the  young  bride  full  of  tender  recollections  of  her  lover,  and  of 
dislike  to  the  husband  thus  forced  upon  her.  Through  the  means  of  this 
friend,  Macham  had  several  communications  with  her,  and  concerted 
means  for  their  escape  to  France,  where  they  might  enjoy  their  mutual 
love  unmolested. 

When  all  things  were  prepared,  the  young  lady  rode  out  one  day,  ac- 
companied only  by  the  fictitious  groom,  under  pretence  of  taking  the  air. 
No  sooner  were  they  out  of  sight  of  the  house  than  they  galloped  to  an 
appointed  place  on  the  shore  of  the  channel,  where  a  boat  awaited  them. 
They  were  conveyed  on  board  a  vessel,  which  lay  with  anchor  a-trip  and 
sails  unfurled,  ready  to  put  to  sea.  Here  the  lovers  were  once  more  united. 
Fearful  of  pursuit,  the  ship  immediately  weighed  anchor;  they  made  their 
way  rapidly  along  the  coast  of  Cornwall,  and  Macham  anticipated  the 
triumph  of  soon  landing  with  his  beautiful  prize  on  the  shores  of  gay 
and  gallant  France.  Unfortunately  an  adverse  and  stormy  wind  arose  in 
the  night;  at  daybreak  they  found  themselves  out  of  sight  of  land.  The 
mariners  were  ignorant  and  inexperienced;  they  knew  nothing  of  the  com- 
pass, and  it  was  a  time  when  men  were  unaccustomed  to  traverse  the 
high  seas.  For  thirteen  days  the  lovers  were  driven  about  on  a  tempest- 
uous ocean,  at  the  mercy  of  wind  and  wave.  The  fugitive  bride  was 
filled  with  terror  and  remorse,  and  looked  upon  this  uproar  of  the  elements 
as  the  anger  of  Heaven  directed  against  her.  All  the  efforts  of  her  lover 
could  not  remove  from  her  mind  a  dismal  presage  of  some  approaching 
catastrophe. 

At  length  the  tempest  subsided.  On  the  fourteenth  day,  at  dawn,  the 
mariners  perceived  what  appeared  to  be  a  tuft  of  wood  rising  out  of 
the  sea.  They  joyfully  steered  for  it,  supposing  it  to  be  an  island.  They 
were  not  mistaken.  As  they  drew  near,  the  rising  sun  shone  upon  noble 
forests,  the  trees  of  which  were  of  a  kind  unknown  to  them.  Flights  of 
birds  also  came  hovering  about  the  ship,  and  perched  upon  the  yards  and 
rigging,  without  any  signs  of  fear.  The  boat  was  sent  on  shore  to  recon- 
noitre, and  soon  returned  with  such  accounts  of  the  beauty  of  the  country, 
that  Macham  determined  to  take  his  drooping  companion  to  the  land,  in 
hopes  her  health  and  spirits  might  be  restored  by  refreshment  and  repose. 


692  APPENDIX. 

They  were  accompanied  on  shore  by  the  faithful  friends  who  had  assisted 
in  their  flight.  The  mariners  remained  on  board  to  guard  the  ship. 

The  country  was  indeed  delightful.  The  forests  were  stately  and  mag- 
nificent; there  were  trees  laden  with  excellent  fruits,  others  with  aromatic 
flowers;  the  waters  were  cool  and  limpid,  the  sky  was  serene,  ami  there 
was  a  balmy  sweetness  in  the  air.  The  animals  they  met  with  showed 
no  signs  of  alarm  or  ferocity,  from  which  they  concluded  that  the  island 
was  uninhabited.  On  penetrating  a  little  distance  they  found  a  sheltered 
meadow,  the  green  bosom  of  which  was  bordered  by  laurels  and  refreshed 
by  a  mountain  brook  which  ran  sparkling  over  pebbles.  In  the  centre 
was  a  majestic  tree,  the  wide  branches  of  which  afforded  shade  from  the 
rays  of  the  sun.  Here  Macham  had  bowers  constructed  ami  determined 
to  pass  a  few  days,  hoping  that  the  sweetness  of  the  country  and  the 
serene  tranquillity  of  this  delightful  solitude  would  recruit  the  drooping 
health  and  spirits  of  his  companion.  Three  days,  however,  had  scarcely 
passed  when  a  violent  storm  arose  from  the  north-east,  and  raged  all 
night  over  the  island.  On  the  succeeding  morning  Macham  repaired  to 
the  sea-side,  but  nothing  of  his  ship  was  to  be  seen,  and  he  concluded 
that  it  had  foundered  in  the  tempest. 

Consternation  fell  upon  the  little  band,  thus  left  in  an  uninhabited 
island  in  the  midst  of  the  ocean.  The  blow  fell  most  severely  on  the 
timid  and  repentant  bride.  She  reproached  herself  with  being  the  cause 
of  all  their  misfortunes,  and  from  the  first,  had  been  haunted  by  dismal 
forebodings.  She  now  considered  them  about  to  be  accomplished,  and 
her  horror  was  so  great  as  to  deprive  her  of  speech;  she  expired  in  three 
days  without  uttering  a  word. 

Macham  was  struck  with  despair  at  beholding  the  tragical  end  of  this 
tender  and  beautiful  being.  He  upbraided  himself,  in  the  transports  of 
his  grief,  with  tearing  her  from  her  home,  her  country,  and  her  friends, 
to  perish  upon  a  savage  coast.  All  the  efforts  of  his  companions  to  con- 
sole him  were  in  vain.  He  died  within  five  days,  broken-hearted ;  beg- 
ging, as  a  last  request,  that  his  body  might  be  interred  beside  that  of 
his  mistress,  at  the  foot  of  a  rustic  altar  which  they  had  erected  under 
the  great  tree.  They  set  up  a  large  wooden  cross  on  the  spot,  on 
which  was  placed  an  inscription  written  by  Macham  himself,  relating  in 
a  few  words  his  piteous  adventure,  and  praying  any  Christians  who  might 
arrive  there  to  build  a  chapel  in  the  place  dedicated  to  Jesus  the 
Saviour. 

After  the  death  of  their  commander,  his  followers  consulted  about 
means  to  escape  from  the  island.  The  ship's  boat  remained  on  the  shore. 
They  repaired  it  and  put  it  in  a  state  to  bear  a  voyage,  and  then  made 
all  sail,  intending  to  return  to  England.  Ignorant  of  their  situation,  and 
carried  about  by  the  winds,  they  were  cast  upon  the  coast  of  Morocco, 
where,  their  boat  being  shattered  upon  the  rocks,  they  were  captured  by 
the  Moors  and  thrown  into  prison.  Here  they  understood  that  their  ship 
had  shared  the  same  fate,  having  been  driven  from  her  anchorage  in  the 
tempest,  and  carried  to  the  same  inhospitable  coast,  where  all  her  crew 
were  made  prisoners. 

The  prisons  of  Morocco  were  in  those  days  filled  with  captives  of  all 
nations,  taken  by  their  cruisers.  Here  the  English  prisoners  met  with 
an  experienced  pilot,  a  Spaniard  of  Seville,  named  Juan  de  Morales. 
He  listened  to  their  story  with  great  interest;  inquired  into  the  situ- 
ation and  description  of  the  [stand  they  had  discovered ;  and,  subse- 
quently, on  his  redemption  from  prison,  communicated  the  circumstances, 
it  is  said,  to  Prince  Henry  of  Portugal. 

There  is  a  difficulty  in  the  above  narrative  of  Alcaforado  in  reconciling 


APPENDIX.  693 

dates.  The  voyage  is  said  to  have  taken  place  during  the  reign  of  Ed- 
ward III.,  which  commenced  in  1327  and  ended  in  1878.  Morales,  to 
whom  the  English  communicated  their  voyage,  is  said  to  have  been  in 
the  service  of  the  Portuguese,  in  the  second  discovery  of  Madeira,  in  1418 
and  1420.  Even  if  the  voyage  and  imprisonment  had  taken  place  in  the 
last  year  of  King  Edward's  reign,  this  leaves  a  space  of  forty  years. 

Hackluyt  gives  an  account  of  the  same  voyage,  taken  from  Antonio 
Galvano.  He  varies  in  certain  particulars.  It  happened,  he  says,  in  the 
year  1344,  in  the  time  of  Peter  IV.  of  Aragon.  Macham  cast  anchor 
in  a  bay  since  called  after  him  Machio. 

The  lady  being  ill,  he  took  her  on  shore,  accompanied  by  some  of 
his  friends,  and  the  ships  sailed  without  them.  After  the  death  of  the 
lady,  Macham  made  a  canoe  out  of  a  tree,  and  ventured  to  sea  in  it  with 
his  companions.  They  were  cast  upon  the?  coast  of  Africa,  where  the 
Moors,  considering  it  a  kind  of  miracle,  carried  him  to  the  king  of  their 
country,  who  sent  him  to  the  King  of  Castile.  In  consequence  of  the 
traditional  accounts  remaining  of  this  voyage,  Henry  IL  of  Castile  sent 
people,  in  1395,  to  rediscover  the  island. 

No.  XXVIIL 

LAS  CASA8. 

BARTHOLOMEW  LAS  CAS  AS,  Bishop  of  Chiapa,  so  often  cited  in  all 
histories  of  the  New  World,  was  born  at  Seville  in  1474,  and  was  of 
French  extraction.  The  family  name  was  Casaus.  The  first  of  the 
name  who  appeared  in  Spain  served  under  the  standard  of  Ferdinand 
HI.,  surnamed  the  Saint,  in  his  wars  with  the  Moors  of  Andalusia. 
He  was  at  the  taking  of  Seville  from  the  Moors,  when  he  was  rewarded 
by  the  king,  and  received  permission  to  establish  himself  there.  His 
descendants  enjoyed  the  prerogatives  of  nobility,  and  suppressed  the 
letter  u  in  their  name,  to  accommodate  it  to  the  Spanish  tongue. 

Antonio,  the  father  of  Bartholomew,  went  to  Hispaniola  with  Colum- 
bus in  141)3,  and  returned  rich  to  Seville  in  1498.1  It  has  been  stated 
by  one  of  the  biographers  of  Bartholomew  Las  Casas,  that  he  accompa- 
nied Columbus  in  his  third  voyage  in  1498,  and  returned  with  him  in 
1500. 2  This,  however,  is  incorrect.  He  was,  during  that  time,  complet- 
ing his  education  at  Salamanca,  where  he  was  instructed  in  Latin,  dialec- 
tics, logic,  metaphysics,  ethics,  and  physics,  after  the  supposed  method 
and  system  of  Aristotle.  While  at  the  university,  he  had,  as  a  servant, 
an  Indian  slave,  given  him  by  his  father,  who  had  received  him  from 
Columbus.  When  Isabella,  in  her  transport  of  virtuous  indignation, 
ordered  the  Indian  slaves  to  be  sent  back  to  their  country,  this  one 
was  taken  from  Las  Casas.  Tbe  young  man  was  aroused  by  the  cir- 
cumstance, and,  on  considering  the  nature  of  the  case,  became  inflamed 
with  a  zeal  in  favor  of  the  unhappy  Indians,  which  never  cooled  through^ 
out  a  long  and  active  life.  It  was  excited  to  tenfold  fervor,  when,  at 
about  the  age  of  twenty-eight  years,  he  accompanied  the  commander 
Ovando  to  Hispaniola  in  1502,  and  was  an  eye-witness  to  many  of  the 
cruel  scenes  which  took  place  under  his  administration.  The  whole  of 
his  future  life,  a  space  exceeding  sixty  years,  was  devoted  to  vindicating 
the  cause,  and  endeavoring  to  meliorate  the  sufferings  of  the  natives. 

1  Navarrete,  Colec.  Viag.,  torn.  1.  Introd.  p.  Ixx. 

*  T.  A.  Lloruute,  CEuvres  de  Lau  Casaa,  p.  xi.     Paris,  1822. 


694  APPENDIX. 

As  a  missionary,  he  traversed  the  wilderness  of  the  Xew  World  in  various 
directions,  seeking  to  convert  and  civilize  them;  an>  a  protector  and 
champion,  he  made  several  voyages  to  Spain,  vindicated  their  wrongs 
before  courts  and  monarchs,  wrote  volumes  in  their  behalf,  and  exhibited 
a  zeal  and  constancy  and  intrepidity  worthy  of  an  apostle.  He  died  at 
the  advanced  age  of  ninety-two  years,  and  was  buried  at  Madrid,  in  the 
church  of  the  Dominican  convent  of  Atocha,  of  which  fraternity  he  was 
a  member. 

Attempts  have  been  made  to  decry  the  consistency,  and  question  the 
real  philanthropy  of  Las  Casas,  in  consequence  of  one  of  the  expedients 
to  which  he  resorted  to  relieve  the  Indians  from  the  cruel  bondage  im- 
posed upon  them.  This  occurred  in  1517,  when  he  arrived  in  .Spain,  on 
one  of  his  missions,  to  obtain  measures  in  their  favor  from  the  govern- 
ment. On  his  arrival  in  Spa4n,  he  found  Cardinal  Xnnenes,  who  had  been 
left  regent  on  the  death  of  King  Ferdinand,  too  ill  to  attend  to  his  affairs. 
He  repaired,  therefore,  to  Valladolid,  where  he  awaited  the  coming  of  the 
new  monarch  Charles,  Archduke  of  Austria,  afterward  the  Emperor 
Charles  V.  He  had  strong  opponents  to  encounter  in  various  persons 
high  in  authority,  who,  holding  estates  and  repartimientos  in  the  colo- 
nies, were  interested  in  the  slavery  of  the  Indians.  Among  these,  and 
not  the  least  animated,  was  the  Bishop  Fonseca,  President  of  the  Coun- 
cil of  the  Indies. 

At  length  the  youthful  sovereign  arrived,  accompanied  ty  various  Flem- 
ings of  his  court,  particularly  his  grand  chancellor,  Doctor  Juan  de  Sel- 
vagio,  a  learned  and  upright  man,  whom  he  consulted  on  all  affairs  of 
administration  and  justice.  Las  Casas  soon  became  intimate  with  the 
chancellor,  and  stood  high  in  his  esteem;  but  so  much  opposition  arose 
on  every  side  that  he  found  his  various  propositions  for  the  relief  of  the 
natives  but  little  attended  to.  In  his  doubt  and  anxiety  he  had  now  re- 
course to  an  expedient  which  he  considered  as  justified  by  the  circum- 
stances of  the  case.1  The  chancellor  Selvagio  and  other  Flemings  who 
had  accompanied  the  youthful  sovereign,  had  obtained  for  him,  before 
quitting  Flanders,  licenses  to  import  slaves  from  Africa  to  the  colonies;  a 
measure  which  had  recently  in  1510  been  prohibited  by  a  decree  of  Cardinal 
Xiuienes  while  acting  as  regent.  The  chancellor,  who  was  a  humane  man, 
reconciled  it  to  his  conscience  by  a  popular  opinion  that  one  negro  could 
perform,  without  detriment  to  his  health,  the  labor  of  several  Indians, 
and  that  therefore  it  was  a  great  saving  of  human  suffering.  So  easy  is 
it  for  interest  to  wrap  itself  up  in  plausible  argument!  He  might,  more- 
over, have  thought  the  welfare  of  the  Africans  but  little  affected  by  the 
change.  They  were  accustomed  to  slavery  in  their  own  country,  and  they 
were  said  to  thrive  in  the  New  World.  "  The  Africans,"  observes  Her- 
rera,  "  prospered  so  much  in  the  island  of  Hispaniola,  that  it  was  the 
opinion  unless  a  negro  should  happen  to  be  hanged,  he  would  never  die; 
for  as  yet  none  hail  been  known  to  perish  from  infirmity.  Like  oranges, 
they  found  their  proper  soil  in  Hispaniola,  and  it  seemed  even  more 
natural  to  them  than  their  native  Guinea."  2 

Las  Casas  finding  all  other  means  ineffectual,  endeavored  to  turn 
these  interested  views  of  the  grand  chancellor  to  the  benefit  of  the  In- 
dians. He  proposed  that  the  Spaniards,  resident  in  the  colonies,  might 

1  Herrera  clearly  states  this  as  an  expedient  adopted  when  others  failed.    "  Bartolom6 
de   las  Casas,  viendo   que  sus   conceptos  hallabanen   todas  paries  dilicultad,  i  que  las 
opiniones  que  tenia,  por  niurlia  familiaridad  que  havia  seguido  i  gran  credito  con  el  gran 
Cauciller,  no  podiau  naber  efecto,  se  volvio  a  otros  expedientes,  <fcc."  —  Decad.  ii.  lib.  ii. 
cap.  2. 

2  Herrera,  Hist.  Ind.,  lib.  ii.  decad.  iii.  cap.  4. 


APPENDIX.  695 

be  permitted  to  procure  negroes  for  the  labor  of  the  farms  and  the 
mines,  and  other  severe  toils,  which  were  above  the  strength  and  destruc- 
tive of  the  lives  of  the  natives.1  He  evidently  considered  Uie  poor  Afri 
cans  as  little  better  than  mere  animals;  and  he  acted  like  others,  on  au 
arithmetical  calculation  of  diminishing  human  misery,  by  substituting  one 
strong  man  for  three  or  four  of  feebler  nature.  He,  moreover,  esteemed 
the  Indians  as  a  nobler  anil  more  intellectual  race  of  beings,  and  their 
preservation  and  welfare  of  higher  importance  to  the  general  interests  of 
humanity. 

It  is  this  expedient  of  Las  Casas  which  has  drawn  down  severe  censure 
upon  his  memory.  He  has  been  charged  with  gross  inconsistency,  and 
even  with  having  originated  this  inhuman  traffic  in  the  New  World. 
This  last  is  a  grievous  charge;  but  historical  facts  and  dates  remove 
the  original  sin  from  his  door,  and  prove  that  the  practice  existed  in  the 
colonies,  and  was  authorized  by  royal  decree,  long  before  he  took  a  part 
in  the  question. 

Las  Casas  did  not  go  to  the  New  World  until  1502.  By  a  royal  ordi-. 
nance  passed  in  1501,  negro  slaves  were  permitted  to  be  taken  there, 
provided  they  had  been  born  among  Christians. *  By  a  letter  written  by 
Ovaiulo,  dated  150/5,  it  appears  that  there  were  numbers  in  the  island  of 
Hispaniola  at  that  time,  and  he  entreats  that  none  more  might  be  per- 
mitted to  be  brought. 

In  1500  the  Spanish  government  forbade  the  introduction  of  negro 
slaves  from  the  Levant,  or  those  brought  up  with  the  Moors;  and  stipu- 
lated that  none  should  be  taken  to  the  colonies  but  those  from  Seville, 
who  had  been  instructed  in  the  Christian  faith,  that  they  might  contribute 
to  the  conversion  of  the  Indians.3  In  1510  King  Ferdinand,  being  in- 
formed of  the  physical  weakness  of  the  Indians,  ordered  h'fly  Africans  to 
be  sent  from  Seville  to  labor  in  the  mines.4  In  1511  he  ordered  that  a 
great  number  should  be  procured  from  Guinea,  and  transported  to  Ilis- 

faniola,  understanding  that  one  negro  could  perform  the  work  of  four 
ndians.5  In  1512  and '13  he  signed  further  orders  relative  to  the  same 
subject.  In  1516  Charles  V.  granted  licenses  to  the  Flemings  to  import 
negroes  to  the  colonies.  It  was  not  until  the  year  1517  that  Las  Casas 
gave  his  sanction  of  the  traffic.  It  already  existed,  and  he  countenanced 
it  solely  with  a  view  to  having  the  hardy  Africans  substituted  for  the 
feeble  Indians.  It  was  advocated  at  the  same  time,  and  for  the  same 
reasons,  by  the  Jeromuiite  friars,  who  were  missionaries  in  the  colonies. 
The  motives  of  Las  Casas  were  purely  benevolent,  though  founded  on 
erroneous  notions  of  justice.  He  thought  to  permit  evil  that  good 
might  spring  out  of  it;  to  choose  between  two  existing  abuses,  and  to 
eradicate  the  greater  by  resorting  to  the  lesser.  His  reasoning,  how- 
ever fallacious  it  may  be,  was  considered  satisfactory  and  humane  by  some 
of  the  most  learned  and  benevolent  men  of  the  age,  among  whom  was 
the  Cardinal  Adrian,  afterward  elevated  to  the  papal  chair,  and  charac- 
terized by  gentleness  and  humanity.  The  traffic  was  permitted ;  inquiries 
were  made  as  to  the  number  of  slaves  required,  which  was  limited  to  four 
thousand,  and  the  Flemings  obtained  a  monopoly  of  the  trade,  which 
they  afterward  farmed  out  to  the  Genoese. 

Dr.  Robertson,  in  noticing  this  affair,  draws  a  contrast  between  the 
conduct  of  the  Cardinal  Ximenes  and  that  of  Las  Casas,  strongly  to  the 
disadvantage  of  the  latter.  "  The  cardinal,"  he  observes,  "  when  solicited 

>  Herrera,  Hi*t.  Ind.,  decad.  li.  lib.  ii.  cap.  2Q.  »  Ibid.,  d.  li.  lib.  lii.  cap.  8. 

»  Ibid.,  d.  i.  lib.  vi.  cap.  '20.  «  Ibid.,  d.  i.  lib.  viii.  cap.  9. 

6  Ibid.,  d.  i.  lib.  ix.  cap.  5. 


696  APPENDIX. 

to  encourage  this  commerce,  peremptorily  rejected  the  proposition,  because 
he  perceived  the  iniquity  of  reducing  one  race  of  men  to  slavery,  when 
he  was  consulting  about  the  means  of  restoring  liberty  to  another;  but 
Las  Casas,  from  the  inconsistency  natural  to  men  who  hurry  with  head- 
long impetuosity  toward  a  favorite  point,  was  incapable  of  making  this 
distinction.  In  the  warmth  of  his  zeal  to  save  the  Americans  from  the 
yoke,  he  pronounced  it  to  be  lawful  and  expedient  to  impose  one  still 
heavier  on  the  Africans.1 

This  distribution  of  praise  and  censure  is  not  perfectly  correct.  Las 
Casas  had  no  idea  that  he  was  imposing  a  heavier,  or  so  heavy,  a  yoke 
upon  the  Africans.  The  latter  were  considered  more  capable  of  labor, 
and  less  impatient  of  slavery.  While  the  Indians  sunk  under  their  tasks, 
and  perished  by  thousands  in  Hispaniola,  the  negroes,  on  the  contrary, 
thrived  there.  Ilerrera,  to  whom  Dr.  Robertson  refers  as  his  authority, 
assigns  a  different  motive,  and  one  of  mere  finance,  for  the  measures  of 
Cardinal  Ximenes.  He  says  that  he  ordered  that  no  one  should  take 
negroes  to  the  Indies,  because,  as  the  natives  were  decreasing,  and  it  was 
known  that  one  negro  did  more  work  than  four  of  them,  there  would 
probably  be  a  great  demand  for  African  slaves,  and  a  tribute  might  be  im- 
posed upon  the  trade,  from  which  would  result  proQt  to  the  royal  treasury.2 
This  measure  was  presently  after  carried  into  effect,  though  subsequent  to 
the  death  of  the  cardinal,  and  licenses  were  granted  by  the  sovereign  for 
pecuniary  considerations.  Flechier,  in  his  Life  of  Ximeues,  assigns  another 
but  a  mere  political  motive  for  this  prohibition.  The  cardinal,  he  says, 
objected  to  the  importation  of  negroes  into  the  colonies,  as  he  feared  they 
would  corrupt  the  natives,  and  by  confederacies  with  them  render  them 
formidable  to  government.  De  Marsolier,  another  biographer  of  Ximenes, 
gives  equally  politic  reasons  for  this  prohibition.  He  cites  a  letter  written 
by  the  cardinal  on  the  subject,  in  which  he  observed  that  he  knew  the 
nature  of  the  negroes;  they  were  a  people  capable,  it  was  true,  of  great 
fatigue,  but  extremely  prolific  and  enterprising;  and  that  if  they  had  time 
to  multiply  in  America,  they  would  infallibly  revolt,  and  impose  on  the 
Spaniards  the  same  chains  which  they  compelled  them  to  wear.3 

These  facts,  while  they  take  from  the  measure  of  the  cardinal  that  credit 
for  exclusive  philanthropy  which  has  been  bestowed  upon  it.  manifest  the 
clear  foresight  of  that  able  politician;  whose  predictions  with  respect,  to 
negro  revolt  have  been  so  strikingly  fulfilled  in  the  island  of  Hispaniola. 

Cardinal  Ximenes,  in  fact,  though  a  wise  and  upright  statesman,  was 
not  troubled  with  scruples  of  conscience  on  these  questions  of  natural 
rights;  nor  did  he  possess  more  toleration  than  his  contemporaries  toward 
savage  and  infidel  nations.  He  was  grand  inquisitor  of  Spain,  and  was 
very  efficient  during  the  latter  years  of  Ferdinand  in  making  slaves  of 
the  refractory  Moors  of  Granada.  He  authorized,  by  express  instruc- 
tions, expeditions  to  seize  and  enslave  the  Indians  of  the  Caribbee  islands, 
whom  he  termed  only  suited  to  labor,  enemies  of  the  Christians,  and 
cannibals.  Nor  will  it  be  considered  a  proof  of  gentle  or  tolerant  policy, 
that  he  introduced  the  tribunal  of  the  inquisition  into  the  New  World. 
These  circumstances  are  cited  not  to  cast  reproach  upon  the  character  of 
Cardinal  Ximenes,  but  to  show  how  incorrectly  he  has  been  extolled  at 
the  expense  of  Las  Casas.  Both  of  them  must  be  judged  in  connection 
with  the  customs  and  opinions  of  the  age  in  which  they  lived. 

1  Robertson,  Hist.  America,  p.  3. 

1  Porque  corao  iban  faltando  \os  Indies  i  se  conocia  que  un  negro  trabajaba,  mas  qua 
quatro,  por  lo  qual  habia  grau  demanda  de  ellos,  parecia  que  xe  podia  poneralgun  tribute 
en  la  MICH,  de  que  reeultaria  provecbo  a  la  Rl.  Hacienda  Herrera,  deead.  ii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  •>. 

»  De  ilarsulier,  Hut.  du  Ministere  Cardinal  Ximeues,  lib.  vi.    Toulouse,  1094. 


APPENDIX.  697 

Las  Casas  was  the  author  of  many  works,  but  few  of  which  have  Iwen 
printed.  The  most  important  is  a  general  history  of  the  Indies,  from  the 
discovery  to  the  year  1520,  in  three  volumes.  It  exists  only  in  manu- 
script, but  is  the  fountain  from  which  Herrera,  and  most  of  the  other 
historians  of  the  New  World,  have  drawn  large  supplies.  The  work 
though  prolix,  is  valuable,  as  the  author  was  an  eye-witness  of  many  of 
the  facts,  had  others  from  persons  who  were  concerned  in  the  transactions 
recorded,  and  possessed  copious  documents.  It  displays  great  erudition, 
though  somewhat  crudely  and  diffusely  introduced.  His  history  was  com- 
menced in  1527,  at  fifty-three  years  of  age,  and  was  finished  in  1559, 
when  eighty-five.  As  many  things  are  set  down  from  memory,  there  is 
occasional  inaccuracy,  but  the  whole  bears  the  stamp  of  sincerity  and 
truth.  The  author  of  the  present  work,  having  had  access  to  this  valu- 
able manuscript,  has  made  great  use  of  it,  drawing  forth  many  curious 
facts  hitherto  neglected;  but  he  has  endeavored  to  consult  it  with  caution 
an  I  discrimination,  collating  it  with  other  authorities,  and  omitting  what- 
ever appeared  to  be  dictated  by  prejudice  or  over-heated  zeal. 

Las  Casas  has  been  accused  of  high  coloring  anJ  extravagant  declama- 
tion in  those  passages  which  relate  to  the  barbarities  practised  on  the 
natives;  nor  is  the  charge  entirely  without  foundation.  The  same  zeal 
in  the  cause  of  the  Indians  is  expressed  in  his  writings  that  shone  forth  in 
his  actions,  always  pure,  often  vehement,  and  occasionally  unseasonable. 
Still,  however,  when  he  errs  it  is  on  a  generous  and  righteous  side.  If 
one-tenth  part  of  what  he  says  he  "witnessed  with  his  own  eyes"  be 
true,  and  his  veracity  is  beyond  doubt,  he  would  have  been  wanting  in  the 
natural  feelings  of  humanity  had  he  not  expressed  himself  in  terms  of 
indignation  and  abhorrence. 

In  the  course  of  his  work,  when  Las  Casas  mentions  the  original  papers 
lying  before  him,  from  which  he  drew  many  of  his  facts,  it  mak'-s  one 
lament  that  they  should  be  lost  to  the  world.  Besides  the  journals  and 
letters  of  Columbus,  he  says  he  ha  1  numbers  of  the  letters  of  the  Adelan- 
tado,  Don  Bartholomew,  who  wrote  better  than  his  brother,  and  whose 
writings  must  have  been  full  of  energy.  Above  all,  he  had  the  map, 
formed  from  study  and  conjecture,  by  which  Columbus  sailed  on  his  first 
voyage.  What  a  precious  document  would  this  be  for  the  world!  These 
writings  may  still  exist,  neglected  and  forgotten  among  the  rubbish  of 
some  convent  in  Spain.  Little  hope  can  be  entertained  of  discovering 
them  in  the  present  state  of  the  degeneracy  of  the  cloister.  The  monks 
of  Atocha,  in  a  recent  conversation  with  one  of  the  royal  princes,  be- 
trayed an  ignorance  that  this  illustrious  man  was  buried  in  their  convent, 
nor  can  any  of  the  fraternity  point  out  his  place  of  sepulture  to  the 
stranger.1 

The  publication  of  this  work  of  Las  Casas  has  not  been  permitted  in 
Spain,  where  every  book  must  have  the  sanction  of  a  censor  before  it  is 
committed  to  the  press.  The  horrible  picture  it  exhibits  of  the  cruelties 
inflicted  on  the  Indians  would,  it  was  imagined,  excite  an  odium  against 
their  conquerors.  Las  Casas  himself  seems  to  have  doubted  the  expe- 
diency of  publishing  it;  for  in  1560  he  made  a  note  with  his  own  hand, 
which  is  preserved  in  the  two  first  volumes  of  the  original,  mentioning 
that  he  left  them  in  confidence  to  the  college  of  the  order  of  Predicators 
of  St.  Gregorio,  in  Valladolid,  begging  of  its  prelates  that  no  secular  per- 
son, nor  even  the  collegians,  should  be  permitted  to  read  his  history  for 


1  In  this  notice  the  author  has  occasionally  availed  himself  of  the  interesting  memoir 
of  MOD.  .1.  A.  Llorente,  prefixed  to  bin  collection  of  the  works'  of  l.an  <  'a.-;i*,  collating  it 
with  the  history  ul  liciiciu,  hum  which  iu  fact*  are  principally  derived. 


698  APPENDIX. 

the  space  of  forty  years;  and  that  after  that  term  it  might  be  printed  if 
consistent  with  the  good  of  the  Indies  and  of  .Spain.1 

For  the  foregoing  reason  this  work  lias  been  cautiously  used  by  Span- 
ish historians,  passing  over  in  silence,  or  with  brief  notice,  many  passages 
of  disgraceful  import.  This  feeling  is  natural,  if  not  commendable;  for  the 
world  is  not  prompt  to  discriminate  between  individuals  and  the  nation  of 
whom  they  are  but  a  part.  The  laws  and  regulations  for  the  government 
of  the  newly-discovered  countries,  and  the  decisions  of  the  Council  ot 
the  Indies  on  all  contested  points,  though  tinctured  in  some  degree  with 
the  bigotry  of  the  age,  were  distinguished  for  wisdom,  justice,  and 
humanity,  and  honor  to  the  Spanish  nation.  It  was  only  in  the  abuse 
of  them  by  individuals  to  whom  the  execution  of  the  laws  was  intrusted, 
that  these  atrocities  were  committed.  It  should  be  remembered,  also,  that 
the  sazne  nation  which  gave  birth  to  the  sanguinary  and  rapacious  adven- 
turers who  perpetrated  these  cruelties,  gave  birth  likewise  to  the  early 
missionaries,  like  Las  Casas,  who  followed  the  sanguinary  course  of  dis- 
covery, binding  up  the  wounds  inflicted  by  their  countrymen;  men  who  in 
a  truly  evangelical  spirit  braved  all  kinds  of  perils  and  hardships,  and 
even  death  itself,  not  through  a  prospect  of  temporal  gain  or  glory,  but 
through  a  desire  to  meliorate  the  condition  and  save  the  souls  of  barbar- 
ous and  suffering  nations.  The  dauntless  enterprises  and  fearful  pere- 
grinations of  many  of  these  virtuous  men,  if  properly  appreciated,  would 
be  found  to  vie  in  romantic  daring  with  the  heroic  achievements  of  chiv- 
alry, with  motives  of  a  purer  and  far  more  exalted  nature. 

No.  XXIX. 

PETER  MARTYR. 

PETER  MARTIR,  or  Martyr,  of  whose  writings  much  use  has  been  made 
in  this  history,  was  born  at  Anghierra,  in  the  territory  of  Milan,  in  Italy, 
on  the  second  of  February,  1455.  He  is  commonly  termed  Peter  Martyr 
of  Anrjleria,  from  the  Latin  name  of  his  native  place.  He  is  one  of  the 
earliest  historians  that  treat  of  Columbus,  and  was  his  contemporary  and 
intimate  acquaintance.  Being  at  Rome  in  1487,  and  having  acquired  a 
distinguished  reputation  for  learning,  he  was  invited  by  the  Spanish  am- 
bassador, the  Count  de  Tendilla,  to  accompany  him  to  Spain.  He  will- 
ingly accepted  the  invitation,  and  was  presented  to  the  sovereigns  atSara- 
gossa  Isabella,  amid  the  cares  of  the  war  with  Granada,  was  anxious  for 
the  intellectual  advancement  of  her  kingdom,  and  wished  to  employ 
Martyr  to  instruct  the  young  nobility  of  the  royal  household.  With  her 
peculiar  delicacy,  however,  she  first  made  her  confessor,  Hernando  de 
Talavera,  inquire  of  Martyr  m  what  capacity  he  desired  to  serve  her. 
Contrary  to  her  expectation,  Martyr  replied,  "In  the  profession  of  arms." 
The  queen  complied,  and  he  followed  her  in  her  campaigns,  as  one  of  her 
household  and  military  suite,  but  without  distinguishing  himself,  and  per- 
haps without  having  any  particular  employ  in  a  capacity  so  foreign  to  his 
talents.  After  the  surrender  of  Granada,  when  the  war  was  ended,  the 
queen,  through  the  medium  of  the  grand  cardinal  of  Spain,  prevailed 
upon  him  to  undertake  the  instruction  of  the  young  nobles  of  her  court. 

Martyr  was  acquainted  with  Columbus  while  making  his  application  to 
the  sovereigns,  and  was  present  at  his  triumphant  reception  by  Ferdi- 
nand and  Isabella  in  Barcelona,  on  his  return  from  his  first  voyage.  He 
was  continually  in  the  royal  camp  during  the  war  with  the  Moors,  of 

1  Navarrete,  Colec.  de  Viag.,  torn.  i.  p.  Ixxv. 


APPENDIX.  699 

which  his  letters  contain  many  interest  ing  particulars.  He  was  sent 
ambassador  extraordinary  by  Ferdinand  and  Isalx'lla,  in  1501,  to  Venice, 
and  tin-nee  to  the  graml  soldan  of  Egypt.  'I'lie  soldan,  in  14VH)  or  1491, 
had  sent  AH  embassy  to  the  Spanish  sovereigns,  threatening  that,  unless 
they  desisted  from  war  against  Granada,  he  would  put  all  the  Christians 
In  Kgypt  and  Syria  to  death,  overturn  all  their  temples,  and  destroy  the 
holy  sepulchre  at  Jerusalem.  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  pressed  the  war 
with  tenfold  energy,  and  brought  it  to  a  triumphant  conclusion  in  the 
next  campaign,  while  the  soldan  was  still  carrying  on  a  similar  negotia- 
tion with  the  pope.  They  afterward  sent  Peter  Martyr  ambassador  to 
the  soldan  to  explain  and  justify  their  measure.  Martyr  discharged 
the  duties  of  his  embassy  with  great  ability;  obtained  permission  from  the 
soldan  to  repair  the  holy  places  at  Jerusalem,  and  an  aliolit i-m  of  various 
extortions  to  which  Christian  pilgrims  had  been  subjected.  While  on 
this  embassy,  he  wrote  his  work  De  Legatione  Babylonica,  which  includes 
a  history  of  Egypt  in  those  times. 

On  his  return  to  Spain  he  was  rewarded  with  places  and  pensions,  and 
in  1524  was  appointed  a  minister  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies.  His  prin- 
cipal work  is  an  account  of  the  discoveries  of  the  New  World,  in  eight 
decades,  each  containing  ten  chapters.  They  are  styled  Decades  of  the 
New  World,  or  Decades  of  the  Ocean,  and,  like  all  his  other  works,  were 
originally  written  in  Latin,  though  since  translated  into  various  languages. 
He  had  familiar  access  to  letters,  papers,  journals,  and  narratives  of  the 
early  discoverers,  and  was  personally  acquainted  with  many  of  them, 
gathering  particulars  from  their  conversation.  In  writing  his  Decades, 
he  took  great  pains  to  obtain  information  from  Columbus  himself,  and 
from  others,  his  companions. 

In  one  of  his  epistles  (No.  153,  January,  1404,  to  Pomponius  Laetus), 
he  mentions  having  just  received  a  letter  from  Columbus,  by  which  it 
appears  he  was  in  correspondence  with  him.  Las  Casas  says  that  great 
credit  is  to  be  given  to  him  in  regard  to  those  voyages  of  Columbus, 
although  his  Decades  contain  some  inaccuracies  relative  to  subsequent 
events  in  the  Indies.  Munoz  allows  him  great  credit,  as  an  author  con- 
temporary with  his  subject,  grave,  well  cultivated,  instructed  in  the  facts 
of  which  he  treats,  and  of  entire  probity.  He  observes,  however,  that 
his  writings  being  composed  on  the  spur  or  excitement  of  the  moment, 
often  related  circumstances  which  subsequently  proved  to  l>e  erroneous; 
that  they  were  written  without  method  or  care,  often  confusing  dates  and 
events,  so  that  they  must  be  re^ad  with  some  caution. 

Martyr  was  in  the  daily  habit  of  writing  letters  to  distinguished  persons, 
relating  the  passing  occurrences  of  the  busy  court  and  age  in  which  he 
lived.  In  several  of  these  Columbus  is  mentioned,  and  also  some  of  the 
chief  events  of  his  voyages,  as  promulgated  at  the  very  moment  of  his 
return.  These  letters  not  being  generally  known  or  circulated,  or  fre- 
quently cited,  it  may  be  satisfactory  to  the  reader  to  have  a  few  of  the 
main  passages  which  relate  to  Columbus.  They  have  a  striking  effect  in 
carrying  us  back  to  the  very  time  of  the  discoveries. 

In  one  of  his  epistles,  dated  Barcelona,  May  1st,  1493,  and  addressed  to 
C.  Borromeo,  he  says:  "Within  these  few  days  a  certain  Christopher 
Columbus  has  arrived  from  the  western  antipodes;  a  man  of  Liguria, 
whom  my  sovereigns  reluctantly  intrusted  with  three  ships,  to  seek 
thai  region,  for  they  thought  that  what  he  said  was  fabulous.  He  has 
returned  and  brought  specimens  of  many  precious  things,  but  particularly 
gold,  which  those  countries  naturally  produce."  1 

i  Opus  Epist.  P.  Martyris  Anglerii,  Epist.  131. 


700  APPENDIX. 

In  another  letter,  dated  likewise  from  Barcelona,  in  September  follow- 
ing, he  gives  a  more  particular  account.  It  is  addressed  to  Count  Ten- 
dilla,  Governor  of  Granada,  and  also  to  Hernando  Talavera,  Archbishop 
of  that  diocese,  and  the  same  to  whom  the  propositions  of  Columbus  had 
been  referred  by  the  Spanish  sovereigns.  "  Arouse  your  attention,  an- 
cient sages,"  says  Peter  Martyr  in  his  epistle;  "  listen  to  a  new  discovery. 
You  remember  Columbus  the  Ligurian,  appointed  in  the  camp  by  our 
sovereigns  to  search  for  a  new  hemisphere  of  land  at  the  western  anti- 
podes. You  ought  to  recollect,  for  you  had  some  agency  in  the  transac- 
tion; nor  would  the  enterprise,  as  I  think,  have  been  undertaken, 
without  your  counsel.  He  has  returned  in  safety,  and  relates  the  won- 
ders he  has  discovered.  He  exhibits  gold  as  proofs  of  the  mines  in  those 
regions;  Gossampine  cotton,  also,  and  aromatics,  and  pepper  more  pun- 

fent  than  that  from  Caucasus.  All  these  tilings,  together  with  scarlet 
ye-woods,  the  earth  produces  spontaneously.  Pursuing  the  western  sun 
from  Gades  five  thousand  miles,  of  each  a  thousand  paces,  as  he  relates, 
he  fell  in  with  sundry  islands,  and  took  possession  of  one  of  them,  of 
greater  circuit,  he  asserts,  than  the  whole  of  Spain.  Here  he  found  a 
race  of  men  living  contented,  in  a  state  of  nature,  subsisting  on  fruits  and 
vegetables,  and  bread  formed  from  roots.  .  .  .  These  people  have  kings, 
some  greater  than  others,  and  they  war  occasionally  among  themselves, 
with  bows  and  arrows,  or  lances  sharpened  and  hardened  in  the  tire. 
The  desire  of  command  prevails  among  them,  though  they  are  naked. 
They  have  wives  also.  What  they  worship  except  the  divinity  of  heaven, 
is  not  ascertained."  1 

In  another  letter,  dated  likewise  in  September,  1493,  and  addressed  to 
the  cardinal  and  vice-chancellor  Ascanius  Sforza,  he  says: 

"So  great  is  my  desire  to  give  you  satisfaction,  illustrious  prince,  that 
I  consider  it  a  gratifying  occurrence  in  the  great  fluctuations  of  events, 
when  any  thing  takes  place  among  us,  in  which  you  may  take  an  in- 
terest. The  wonders  of  this  terrestrial  globe,  round  which  the  sun  makes 
a  circuit  in  the  space  of  four  and  twenty  hours,  have,  until  our  time,  as 
you  are  well  aware,  been  known  only  in  regard  to  one  hemisphere,  merely 
from  the  golden  Chersonesus  to  our  Spanish  Gades.  The  rest  has  been 
given  up  as  unknown  by  cosmographers,  and  if  any  mention  of  it  has 
been  made,  it  has  been  slight  and  dubious.  But  now,  O  blessed  enter- 
prise! under  the  auspices  of  our  sovereigns,  what  has  hitherto  lain  hidden 
since  the  first  origin  of  things,  has  at  length  begun  to  be  developed. 
The  thing  has  thus  occurred  —  attend,  illustrious  prince!  A  certain 
Christopher  Columbus,  a  Ligurian,  despatched  to  those  regions  with 
three  vessels  by  my  sovereigns,  pursuing  the  western  sun  above  five 
thousand  miles  from  Gades,  achieved  his  way  to  the  antipodes.  Three 
and  thirty  successive  days  they  navigated  with  nought  but  sky  and  water. 
At  length  from  the  mast-head  of  the  largest  vessel,  in  which  Columbus 
himself  sailed,  those  on  the  look-out  proclaimed  the  sight  of  land.  He 
coasted  along  six  islands,  one  of  them,  as  all  his  followers  declare,  be- 
guiled perchance  by  the  novelty  of  the  scene,  is  larger  than  Spain." 

Martyr  proceeds  to  give  the  usual  account  of  the  productions  of  the 
islands,  and  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  natives,  particularly  the  wars 
which  occurred  among  them;  "  as  if  nieuin  and  tuuni  had  been  introduced 
among  them  as  among  us,  and  expensive  luxuries,  and  the  desire  of 
accumulating  wealth;  for  what,  you  will  think,  can  be  the  wants  of  naked 
men?"  "  What  further  may  succeed,"  he  adds,  "I  will  hereafter  sig- 
nify. Farewell."  2 

i  Opus  Epist.  P.  Martyris  Auglerii,  Epist.  131.  *  Ibid.,  Epist.  135. 


APPENDIX.  701 

In  another  letter,  dated  Yalladolid,  February  1st,  1494,  to  Hernando 
de  Talavera,  Archbishop  of  Granada,  lie  observes,  "  The  king  and  queen, 
on  the  return  of  Columbus  to  Barcelona,  from  his  honorable  enter- 
prise, appointed  him  admiral  of  the  ocean  sea,  and  caused  him,  on 
account  of  his  illustrious  deeds,  to  be  seated  in  their  presence,  an  honor 
and  a  favor,  as  you  know,  the  highest  with  our  sovereigns.  They  have 
despatched  him  again  to  those  regions,  furnished  with  a  fleet  of  eighteen 
ships.  There  is  prospect  of  great  discoveries  at  the  western  antarctic 
antipodes.  .  .  .  "  J 

In  a  subsequent  letter  to  Pomponius  Lsetus,  dated  from  Alcala  de 
Ht'iiares,  December  9th,  1494,  he  gives  the  first  news  of  the  success  of 
this  expedition. 

"Spain,"  says  he,  "is  spreading  her  wings,  augmenting  her  empire, 
and  extending  her  name  and  glory  to  the  antipodes.  ...  Of  eighteen 
vessels  despatched  by  my  sovereigns  with  the  Admiral  Columbus  in  his 
second  voyage  to  the  western  hemisphere,  twelve  have  returned  and  have 
brought  Gossampine  cotton,  huge  trees  of  dye-wood,  and  many  other 
articles  held  with  us  as  precious,  the  natural  productions  of  that  hitherto 
hidden  world;  and  beside  all  other  things,  no  small  quantity  of  gold.  O 
wonderful,  Pomponius!  Upon  the  surface  of  that  earth  are  found  rude 
masses  of  native  gold,  of  a  weight  that  one  is  afraid  to  mention.  Some 
weigh  two  hundred  and  fifty  ounces,  and  they  hope  to  discover  others  of 
a  much  larger  size,  from  what  the  naked  natives  intimate,  when  they 
extol  their  gold  to  our  people.  Nor  are  the  Lestrigonians  nor  Polyphemi, 
who  feed  on  human  flesh,  any  longer  doubtful.  Attend  —  but  beware! 
lest  they  rise  in  horror  before  thee !  When  he  proceeded  from  the  For- 
tunate Islands,  now  termed  the  Canaries,  to  Hispaniola,  the  island  on 
which  he  first  set  foot,  turning  his  prow  a  little  toward  the  south,  he 
arrived  at  innumerable  islands  of  savage  men,  whom  they  called  canni- 
bals, or  Caribbees;  and  these,  though  naked,  are  courageous  warriors. 
They  fight  skilfully  with  bows  and  clubs,  and  have  boats  hollowed  from 
a  single  tree,  yet  very  capacious,  in  which  they  make  fierce  descents  on 
neighboring  islands,  inhabited  by  milder  people.  They  attack  their 
villages,  from  which  they  carry  off  the  men  and  devour  them,"  etc.2 

Another  letter  to  Pomponius  Laetus,  on  the  same  subject,  has  been 
cited  at  large  in  the  body  of  this  work.  It  is  true  these  extracts  itive 
nothing  that  has  not  been  stated  more  at  large  in  the  Decades  of  the 
same  author,  but  they  are  curious,  as  the  very  first  announcements  of 
the  discoveries  of  Columbus,  and  as  showing  the  first  stamp  of  these  ex- 
traordinary events  upon  the  mind  of  one  of  the  most  learned  and  lib- 
eral men  of  the  age. 

A  collection  of  the  letters  of  Peter  Martyr  was  published  in  1530,  under 
the  title  of  Opus  Epistolarum,  Petri  Martyris  Anglerii;  it  is  divided  into 
thirty-eight  books,  each  containing  the  letters  of  one  year.  The  same 
objections  have  been  made  to  his  letters  as  to  his  Decades,  but  they  bear 
the  same  stamp  of  candor,  probity,  and  great  information.  They  possess 
peculiar  value  from  being  written  at  the  moment,  before  the  facts  they 
record  were  distorted  or  discolored  by  prejudice  or  misrepresentation. 
His  works  abound  in  interesting  particulars  not  to  be  found  in  any  con- 
temporary historian.  They  are  rich  in  thought,  but  still  richer  in  fact, 
and  are  full  of  urbanity,  and  of  the  liberal  feeling  of  a  scholar  who  has 
mingled  with  the  world.  He  is  a  fountain  from  which  others  draw,  and 
from  which,  with  a  little  precaution,  they  may  draw  securely.  He  died 
in  Yalladolid,  in  lo^O. 


Opus  Episl.  I'.  Marty  rid,  Auglurii,  Epi»t.  141.  *  Ibid.,  Epist.  147. 


702  APPENDIX. 

No.   XXX. 

OVIEDO. 

GONZALO  FERNANDEZ  T>E  OVIEDO  Y  VALDES,  commonly  known  as 
Oviedo,  was  born  in  Madrid  in  1478,  and  died  in  Valladolid  in  1557.  n^>-.\ 
seventy-nine  years.  He  was  of  a  noble  Austrian  family,  and  in  his  boy- 
hood (in  141HJ)  was  appointed  one  of  the  pages  to  Prince  Juan,  heir  appar- 
ent of  Spain,  the  only  son  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella.  He  was  in  this 
situation  at  the  time  of  the  siege  and  surrender  of  Granada,  was  conse- 
quently at  court  at  the  time  that  Columbus  made  his  agreement  with  the 
Catholic  sovereigns,  and  was  in  the  same  capacity  at  Barcelona,  and 
witnessed  the  triumphant  entrance  of  the  discoverer,  attended  by  a 
number  of  the  natives  of  the  newly-found  countries. 

In  1513,  he  was  sent  to  the  New  World  by  Ferdinand,  to  superintend 
the  gold-foundries.  For  many  years  he  served  there  in  various  offices  of 
trust  and  dignity,  both  under  Ferdinand,  and  his  grandson  and  successor 
Charles  V.  In  1535,  he  was  made  alcayde  of  the  fortress  of  St.  Domingo 
in  Hispaniola,  and  afterward  was  appointed  historiographer  of  the 
Indies.  At  the  time  of  his  death,  he  had  served  the  crown  upward  of 
forty  years,  thirty-four  of  which  were  passed  in  the  colonies,  and  he  had 
crossed  the  ocean  eight  times,  as  he  mentions  in  various  parts  of  his 
writings.  He  wrote  several  works;  the  most  improtant  is  the  chronicle 
of  the  Indies  in  fifty  books,  divided  into  three  parts.  The  first  part 
containing  nineteen  books  was  printed  at  Seville  in  1535,  and  reprinted  in 
1547  at  Salamanca,  augmented  by  a  twentieth  book  containing  shipwrecks. 
The  remainder  of  the  work  exists  in  manuscript.  The  printing  of  it  was 
commenced  at  Valladolid  in  1557,  but  was  discontinued  in  consequence 
of  his  death.  It  is  one  of  the  unpublished  treasures  of  Spanish  colonial 
history. 

He  was  an  indefatigable  writer,  laborious  in  collecting  and  recording 
facts,  and  composed  a  multitude  of  volumes  which  are  scattered  through 
the  Spanish  libraries.  His  writings  are  full  of  events  which  happened 
under  his  own  eye,  or  were  communicated  to  him  by  eye-witnesses,  but  he 
was  deficient  in  judgment  and  discrimination.  He  took  his  facts  without 
caution,  and  often  from  sources  unworthy  of  credit.  In  his  account 
of  the  first  voyage  of  Columbus,  he  falls  into  several  egregious  errors, 
in  consequence  of  taking  the  verbaF  information  of  a  pilot  named  Hernan 
Perez  Matteo,  who  was  in  the  interest  of  the  Pinzons,  and  adverse  to  the 
admiral.  His  work  is  not  much  to  be  depended  upon  in  matters  relative 
to  Columbus.  When  he  treats  of  a  more  advanced  period  of  the  New 
World,  from  his  own  actual  observation,  he  is  much  more  satisfactory, 
though  he  is  accused  of  listening  too  readily  to  popular  fables  and  misrepre- 
sentations. His  account  of  the  natural  productions  of  the  New  World, 
and  of  the  customs  of  its  inhabitants,  is  full  of  curious  particulars;  and 
the  best  narratives  of  some  of  the  minor  voyages  which  succeeded  those 
of  Columbus,  are  to  be  found  in  the  unpublished  part  of  his  work. 


No.   XXXI. 

CUBA  DE  LOS  PALACIO8. 

ANDRES  BERNALDES,  or  Bernal,  generally  known  by  the  title  of  the 
curate  of  Los  Paladoa,  from  having  been  curate  of  the  town  of  Los  Pala- 
cios  from  about  1488  to  1513,  was  born  in  the  town  of  Fueutes,  and  was 


APPENDIX.  703 

for  some  time  chaplain  to  Diego  Deza,  Archbishop  of  Seville,  one  of  the 
greatest  friends  to  the  application  of  Columbus.  Bernaldes  was  well 
acquainted  with  the  admiral,  who  was  occasionally  his  guest,  and  in  141MJ, 
left  many  of  his  manuscripts  and  journals  with  him,  which  the  curate 
m.ide  use  of  in  a  history  of  the  reign  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  in 
which  he  introduced  an  account  of  the  voyages  of  Columbus.  In  the 
narrative  of  the  admiral's  coasting  along  the  southern  side  of  Cuba,  the 
curate  is  more  minute  and  accurate  than  any  other  historian.  His  work 
exists  only  in  manuscript,  but  is  well  known  to  historians,  who  have 
made  frequent  use  of  it.  Nothing  can  be  more  simple  and  artless  than 
the  account  which  the  honest  curate  gives  of  his  being  first  moved  to 
undertake  his  chronicle.  "  I  who  wrote  these  chapters  of  memoirs,"  he 
says,  "being  for  twelve  years  in  the  habit  of  reading  a  register  of  my 
deceased  grandfather,  who  was  notary  public  of  the  town  of  Fuentes, 
where  1  was  born,  I  found  therein  several  chapters  recording  certain 
events  and  achievements  which  had  taken  place  in  his  time;  and  my 
grandmother  his  widow,  who  was  very  old,  hearing  me  read  them  said 
to  me,  'And  thou,  my  son,  since  thou  art  not  slothful  in  writing,  why 
dost  thou  not  write,  in  this  manner,  the  good  things  which  are  happen- 
ing at  present  in  thy  own  day,  that  those  who  come  hereafter  may  know 
them,  and  marvelling  at  what  they  read  may  render  thanks  to  God.' 

"From  that  time,"  continues  he,  "1  proposed  to'  do  so,  and  as  I 
considered  the  matter,  I  said  often  to  myself,  '  if  God  gives  me  life  and 
health  I  will  continue  to  write  until  1  behold  the  kingdom  of  Granada 
gained  by  the  Christians;'  and  I  always  entertained  a  hope  of  seeing  it 
and  did  see  it:  great  thanks  and  praises  be  given  to  our  Saviour  Jesus 
Christ!  And  because  it  was  impossible  to  write  a  complete  and  con- 
nected account  of  all  things  that  happened  in  Spain,  during  the  matrimo- 
nial union  of  the  king  Don  Ferdinand,  and  the  queen  Dofia  Isabella,  I 
wrote  only  about  certain  of  the  most  striking  and  remarkable  events,  of 
which  I  had  correct  information,  and  of  those  which  1  saw  or  which  were 
public  and  notorious  to  all  men."1 

The  work  of  the  worthy  curate,  as  may  be  inferred  from  the  foregoing 
statement,  is  deficient  in  regularity  of  plan ;  the  style  is  artless  and  often 
inelegant,  but  it  abounds  in  facts  not  to  be  met  with  elsewhere,  often 
given  in  a  very  graphical  manner,  and  strongly  characteristic  of  the 
times.  As  he  was  contemporary  with  the  events  and  familiar  with  many 
of  the  persons  of  his  history,  and  as  he  was  a  man  of  probity  and  void  of 
all  pretension,  his  manuscript  is  a  document  of  high  authenticity.  He 
was  much  respected  in  the  limited  sphere  in  which  he  moved,  "  yet.'' 
says  one  of  his  admirers,  who  wrote  a  short  preface  to  his  chronicle,  "he 
had  no  other  reward  than  that  of  the  curacy  of  Los  Palacios,  and  the 
place  of  chaplain  to  the  archbishop  Don  Diego  Deza." 

In  the  possession  of  O.  Rich,  Esq.,  of  Madrid,  is  a  very  curious  manu- 
script chronicle  of  the  reign  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  already  quoted  in 
this  work,  made  up  from  this  history  of  the  curate  of  Los  Palacios,  and 
from  various  other  historians  of  the  times,  by  some  contemporary  writer. 
In  his  account  of  the  voyage  of  Columbus,  he  differs  in  some  trivial  par- 
ticulars from  the  regular  copy  of  the  manuscript  of  the  curate.  These 
variations  have  been  carefully  examined  by  the  author  of  this  work,  and 
wherever  they  appear  to  be  for  the  better,  have  been  adopted. 

1  Cura  de  loe  Palacios,  cap.  7. 


704  APPENDIX. 


No.  XXXII. 

"NAVIGATIONS  DEL  RE  DE  CASTIGLIA  DELLE  ISOI.E  E  PAESE  NUO- 
VAMENTE  1UTROVATE."     "NAV-1GATIO  CHRISTOPHOUI  COLOXBI." 

THE  above  are  the  titles,  in  Italian  and  in  Latin,  of  the  earliest  narra- 
tives of  the  first  and  second  voyages  of  Columbus  that  appeared  in  print. 
It  was  anonymous;  and  there  are  some  curious  particulars  in  regard  to 
it.  It  was  originally  written  in  Italian  by  Montalbodo  Fracanzo,  or 
Fracanzano,  or  by  Francapano  de  Montabaldo  (for  writers  differ  in  re- 
gard to  the  name),  and  was  published  in  Vicenza,  in  1507,  in  a  collection 
of  voyages,  entitled  Mondo  Novo,  e  Paese  Nuovaiuente  Kitrovate.  The 
collection  was  republished  at  Milan,  in  1508,  both  in  Italian,  and  in  a 
Latin  translation  made  by  Archangelo  Madrignano,  under  the  title  of 
Itinerarium  Portugallensium;  this  title  being  given,  because  the  work 
related  chiefly  to  the  voyages  of  Luigi  Cadamosto,  a  Venetian  in  the 
service  of  Portugal. 

The  collection  was  afterward  augmented  by  Simon  Grinasus  with  other 
travels,  and  printed  in  Latin  at  Basle,in  1533, '  by  Hervagio,  emitled 
Novus  Orbis  Regionum,  etc.  The  edition  of  Basle,  1555,  and  the  Italian 
edition  of  Milan,  in  1508,  have  been  consulted  in  the  course  of  this  work. 

Peter  Martyr  (Decad.  2.  Cap.  7)  alludes  to  this  publication,  under  the 
first  Latin  title  of  the  book,  Itinerarium  Portugallensium,  and  accuses 
the  author,  whom  by  mistake  he  terms  Cadamosto,  of  having  stolen  the 
materials  of  his  book  from  the  three  first  chapters  of  his  first  Decade  of 
the  Ocean,  of  which,  he  says,  he  granted  copies  in  manuscript  to  several 
persons,  and  in  particular  to  certain  Venetian  ambassadors.  Martyr's 
Decades  were  not  published  until  1516,  excepting  the  first  three,  which 
were  published  in  1511,  at  Seville. 

This  narrative  of  the  voyages  of  Columbus  is  referred  to  by  Gio.  Batista 
Spotorno,  in  his  historical  memoir  of  Columbus,  as  having  been  written 
by  a  companion  of  Columbus. 

It  is  manifest,  from  a  perusal  of  the  narrative,  that  though  the  author 
may  have  helped  himself  freely  from  the  manuscript  of  Martyr,  he  must 
have  had  other  sources  of  information.  His  description  of  the  person  of 
Columbus  as  a  man  tall  of  stature  and  large  of  frame,  of  a  ruddy  com- 
plexion and  oblong  visage,  is  not  copied  from  Martyr,  nor  from  any 
other  writer.  No  historian  had,  indeed,  preceded  him,  except  Sabellicus, 
in  1504;  and  the  portrait  agrees  with  that  subsequently  given  of  Colum- 
bus in  the  biography  written  by  his  son. 

It  is  probable  that  this  narrative,  which  appeared  only  a  year  after  the 
death  of  Columbus,  was  a  piece  of  literary  job-work,  written  for  the  col- 
lection of  voyages  published  at  Vicenza;  and  that  the  materials  were 
taken  from  oral  communication,  from  the  account  given  by  Sabellicus, 
and  particularly  from  the  manuscript  copy  of  Martyr's  first  decade. 


No.   XXXIII. 

ANTONIO  DE   HERRERA. 

ANTONIO  HERRERA  DE  TORDESILLAS,  one  of  the  authors  mo«t  fre- 
quently cited  in  this  work,  was  born  in  1565,  of  Roderick  Tonlesillas, 

1  Biblioiheca  Piuello. 


APPENDIX.  705 

and  Agnes  de  Herrera,  his  wife.  He  received  an  excellent  education, 
anil  entered  into  the  employ  of  Vespasian  Gonzago,,  brother  to  the  Duke 
of  Mantua,  who  was  Viceroy  of  Naples  for  Philip  the  Second  of  Spain. 
He  was  for  some  time  secretary  to  this  statesman,  and  intrusted  with  all 
his  secrets.  He  was  afterward  grand  historiographer  of  the  Indies  to 
Philip  II.,  who  added  to  that  title  a  large  pension.  He  wrote  various 
books,  but  the  most  celebrated  is  a  General  History  of  the  Indies,  or 
American  Colonies,  in  four  volumes,  containing  eight  decades.  When 
he  undertook  this  work  all  the  public  archives  were  thrown  open  to  him, 
and  he  had  access  to  documents  of  all  kinds.  He  has  been  charged  with 
great  precipitation  in  the  production  of  his  two  first  volumes,  and  with 
negligence  in  not  making  sufficient  use  of  the  indisputable  sources  of  in- 
formation thus  placed  within  his  reach.  The  fact  was,  that  he  met  with 
historical  tracts  lying  in  manuscript,  which  embraced  a  great  part  of  the 
first  discoveries,  and  he  contented  himself  with  stating  events  as  he  found 
them  tlicn-in  recorded.  It  is  certain  that  a  great  part  of  his  work  is  little 
more  than  a  transcript  of  the  manuscript  history  of  the  Indies  by  Las 
Casas,  sometimes  reducing  and  improving  the  language  when  tumid; 
omitting  the  impassioned  sallies  of  the  zealous  father,  when  the  wrongs 
of  the  Indians  were  in  question;  and  suppressing  various  circumstances 
degrading  to  the  character  of  the  Spanish  discoverers.  The  author  of  the 
present  work,  has,  therefore,  frequently  put  aside  the  history  of  Herrera, 
and  consulted  the  source  of  his  information,  the  manuscript  history  of 
Las  Casas. 

Mufioz  observes  that  "in  general  Herrera  did  little  more  than  join 
together  morsels  and  extracts,  taken  from  various  parts,  in  the  way  that 
a  writer  arranges  chronologically  the  materials  from  which  he  intends  to 
compose  a  history;"  he  adds,  that  "had  not  Herrera  been  a  learned  and 
judicious  man.  the  precipitation  with  which  he  put  together  these  mate- 
rials would  have  led  to  innumerable  errors."  The  remark  is  just;  yet 
it  is  to  be  considered,  that  to  select  and  arrange  such  materials  judi- 
ciously, and  treat  them  learnedly,  was  no  trifling  merit  in  the  his- 
torian. 

Herrera  has  been  accused  also  of  flattering  his  nation;  exalting  the 
deeds  of  his  countrymen,  and  softening  and  concealing  their  excesses. 
There  is  nothing  very  serious  in  this  accusation.  To  illustrate  the  glory 
of  his  nation  is  one  of  the  noblest  offices  of  the  historian;  and  it  is  dif- 
ficult to  speak  too  highly  of  the  extraordinary  enterprises  and  splendid 
actions  of  the  Spaniards  in  those  days.  In  softening  their  excesses  he 
fell  into  an  amiable  and  pardonable  error,  if  it  were  indeed  an  error  for  a 
Spanish  writer  to  endeavor  to  sink  them  in  oblivion. 

Vossins  passes  a  high  eulogitim  on  Herrera.  "  No  one,"  he  says,  "  has 
described  with  greater  industry  and  fidelity  the  magnitude  and  boundaries 
of  provinces,  the  tracts  of  sea,  positions  of  capes  and  islands,  of  ports 
and  harbors,  the  windings  of  rivers  and  dimensions  of  lakes;  the  situa- 
tion and  peculiarities  of  regions,  with  the  appearance  of  the  heavens, 
and  the  designation  of  places  suitable  for  the  establishment  of  cities." 
He  has  been  called  among  the  Spaniards  the  prince  of  the  histc.Mans 
of  America,  and  it  is  added  that  none  have  risen  since  his  time  capable  of 
disputing  with  him  that  title.  Much  of  this  praise  will  appear  exagger- 
ated by  such  as  examine  the  manuscript  histories  from  which  he  trans- 
ferred chapters  and  entire  books,  with  very  little  alteration,  to  his  volumes; 
and  a  great  part  of  the  eulogiuuis  passed  on  him  for  his  work  on  the 
Indies,  will  be  found  really  due  to  Las  Casas,  who  has  too  long  been 
eclipsed  by  his  copyist.  Still  Herrera  has  left  voluminous  proofs  of  in- 
dustrious research,  extensive  information,  and  great  literary  talent.  His 


706  APPENDIX. 

works  bear  the  mark  of  candor,  integrity,  and  a  sincere  desire  to  record 
the  truth. 

He  died  in  1625,  at  sixty  years  of  age,  after  having  obtained  from 
Philip  IV.  the  promise  of  the  first  charge  of  secretary  of  state  that  should 
become  vacant. 

No.  XXXIV. 

BISHOP   FONSECA. 

THE  singular  malevolence  displayed  by  Bishop  Juan  Rodriguez  de 
Fonseca  toward  Columbus  and  his  family,  and  which  was  one  of  the  secret 
and  principal  causes  of  their  misfortunes,  has  been  frequently  noticed  in 
the  course  of  this  work.  It  originated,  as  has  been  shown,  in  some  dis- 
pute between  the  admiral  and  Fonseca  at  Seville  in  1403,  on  account  of 
the  delay  in  fitting  out  the  armament  for  the  second  voyage,  and  in  regard 
to  the  number  of  domestics  to  form  the  household  of  the  admiral. 
Fonseca  received  a  letter  from  the  sovereigns,  tacitly  reproving  him,  and 
ordering  him  to  show  all  possible  attention  to  the  wishes  of  Columbus, 
and  to  see  that  he  was  treated  with  honor  and  deference.  Fonseca  never 
forgot  this  affront,  and,  what  with  him  was  the  saiie  thing,  never  forgave 
it.  His  spirit  appears  to  have  been  of  that  unhealthy  kind  which  has 
none  of  the  balm  of  forgiveness;  and  in  which,  a  wound  once  made, 
forever  rankles.  The  hostility  thus  produced  continued  with  increasing 
virulence  throughout  the  life  of  Columbus,  and  at  his  death  was  trans- 
ferred to  his  son  and  successor.  This  persevering  animosity  has  been 
illustrated  in  the  course  of  this  work  by  facts  and  observations,  cited  from 
authors,  some  of  them  contemporary  with  Fonseca,  but  who  were  ap- 
parently restrained  by  motives  of  prudence  from  giving  full  vent  to  the 
in  liguation  which  they  evidently  felt.  Even  at  the  present  day,  a  Spanish 
historian  would  be  cautious  of  expressing  his  feelings  freely  on  the  subject, 
le>t  they  should  prejudice  his  work  in  the  eyes  of  the  ecclesiastical  censors 
of  the  press.  In  this  way  Bishop  Fonseca  has  in  a  great  measure  escaped 
the  general  odium  his  conduct  merited. 

This  prelate  had  the  chief  superintendence  of  Spanish  colonial  affairs, 
both  under  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  and  the  Emperor  Charles  V.  He 
was  an  active  and  intrepid,  but  selfish,  overbearing,  and  perfidious  man. 
His  administration  bears  no  marks  of  enlarged  and  liberal  policy;  but  is 
full  of  traits  of  arrogance  and  meanness.  He  opposed  the  benevolent 
attempts  of  Las  Casas  to  ameliorate  the  condition  of  the  Indians,  and  to 
obtain  the  abolition  of  repartimientos ;  treating  him  with  personal  haugh- 
tiness and  asperity.1  The  reason  assigned  is  that  Fonseca  was  enriching 
himself  by  those  very  abuses,  retaining  large  numbers  of  the  miserable 
Indians  in  slavery,  to  work  on  his  possessions  in  the  colonies. 

To  show  that  his  character  has  not  been  judged  with  undue  severity,  it- 
is  expedient  to  point  out  his  invidious  and  persecuting  conduct  toward 
Hernando  Cortez.  The  bishop,  while  ready  to  foster  rambling  adven- 
turers who  came  forward  under  his  patronage,  had  never  the  head  or  the 
heart  to  appreciate  the  merits  of  illustrious  commanders  like  Columbus 
or  Cortez. 

At  a  time  when  disputes  arose  between  Cortez  and  Diego  Velazquez, 
governor  of  Cuba,  and  the  latter  sought  to  arrest  the  conqueror  of  Mexico 
in  the  midst  of  his  brilliant  career,  Fonseca,  with  entire  disregard  of  the 
merits  of  the  case,  took  a  decided  part  in  favor  of  Velazquez.  Personal 


1  Herrera,  Hist.  Ind.,  decad.  ii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  3. 


APPENDIX.  707 

interest  was  at  the  bottom  of  this  favor;  for  a  marriage  was  negotiating 
between  Velazquez  and  a  sister  of  the  bishop.1  Complaints  and  misrep- 
resentations had  been  sent  to  Spain  by  Velazquez  of  the  conduct  of  Corte/, 
who  was  represented  as  a  lawless  and  unprineipled  adventurer  attempting 
to  usurp  absolute  authority  in  New  Spain.  The  true  services  of  Cortez 
had  already  excited  admiration  at  court,  but  such  was  the  influence  of 
Fonseca,  that,  as  in  the  case  of  Columbus,  he  succeeded  in  prejudicing 
the  mind  of  the  sovereign  against  one  of  the  most  meritorious  of  his  sub- 
jects. One  Christoval  de  Tapia,  a  man  destitute  of  talent  or  character, 
but  whose  greatest  recommendation  was  his  having  been  in  the  employ 
of  the  bishop,-  was  invested  with  powers  similar  to  those  once  given  to 
Jiobadilla  to  the  prejudice  of  Columbus.  Ue  was  to  inquire  into  the 
conduct  of  Cortez,  and  in  case  he  thought  fit,  to  seize  him,  sequestrate 
his  property,  and  supersede  him  in  command.  Not  content  with  the 
regular  official  letters  furnished  to  Tapia,  the  bishop,  shortly  after  his 
departure,  sent  out  Juan  Bono  de  Quexo  with  blank  letters  signed  by  his 
own  hand,  and  with  others  directed  to  various  persons,  charging  them  to 
admit  Tapia  for  governor,  and  assuring  them  that  the  king  considered 
the  conduct  of  Cortez  as  disloyal.  Nothing  but  the  sagacity  and  firmness 
of  Cortez  prevented  this  measure  from  completely  interrupting,  if  not 
defeating  his  enterprises;  and  he  afterward  declared,  that  he  had  expe- 
rienced more  trouble  and  difficulty  from  the  menaces  and  affronts  of  the 
ministers  of  the  king  than  it  cost  him  to  conquer  Mexico.3 

When  the  dispute  between  Cortez  and  Velazquez  came  to  be  decided 
upon  in  Spain,  in  1522,  the  father  of  Cortez,  and  those  that  had  come 
from  New  Spain  as  his  procurators,  obtained  permission  fiom  Cardinal 
Adrian,  at  that  time  governor  of  the  realm,  to  prosecute  a  public  accusa- 
tion of  the  bishop.  A  regular  investigation  took  place  before  the  Council 
of  the  Indies  of  their  allegations  against  its  president.  They  charged 
him  with  having  publicly  declared  Cortez  a  traitor  and  a  rebel;  with 
having  intercepted  and  suppressed  his  letters  addressed  to  the  king,  keep- 
ing his  Majesty  in  ignorance  of  their  contents  and  of  the  important  ser- 
vices he  had  performed,  while  he  diligently  forwarded  all  letters  calculated 
to  promote  the  interest  of  Velazquez;  with  having  prevented  the  repre- 
sentations of  Cortez  from  being  heard  in  the  Council  of  the  Indies, 
declaring  that  they  should  never  be  heard  there  while  he  lived ;  with  having 
interdicted  the  forwarding  of  arms,  merchandise,  and  re-enforcements  to 
New  Spain ;  and  with  having  issued  orders  to  the  office  of  the  India  House 
at  Seville  to  arrest  the  procurators  of  Cortez  and  all  persons  arriving 
from  him,  and  to  seize  and  detain  all  gold  that  they  should  bring.  These 
ami  various  other  charges  of  similar  nature  were  dispassionately  inves- 
tigated. Enough  were  substantiated  to  convict  Fonseca  of  the  most, 
partial,  oppressive  and  perfidious  conduct,  and  the  cardinal  consequently 
forbade  him  to  interfere  in  the  cause  between  Cortez  and  Velazquez,  and 
revoked  all  the  orders  which  the  bishop  had  issued,  in  the  matter,  to  the 
Iinlia  House  of  Seville.  Indeed  Salazar,  a  Spanish  historian,  says  that 
Fmiseea  was  totally  divested  of  his  authority  as  president  of  the  council, 
and  of  all  control  of  the  affairs  of  New  Spain,  and  adds  that  he  was  so 
mortified  at  the  blow,  that  it  brought  on  a  tit  of  illness,  which  well-nigh 
cost  him  his  life.4 

The  suit  between  Cortez  and  Velazquez  was  referred  to  a  special  tri- 


i  Herrera,  Tlist.  Ind.,  decad.  iii.  lib.  iv.  cap.  3. 

*  Ibid.,  decad.  iii.  lib.  i.  cap.  15. 
8  Ibid.,  decad.  iii.  lib.  iv.  cap.  .1. 

*  iSaiuzar,  C'ouq.  de  Mexico,  lib.  i.  cap.  2. 


708  APPENDIX. 

bunal,  composed  of  the  grand  chancellor  and  other  persons  of  note,  and 
was  decided  in  1522.  The  influence  and  intrigues  of  Fonseca  bein'*  no 
longer  of  avail,  a  triumphant  verdict  was  given  in  favor  of  Cortez,  which 
was  afterward  confirmed  by  the  Emperor  Charles  V.,  and  additional 
honors  awarded  him.  This  was  another  blow  to  the  malignant  Fonseca, 
who  retained  his  enmity  against  Cortez  until  his  last  moment,  rendered 
still  more  rancorous  by  mortification  and  disappointment. 

A  charge  against  Fonseca,  of  a  still  darker  nature  than  any  of  the  pre- 
ceding, may  be  found  lurking  in  the  pages  of  Herrera,  though  so  obscure 
as  to  have  escaped  the  notice  of  succeeding  historians.  He  points  to  the 
bishop  as  the  instigator  of  a  desperate  and  perfidious  man,  who  conspired 
against  the  life  of  Hernando  Cortez.  This  was  one  Antonio  de  Villat'ufu, 
who  fomented  a  conspiracy  to  assassinate  Cortez,  and  elect  Francisco 
Verdujo,  brother-in-law  of  Velazquez,  in  his  place.  While  the  conspira- 
tors were  waiting  for  an  opportunity  to  poniard  Cortez,  one  of  them, 
relenting,  apprised  him  of  his  danger.  Villafafia  was  arrested.  He  at- 
tempted to  swallow  a  paper  containing  a  list  of  the  conspirators,  but  being 
seized  by  the  throat,  a  part  of  it  was  forced  from  his  mouth  containing 
fourteen  names  of  persons  of  importance.  Villafafia  confessed  his  guilt, 
but  tortures  could  not  make  him  inculpate  the  persons  whose  names  were 
on  the  list,  whom  he  declared  were  ignorant  of  the  plot.  He  was  hanged 
by  order  of  Cortez.1 

In  the  investigation  of  the  disputes  between  Cortez  and  Velazquez,  this 
execution  of  Villafana  was  magnified  into  a  cruel  and  wanton  act  of 
power;  and  in  their  eagerness  to  criminate  Cortez  the  witnesses  on  the 
part  of  Alvarez  declared  that  Villafana  had  been  instigated  to  what  he 
hid  done  by  letters  from  Bishop  Fonseca!  (Que  se  movio  a  lo  que  hizo 
con  cartas  del  obispo  de  Burgos.'2)  It  is  not  probable  that  Fonseca  had 
recommended  assassination,  but  it  shows  the  character  of  his  agents,  and 
what  must  have  been  the  malignant  nature  of  his  instructions,  when 
these  men  thought  that  such  an  act  would  accomplish  his  wishes.  Fon- 
seca died  at  Burgos  on  the  4th  of  November,  1554,  and  was  interred  at 
Coca. 

No.  XXXV. 

OF  THE   SITUATION  OF  THE  TERRESTRIAL  PARADISE. 

THE  speculations  of  Columbus  on  the  situation  of  the  terrestrial 
paradise,  extravagant  as  they  may  appear,  were  such  as  have  occupied 
many  grave  and  learned  men.  A  slight  notice  of  their  opinions  on  this 
curious  subject  may  be  acceptable  to  the  general  reader,  and  may  take 
from  the  apparent  wildness  of  the  ideas  expressed  by  Columbus. 

The  abode  of  our  first  parents  was  anciently  the  subject  of  anxious  in- 
quiry; and  indeed  mankind  have  always  been  prone  to  picture  some  place 
of  perfect  felicity,  where  the  imagination,  disappointed  in  the  coarse 
realities  of  life,  might  revel  in  an  Elysium  of  its  own  creation.  It  is  an 
idea  not  confined  to  our  religion,  but  is  found  in  the  rude  creeds  of  the 
most  savage  nations,  and  it  prevailed  generally  among  the  ancients.  The 
speculations  concerning  the  situation  of  the  gar.len  of  Eden  resemble 
those  of  the  Greeks  concerning  the  garden  of  the  Hesperides;  that  region 
of  delight,  which  they  forever  placed  at  the  most  remote  verge  of  the 
known  world;  which  their  poets  embellished  with  all  the  charms  of  fiction; 
after  which  they  were  continually  longing,  and  which  they  could  never 


1  Herrera,  Hist.  Ind.,  decad.  iii.  lib.  i.  cap.  1.       *  Ibid.,  decad.  iii.  _ib.  iv.  jap.  3. 


APPENDIX.  709 

find.  At  one  time  it  was  in  the  Grand  Oasis  of  Arabia.  The  exhausted 
travellers,  after  traversing  the  parched  and  sultry  desert,  hailed  this  ver- 
dant spot  with  rapture;  they  refreshed  themselves  under  its  shady  bowers, 
and  beside  its  cooling  streams,  as  the  crew  of  a  tempest-tossed  vessel  re- 
pose on  the  shores  of  some  green  island  in  the  deep;  and  from  its  being 
thus  isolated  in  the  midst  of  an  ocean  of  sand,  they  gave  it  the  name  of 
the  Island  of  the  Blessed.  As  geographical  knowledge  increased,  the 
situation  of  the  Hesperian  gardens  was  continually  removed  to  a  greater 
distance.  It  was  transferred  to  the  borders  of  the  great  Syrtis,  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Mount  Atlas.  Here,  after  traversing  the  frightful 
deserts  of  Barca,  the  traveller  found  himself  in  a  fair  and  fertile  country, 
watere.l  by  rivulets  and  gushing  fountains.  The  oranges  and  citrons 
transported  hence  to  Greece,  where  they  were  as  yet  unknown,  delighted 
the  Athenians  by  their  golden  beauty  and  delicious  flavor,  and  they 
thought  that  none  but  the  garden  of  the  Hesperides  could  produce  such 
glorious  fruits.  In  this  way  the  happy  region  of  the  ancients  was  trans- 
ported from  place  to  place,  still  in  the  remote  and  obscure  extremity  of 
the  world,  until  it  was  fabled  to  exist  in  the  Canaries,  thence  called  the 
Fortunate,  or  the  Hesperian  Islands.  Here  it  remained,  because  discovery 
advanced  no  farther,  and  because  these  islands  were  so  distant,  and  so 
little  known,  as  to  allow  full  latitude  to  the  fictions  of  the  poet.1 

In  like  manner  the  situation  of  the  terrestrial  paradise,  or  garden  of 
Eden,  was  long  a  subject  of  earnest  inquiry  and  curious  disputation,  and 
occupied  the  laborious  attention  of  the  most  learned  theologians.  Some 
placed  it  in  Palestine  or  the  Holy  Land;  others  in  Mesopotamia,  in  that 
rich  and  beautiful  tract  of  country  embraced  by  the  wanderings  of  the 
Tigris  and  the  Euphrates;  others  in  Armenia,  in  a  valley  surrounded  by 
precipitous  and  inaccessible  mountains,  and  imagined  that  Enoch  and 
Elijah  were  transported  thither,  out  of  the  sight  of  mortals,  to  live  in  a 
state  of  terrestrial  bliss  until  the  second  coining  of  our  Saviour.  There 
were  others  who  gave  it  situations  widely  remote,  such  as  in  the  Trapoban 
of  the  ancients,  at  present  known  as  the  island  of  Ceylon;  or  in  the  is- 
land of  Sumatra;  or  in  the  Fortunate  or  Canary  Islands;  or  in  one  of  the 
islands  of  Sunda;  or  in  some  favored  spot  under  the  equinoctial  line. 

Great  difficulty  was  encountered  by  these  speculators  to  reconcile  the 
allotted  place  with  the  description  given  in  Genesis  of  the  garden  of 
Eden;  particularly  of  the  great  fountain  which  watered  it,  and  which 
afterward  divided  itself  into  four  rivers,  the  Pison  or  Phison,  the  Gihon, 
the  Euphrates,  and  the  Hiddekel.  Those  who  were  in  favor  of  the  Holy 
Land  supposed  that  the  Jordan  was  the  great  river  which  afterward  di- 
vided itself  into  the  Phison,  Gihon,  Tigris,  and  Euphrates,  but  that  the 
sands  have  choked  up  the  ancient  beds  by  which  these  streams  were  sup- 
plied; that  originally  the  Phison  traversed  Arabia  Deserta  and  Arabia 
Felix,  whence  it  pursued  its  course  to  the  Gulf  of  Persia;  that  the  Gihon 
bathed  Northern  or  Stony  Arabia  and  fell  into  the  Arabian  Gulf  of  the 
Red  Sea;  that  the  Euphrates  and  the  Tigris  passed  by  Eden  to  Assyria 
and  Chaldea,  whence  they  discharged  themselves  into  the  Persian  Gulf. 

By  most  of  the  early  commentators  the  River  Gihon  is  supposed  to  be 
the  Nile.  The  source  of  this  river  was  unknown,  but  was  evidently  far 
distant  from  the  spots  whence  the  Tigris  and  the  Euphrates  arose.  This 
difficulty,  however,  was  ingeniously  overcome,  by  giving  it  a  subterranean 
course  of  some  hundreds  of  leagues  from  the  common  fountain,  until  it 
issued  forth  to  daylight  in  Abyssinia.2  In  like  manner,  subterranean 

1  Gosselin,  Recherche*  cur  la  Geog.  des  Anciens,  torn.  1. 
*  Fcyjoo,  Theatre  Ciitico,  lib.  vii.  §  2. 


710  APPENDIX. 

courses  were  given  to  the  Tigris  and  the  Euphrates,  passing  under  the 
JJfil  Sea,  until  they  sprang  forth  in  Armenia,  as  if  just  issuing  from  one 
common  source.  So  also  those  who  placed  the  terrestrial  paradise  in 
islands,  supposed  that  the  rivers  which  issued  from  it,  and  formed  those 
heretofore  named,  either  traversed  the  surface  of  the  sea,  as  fresh  water, 
by  its  greater  lightness,  may  float  above  the  salt;  or  that  they  flowed 
through  deep  veins  anil  channels  of  the  earth,  as  the  fountain  of  Arethusa 
was  said  to  sink  into  the  ground  in  Greece,  and  rise  in  the  island  of  Sicily, 
while  the  River  Alpheus  pursuing  it,  but  with  less  perseverance,  rose 
somewhat  short  of  it  in  the  sea. 

Some  contended  that  the  deluge  had  destroyed  the  garden  of  Eden, 
and  altered  the  whole  face  of  the  earth;  so  that  the  rivers  had  changed 
their  beds,  and  had  taken  different  directions  from  those  mentioned  in 
Genesis;  others,  however,  among  whom  was  St.  Augustine,  in  his  com- 
mentary upon  the  Book  of  Genesis,  maintained  that  the  terrestrial  par- 
a  lise  still  existed,  with  its  original  beauty  and  delights,  but  that  it  was 
inaccessible  to  mortals,  being  on  the  summit  of  a  mountain  of  stupen- 
dous height,  reaching  into  the  third  region  of  the  air,  and  approaching 
the  moon;  being  thus  protected  by  its  elevation  from  the  ravages  of  the 
deluge. 

By  some  this  mountain  was  placed  under  the  equinoctial  line;  or  un- 
der that  band  of  the  heavens  metaphorically  called  by  the  ancients  "  the 
table  of  the  sun,"  l  comprising  the  space  between  the  tropics  of  Cancer 
and  Capricorn,  beyond  which  the  sun  never  passed  in  his  annual  course. 
Here  would  reign  a  uniformity  of  nights  and  days  and  seasons,  and  the 
elevation  of  the  mountain  would  raise  it  above  the  heats  and  storms  of 
the  lower  regions.  Others  transported  the  garden  beyond  the  equinoctial 
line,  and  placed  it  in  the  southern  hemisphere;  supposing  that  the  torrid 
zone  might  be  the  flaming  sword  appointed  to  defend  its  entrance  against 
mortals.  They  had  a  fanciful  train  of  argument  to  support  their  theory. 
They  observed  that  the  terrestrial  paradise  must  be  in  the  noblest  and 
happiest  part  of  the  globe ;  that  part  must  be  under  the  noblest  part  of 
the  heavens;  as  the  merits  of  a  place  do  not  so  much  depend  upon 
the  virtues  of  the  earth  as  upon  the  happy  influences  of  the  stars  and  the 
favorable  and  benign  aspect  of  the  heavens.  Now,  according  to  philoso- 
phers, the  world  was  divided  into  two  hemispheres.  The  southern  they 
considered  the  head,  and  the  northern  the  feet,  or  under  part;  the  right 
hand  the  east,  whence  commenced  the  movement  of  the  primum  mobile, 
and  the  left  the  west,  toward  which  it  moved.  This  supposed,  they  ob- 
served that  it  was  manifest  that  the  head  of  all  things,  natural  and  arti- 
ficial, is  always  the  best  and  noblest  part,  governing  the  other  parts  of  the 
body,  so  the  south,  being  the  head  of  the  earth,  ought  to  be  superior  and 
nobler  than  either  east,  or  west,  or  north  ;  and  in  accordance  with 
this,  they  cited  the  opinion  of  various  philosophers  among  the  ancients, 
and  more  especially  that  of  Ptolemy,  that  the  stars  of  the  southern  hem- 
isphere were  larger,  more  resplendent,  more  perfect,  and  of  course  of 
greater  virtue  and  efficacy  than  those  of  the  northern:  an  error  univer- 
sally prevalent  until  disproved  by  modern  discovery.  Hence  they  con- 
cluded that  in  this  southern  hemisphere,  in  this  head  of  the  earth,  under 
this  purer  and  brighter  sky,  and  these  more  potent  and  benignant  stars, 
was  placed  the  terrestrial  paradise. 

Various  ideas  were  entertained  as  to  the  magnitude  of  this  blissful 
region.  As  Adam  and  all  his  progeny  were  to  have  lived  there,  had 
he  not  sinned,  and  as  there  would  have  been  no  such  thing  as  death  to 


»  Herodot.,  lib.  iii.     Virg.,  Georg.  1.    Pomp.  Mela.,  lib.  iii.  cap.  10. 


APPENDIX.  711 

thin  the  number  of  mankind,  it  was  inferred  that  the  terrestrial  paradise 
must  be  of  great  extent  to  contain  them.  Some  gave  it  a  size  equal  to 
Europe  or  Africa:  others  gave  it  the  whole  southern  hemisphere.  St. 
Augustine  supposed  that  as  mankind  multiplied,  numbers  would  be 
translated  without  death  to  heaven;  the  parents,  perhaps,  when  their 
children  had  arrived  at  mature  age;  or  portions  of  the  human  race  at  the 
end  of  certain  periods,  and  when  the  population  of  the  terrestrial  para- 
dise had  attained  a  certain  amount.1 

Others  supposed  that  mankind,  remaining  in  a  state  of  primitive  inno- 
cence, would  not  have  required  so  much  space  as  at  present.  Having  no 
need  of  rearing  animals  for  subsistence,  no  land  would  have  been  re- 
quired for  pasturage;  and  the  earth  not  being  cursed  with  sterility,  there 
would  have  been  no  need  of  extensive  tracts  of  country  to  permit  of  fallow 
land  and  the  alternation  of  crops  required  in  husbandry.  The  spontane- 
ous and  never-failing  fruits  of  the  garden  would  have  been  abundant  for 
the  simple  wants  of  man.  Still,  that  the  human  race  might  not  be 
crowded,  but  might  have  ample  space  for  recreation  and  enjoyment,  and 
the  charms  of  variety  and  change,  some  allowed  at  least  a  hundred  leagues 
of  circumference  to  the  garden. 

St.  Basilius  in  his  eloquent  discourse  on  paradise2  expatiates  with  rap- 
ture on  the  joys  of  this  sacred  abode,  elevated  to  the  third  region  of  the 
air,  and  under  the  happiest  skies.  There  a  pure  and  never-failing  pleas- 
ure is  furnished  to  every  sense.  The  eye  delights  in  the  admirable  clear- 
ness of  the  atmosphere,  in  the  verdure  and  beauty  of  the  trees,  and  the 
never-withering  bloom  of  the  flowers.  The  ear  is  regaled  with  the  sing- 
ing of  the  birds,  the  smell  with  the  aromatic  odors  of  the  land.  In  like 
manner  the  other  senses  have  each  their  peculiar  enjoyments.  There  the 
vicissitudes  of  the  season  are  unknown,  and  the  climate  unites  the  fruit- 
fulness  of  summer,  the  joyful  abundance  of  autumn,  and  the  sweet  fresh- 
ness and  quietude  of  spring.  There  the  earth  is  always  green,  the  flowers 
are  ever  blooming,  the  waters  limpid  and  delicate,  not  rushing  in  rude 
and  turbid  torrents,  but  swelling  up  in  crystal  fountains,  and  winding  in 
peaceful  and  silver  streams.  There  no  harsh  and  boisterous  winds  are 
permitted  to  shake  and  disturb  the  air,  and  ravage  the  beauty  of  the 
groves,  there  prevails  no  melancholy,  nor  darksome  weather,  no  drown- 
ing rain,  nor  pelting  hail,  no  forked  lightning,  nor  rending  and  resound- 
ing thunder;  no  wintry  pinching  cold,  nor  withering  and  panting  summer 
heat;  nor  any  thing  else  that  can  give  pain  or  sorrow  or  annoyance,  but 
all  is  bland  and  gentle  and  serene;  a  perpetual  youth  and  joy  reign 
throughout  all  nature,  and  nothing  decays  and  dies. 

The  same  idea  is  given  by  St.  Ambrosius,  in  his  book  on  Paradise,3  an 
author  likewise  consulted  and  cited  by  Columbus.  He  wrote  in  the  fourth 
century,  and  his  touching  eloquence,  and  graceful  yet  vigorous  style,  in- 
sured great  popularity  to  his  writings.  Many  of  these  opinions  are  cited 
by  Glanville.  usually  called  Barthoiomeus  Anglicus,  in  his  work  De  Pro- 
prietatibus  Benin  ;  a  work  with  which  Columbus  was  evidently  ac- 
quainted. It  was  a  species  of  encyclopaedia  of  the  general  knowledge 
current  at  the  time,  and  was  likely  to  recommend  itself  to  a  curious  and 
inquiring  voyager.  This  author  cites  an  assertion  as  made  by  St.  Basilius 
and  St.  Ambrosius,  that  the  water  of  the  fountain  which  proceeds  from 
the  garden  of  Eden  falls  into  a  great  lake  with  such  a  tremendous  noise 

1  8t.  August.,  lib.  ix.  cap.  6.  Sup.  Genesis. 

2  St.   Basiiius  wa.i  called  the  great.     His  works  were  read  and  admired  by  all  the 
world,  even  liy  Pagans.     They  are  written  in  an  elevated  and  majestic  style,  with  great 
•plendor  of  idea,  mil  vast  erudition. 

s  St.  Ambrosius,  Opera.     Edit.  Coignard.     Parwiis.  MDCXC. 


712  APPENDIX. 

that  the  inhabitants  of  the  neighborhood  are  born  deaf;  and  that  from 
this  lake  proceed  the  four  chief  rivers  mentioned  in  Genesis.1 

This  passage,  however,  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  Hexameron  of  either 
Basilius  or  Ambrosius,  from  which  it  is  quoted;  neither  is  it  in  the  ora- 
tion on  Paradise  by  the  former,  nor  in  the  letter  on  the  same  subject 
written  by  Ambrosius  to  Ambrosius  Savinus.  It  must  be  a  misquotation 
by  Glanville.  Columbus,  however,  appears  to  have  been  struck  with  it, 
and  Las  Casas  is  of  opinion  that  he  derived  thence  his  idea  that  the  vast 
body  of  fresh  water  which  filled  the  Gulf  of  La  Ballena  or  Paria,  flowed 
from  the  fountain  of  Paradise,  though  from  a  remote  distance;  and  that  in 
this  gulf,  which  he  supposed  in  the  extreme  part  of  Asia,  originated  the 
Nile,  the  Tigris,  the  Euphrates,  and  the  Ganges,  which  might  be  con- 
ducted under  the  land  and  sea  by  subterranean  channels,  to  the  places 
where  they  spring  forth  on  the  earth  and  assume  their  proper  names. 

I  forbear  to  enter  into  various  other  of  the  voluminous  speculations 
which  have  been  formed  relative  to  the  terrestrial  paradise,  and  per- 
haps it  may  be  thought  that  I  have  already  said  too  much  on  so  fan- 
ciful a  subject;  but  to  illustrate  clearly  the  character  of  Columbus,  it 
is  necessary  to  elucidate  those  veins  of  thought  passing  through  his 
mind  while  considering  the  singular  phenomena  of  the  unknown  re- 
gions he  was  exploring,  and  which  are  often  but  slightly  and  vaguely 
developed  in  his  journals  and  letters.  These  speculations,  likewise,  like 
those  concerning  fancied  islands  in  the  ocean,  carry  us  back  to  the  time, 
and  make  us  feel  the  mystery  and  conjectural  charm  which  reigned  over 
the  greatest  part  of  the  world,  and  have  since  been  completely  dispelled 
by  modern  discovery.  Enough  has  been  cited  to  show  that  in  his  obser- 
vations concerning  the  terrestrial  paradise,  Columbus  was  not  indulging 
in  any  fanciful  and  presumptuous  chimeras,  the  offspring  of  a  heated 
and  disordered  brain.  However  visionary  his  conjectures  may  seem, 
they  were  all  grounded  on  written  opinions  held  little  less  than  oracular 
in  his  day;  and  they  will  be  found  on  examination  to  be  far  exceeded  by 
the  speculations  and  theories  of  sages  held  illustrious  for  their  wisdom 
and  erudition  in  the  school  and  cloister. 


No.  XXXVI. 

» 

WILL    OF  COLUMBUS. 

IN  the  name  of  the  Most  Holy  Trinity,  who  inspired  me  with  the  idea, 
and  afterward  made  it  perfectly  clear  to  me,  that  I  could  navigate  and  go 
to  the  Indies  from  Spain,  by  traversing  the  ocean  westwardly;  which  I 
communicated  to  the  King,  Don  Ferdinand,  and  to  the  queen,  Dona 
Isabella,  our  sovereigns;  and  they  were  pleased  to  furnish  me  the  neces- 
sary equipment  of  men  and  ships,  and  to  make  me  their  admiral  over 
the  said  ocean,  in  all  parts  lying  to  the  west  of  an  imaginary  line, 
drawn  from  pole  to  pole,  a  hundred  leagues  west  of  the  Cape  de  Verde 
and  Azore  Islands;  also  appointing  me  their  viceroy  and  governor  over 
all  continents  and  islands  that  I  might  discover  beyond  the  said  line  west- 

1  Paradisus  autem  in  Oriente,  in  altisRimo  raonte,  de  cujns  cacumine  cadentes  aquae, 
maximum  faciunt  lacuin,  que  in  suo  casu  tantum  faciunt  strepitnm  et  fragorem,  quod 
omnes  incolae,  jnxta  praedietum  lacuin,  nascunter  surdi,  ex  i  in  moderate  sonitu  seu 
fragore  sensum  audilu*  in  parvulia  corrumpente.  Ut  (licit  Bttsilius  in  I lexa  nitron,  aiml- 
liter  et  Ambro*.  Ex  illo,  lacu,  velut  ex  uno  fonte,  procednnt  ilia  flurnina  quatuor,  1'hi- 
son,  qui  et  Ganges,  G-yon,  qui  et  Nilus  dicitur,  et  Tigris  ac  Kuphraies.  Bart.  Angl.  de 
Propriutatibus  rerum,  lib.  lu,  cap.  112.  Fraueofurti,  1540. 


APPENDIX.  713 

wardly;  with  the  right  of  being  succeeded  in  the  said  offices  hy  my 
eldest  son  and  his  heirs  forever;  and  a  grant  of  a  tenth  part  of  all 
things  found  in  the  said  jurisdiction;  and  of  all  rents  and  revenues 
arising  from  it;  and  the  eighth  of  all  the  lands  and  every  thing  else, 
together  with  the  salary  corresponding  to  my  rank  of  admiral,  viceroy, 
and  governor,  and  all  other  emoluments  accruing  thereto,  as  is  more  fully 
expressed  in  the  title  and  agreement  sanctioned  by  their  highnesses. 

And  it  pleased  the  Lord  Almighty,  that  in  the  year  one  thousand  four 
hundred  and  ninety-two,  1  should  discover  the  continent  of  the  Indies 
and  many  islands,  among  them  Hispaniola,  which  the  Indians  call  Ayte, 
and  the  Monicongos,  Cipango.  I  then  returned  to  Castile,  to  their  high- 
nesses, who  approved  of  my  undertaking  a  second  enterprise  for  further 
discoveries  and  settlements;  and  the  Lord  gave  me  victory  over  the  island 
of  Hispaniola,  which  extends  six  hundred  leagues,  and  I  conquered  it 
and  made  it  tributary;  and  I  discovered  many  islands  inhabited  by  can- 
nibals, and  seven  hundred  to  the  west  of  Hispaniola,  among  which  is 
Jamaica,  which  we  call  Santiago;  and  three  hundred  and  thirty-three 
leagues  of  continent  from  south  to  west,  besides  a  hundred  and  seven 
to  the  north,  which  I  discovered  in  my  first  voyage,  together  with  many 
islands,  as  may  more  clearly  be  seen  by  my  letters,  memorials,  and  mari- 
time charts.  And  as  we  hope  in  God  that  before  long  a  good  and  great 
revenue  will  be  derived  from  the  above  islands  and  continent,  of  which, 
for  the  reasons  aforesaid,  belong  to  me  the  tenth  and  the  eighth,  with  the 
salaries  and  emoluments  specified  above;  and  considering  that  we  are 
mortal,  and  that  it  is  proper  for  every  one  to  settle  his  affairs,  and  to 
leave  declared  to  his  heirs  and  successors  the  property  he  possesses  or  may 
have  a  right  to:  Wherefore  I  have  concluded  to  create  an  entailed  estate 
(mayorazgo)  out  of  the  said  eighth  of  the  lands,  places,  and  revenues,  in 
the  manner  which  I  now  proceed  to  state. 

In  the  first  place,  I  am  to  be  succeeded  by  Don  Diego,  my  son,  who  in 
case  of  death  without  children  is  to  be  succeeded  by  my  other  son  Fer- 
dinand: and  should  God  dispose  of  him  also  without  leaving  children 
and  without  my  having  any  other  son,  then  my  brother  Don  Barthol- 
omew is  to  succeed;  and  after  him  his  eldest  son;  and  if  God  should 
dispose  of  him  without  heirs,  he  shall  be  succeeded  by  his  sons  from  one 
to  another  forever;  or,  in  the  failure  of  a  son,  to  be  succeeded  by  Don 
Ferdinand,  after  the  same  manner,  from  son  to  son  successively;  oi>in 
their  place  by  my  brothers  Bartholomew  and  Diego.  And  should  it  please 
the  Lord  that  the  estate,  after  having  continued  for  some  time  in  the  line 
of  any  of  the  above  successors,  should  stand  in  need  of  an  immediate 
and  lawful  male  heir,  the  succession  shall  then  devolve  to  the  nearest 
relation,  being  a  man  of  legitimate  birth,  and  bearing  the  name  of  Co- 
lumbus derived  from  his  father  and  his  ancestors.  This  entailed  estate 
shall  in  nowise  be  inherited  by  a  woman,  except  in  case  that  no  male 
heir  is  to  be  found,  either  in  this  or  any  other  quarter  of  the  world,  of 
my  real  lineage,  whose  uame,  as  well  as  that  of  his  ancestors,  shall  have 
always  been  Columbus.  In  such  an  event  (which  may  God  forefend), 
then  the  female  of  legitimate  birth,  most  nearly  related  to  the  preceding 
possessor  of  the  estate,  shall  succeed  to  it;  and  this  is  to  be  under  the 
conditions  herein  stipulated  at  foot,  which  must  be  understood  to  extend 
as  well  to  Don  Diego,  my  son,  as  to  the  aforesaid  and  their  heirs,  every 
one  of  them,  to  be  fulfilled  by  them;  and  failing  to  do  so  they  are  to  be 
deprived  of  the  succession,  for  not  having  complied  with  what  shall 
herein  be  expressed:  and  the  estate  to  pass  to  the  person  most  nearly 
related  to  ihe  one  who  held  the  right;  and  the  person  thus  succeeding 
shall  in  like  manner  forfeit  the  estate,  should  he  alao  fail  to  comply  with 


714  APPENDIX. 

said  conditions;  and  another  person,  the  nearest  of  my  lineage,  shall  suc- 
ceed, provided  he  abide  by  them,  so  that  they  may  be  observed  forever  in 
the  form  prescribed.  This  forfeiture  is  not  to  be  incurred  for  trifling 
matters,  originating  in  lawsuits,  but  in  important  cases,  when  the  glory 
of  God,  or  my  own,  or  that  of  my  family,  may  be  concerned,  which  sup- 
poses a  perfect  fulfilment  of  all  the  things  hereby  ordained;  all  which  I 
recommend  to  the  courts  of  justice.  And  1  supplicate  his  Holiness,  who 
now  is,  and  those  that  may  succeed  in  the  Holy  Church,  that  if  it  should 
happen  that  this  my  will  and  testament  has  need  of  his  holy  order  and 
command  for  its  fulfilment,  that  such  order  be  issued  in  virtue  of  obedi- 
ence, and  under  penalty  of  excommunication,  and  that  it  shall  not  be  in 
any  wise  disfigured.  And  I  also  pray  the  king  and  queen,  our  sovereigns, 
and  their  eldest-born,  Prince  Don  Juan,  our  lord,  and  their  successors, 
for  the  sake  of  the  services  I  have  done  them,  and  because  it  is  just,  that 
it  may  please  them  not  to  permit  this  ray  will  and  constitution  of  my  en- 
tailed estate  to  be  any  way  altered,  but  to  leave  it  in  the  form  and  manner 
which  I  have  ordained,  forever,  for  the  greater  glory  of  the  Almighty, 
and  that  it  may  be  the  root  and  basis  of  my  lineage,  and  a  memento  of 
the  services  I  have  rendered  their  highnesses;  that,  being  born  in  Genoa, 
I  came  over  to  serve  them  in  Castile,  and  discovered  to  the  west  of  Terra 
Firma  the  Indies  and  islands  before  mentioned.  1  accordingly  pray  their 
highnesses  to  order  that  this  my  privilege  and  testament  be  held  valid, 
and  be  executed  summarily  and  without  any  opposition  or  demur,  accord- 
ing to  the  letter.  I  also  pray  the  grandees  of  the  realm  and  the  lords  of 
the  council,  and  all  others  having  administration  of  justice,  to  be  pleased 
not  to  suffer  this  my  will  and  testament  to  be  of  no  avail,  but  to  cause  it 
to  be  fulfilled  as  by  me  ordained;  it  being  just  that  a  noble,  who  has 
served  the  king  and  queen,  and  the  kingdom,  should  be  respected  in  the 
disposition  of  his  estate  by  will,  testament,  institution  of  entail  or 
inheritance,  and  that  the  same  be  not  infringed  either  in  whole  or  in 
part. 

In  the  first  place,  my  son  Don  Diego,  and  all  my  successors  and  descend- 
ants, as  well  as  my  brothers  Bartholomew  and  Diego,  shall  bear  my  arms, 
such  as  I  shall  leave  them  after  my  days,  without  inserting  any  thing 
else  in  them;  and  they  shall  be  their  seal  to  seal  withal.  Don  Diego  my 
son,  or  any  other  who  may  inherit  this  estate,  on  coming  into  possession 
ofuhe  inheritance,  shall  sign  with  the  signature  which  I  now  make  use 
of,  which  is  an  X  with  an  S  over  it,  and  an  M  with  a  Roman  A  over  it,  and 
over  that  an  S,  and  then  a  Greek  Y,  with  an  S  over  it,  with  its  lines  and 
points  as  is  my  custom,  as  may  be  seen  by  my  signatures,  of  which  there 
are  many,  and  it  will  be  seen  by  the  present  one. 

He  shall  only  write  "  the  Admiral,"  whatever  other  titles  the  king  may 
have  conferred  on  him.  This  is  to  be  understood  as  respects  his  signature, 
hut  not  the  enumeration  of  his  titles,  which  he  can  make  at  full  length  if 
agreeable,  only  the  signature  is  to  be  "  the  Admiral." 

The  said  Don  Diego,  or  any  other  inheritor  of  this  estate,  shall  possess 
my  offices  of  admiral  of  the  ocean,  which  is  to  the  west  of  an  imaginary 
line,  which  his  highness  ordered  to  be  drawn,  running  from  pole  to  pole 
a  hundred  leagues  beyond  the  Azores,  and  as  many  more  beyond  the  Cape 
de  Verde  Islands,  over  all  which  I  was  made  by  their  order,  their  admiral 
of  the  sea,  with  all  the  pre-eminences  held  by  Don  Henrique  in  the 
admiralty  of  Castile,  and  they  made  me  their  governor  and  viceroy  per- 
petually and  forever,  over  all  the  islands  and  main-land  discovered,  or  to 
be  discovered,  for  myself  and  heirs,  as  is  more  fully  shown  by  my  treaty 
an  1  privileges  as  above  mentioned. 

Uem:  The  said  Don  Diego,  or  any  other  inheritor  of  this  estate,  shall 


APPENDIX,  715 

distribute  the  revenue  which  it  may  please  our  Lord  to  grant  him,  in  the 
following  manner,  under  the  above  penalty. 

First  —  Of  the  whole  income  of  this  estate,  now  and  at  all  times,  and 
of  whatever  may  be  had  or  collected  from  it,  he  shall  give  the  fourth  part 
annually  to  my  brother  Don  Bartholomew  Columbus,  Adelantado  of  the 
Indies;  and  this  is  to  continue  till  he  shall  have  acquired  an  income  of  a 
million  of  maravedises,  for  his  support,  and  for  the  services  he  has  ren- 
dered and  will  continue  to  render  to  this  entailed  estate;  which  million 
lie  is  to  receive,  as  stated,  every  year,  if  the  said  fourth  amount  to  so 
much,  and  that  he  have  nothing  else;  but  if  he  possess  a  part  or  the 
whole  of  that  amount  in  rents,  that  henceforth  he  shall  not  enjoy  the 
said  million,  nor  any  part  of  it,  except  that  he  shall  have  in  the  said  fourth 
part  unto  the  said  quantity  of  a  million,  if  it  should  amount  to  so  much: 
and  as  much  as  he  shall  have  of  revenue  beside  this  fourth  part,  what- 
ever sum  of  maravedises  of  known  rent  from  property  or  perpetual  offi- 
ces, the  said  quantity  of  rent  or  revenue  from  property  or  offices  shall  be 
discounted ;  and  from  the  «aid  million  shall  be  reserved  whatever  marriage 
portion  he  may  receive  with  any  female  he  may  espouse;  so  that  whatever 
he  may  receive  in  marriage  with  his  wife,  no  deduction  shall  be  made  on 
that  account  from  said  million,  but  only  for  whatever  he  may  acquire,  or 
may  have,  over  and  above  his  wife's  dowry,  and  when  it  shall  please  God 
that  he  or  his  heirs  and  descendants  shall  derive  from  their  property  and 
offices  a  revenue  of  a  million  arising  from  rents,  neither  he  nor  his  heirs 
shall  enjoy  any  longer  any  thing  from  the  said  fourth  part  of  the  entailed 
estate,  which  shall  remain  with  Don  Diego,  or  whoever  may  inherit  it. 

Item:  From  the  revenues  of  the  said  estate,  or  from  any  fourth  part  of 
it  (should  its  amount  be  adequate  to  it),  shall  be  paid  every  year  to  my  son 
Ferdinand  two  millions,  till  such  a  time  as  his  revenue  shall  amount  to  two 
millions,  in  the  same  form  and  manner  as  in  the  case  of  Bartholomew,  \\ho, 
as  well  as  his  heirs,  are  to  have  the  million  or  the  part  that  may  be  wanting. 

Item:  The  said  Don  Diego  or  Don  Bartholomew  shall  make,  out  of  the 
said  estate,  for  my  brother  Diego,  such  provision  as  may  enable  him  to  live 
decently,  as  he  is  my  brother,  to  whom  I  assign  no  particular  sum,  as  he 
has  attached  himself  to  the  church,  and  that  will  be  given  him  which  is 
right:  and  this  to  be  given  him  in  a  mass,  and  before  any  thing  shall 
have  been  received  by  Ferdinand  my  son,  or  Bartholomew  my  brother,  or 
their  heirs,  and  also  according  to  the  amount  of  the  income  of  the  estate. 
And  in  case  of  discord,  the  case  is  to  be  referred  to  two  of  our  relations, 
or  other  men  of  honor;  and  should  they  disagree  among  themselves,  they 
will  choose  a  third  person  as  arbitrator,  being  virtuous  and  not  distrusted 
by  either  party. 

Item:  All  this  revenue  which  I  bequeath  to  Bartholomew,  to  Ferdi- 
nand, and  to  Diego,  shall  be  delivered  to  and  received  by  them  as  pre- 
scribed under  the  obligation  of  being  faithful  and  loyal  to  Diego  my  son,  or 
his  heirs,  they  as  well  as  their  children;  and  should  it  appear  that  they,  or 
any  of  them,  had  proceeded  against  him  in  any  thing  touching  his  honor, 
or  the  prosperity  of  the  family,  or  of  the  estate,  either  in  word  or  deed, 
whereby  might  come  a  scandal  and  debasement  to  my  family,  and  a  detri- 
ment to  my  estate;  in  that  case,  nothing  further  shall  be  given  to  them  or 
him,  from  that  time  forward,  inasmuch  as  they  are  always  to  be  faithful 
to  Diego  and  to  his  successors. 

Item:  As  it  was  my  intention,  when  I  first  instituted  this  entailed 
estate,  to  dispose,  or  that  my  son  Diego  should  dispose  for  me,  of  the 
tenth  part  of  the  income  in  favor  of  necessitous  persons,  as  a  tithe,  and  in 
commemorati"!!  of  the  Almighty  and  Eternal  God:  and  persisting  still  in 
this  opinion,  and  hoping  that  his  High  Majesty  will  assist  me,  and  those 


716  APPENDIX. 

who  may  inherit  it,  in  this  or  the  New  World,  I  have  resolved  that  the 
said  tithe  shall  be  paid  in  the  manner  following: 

First  —  It  is  to  be  understood  that  the  fourth  part  of  the  revenue  of 
the  estate  which  I  have  ordained  and  directed  to  be  given  to  Don  Barthol- 
omew, till  he  have  an  income  of  one  million,  includes  the  tenth  of  the 
whole  revenue  of  the  estate;  and  that  as  in  proportion  as  the  income  of 
my  brother  Don  Bartholomew  shall  increase,  as  it  has  to  be  discounted 
from  the  revenue  of  the  fourth  part  of  the  entailed  estate,  that  the  said 
revenue  shall  be  calculated,  to  know  how  much  the  tenth  part  amounts 
to;  and  the  part  which  exceeds  what  is  necessary  to  make  up  the  million 
for  Don  Bartholomew  shall  be  received  by  such  of  my  family  as  may  most 
stand  in  need  of  it,  discounting  it  from  said  tenth,  if  their  income  do  not 
amount  to  fifty  thousand  maravedises ;  and  should  any  of  these  come  to 
have  an  income  to  this  amount,  such  a  part  shall  be  awarded  them  as  two 
persons,  chosen  for  the  purpose,  may  determine  along  with  Don  Diego,  or 
his  heirs.  Thus,  it  is  to  be  understood  that  the  million  which  I  leave  to 
Don  Bartholomew  comprehends  the  tenth  of  4;he  whole  revenue  of  the 
estate;  which  revenue  is  to  be  distributed  among  my  nearest  and  most 
needy  relations  in  the  manner  I  have  directed ;  and  when  Don  Bartholomew 
have  an  income  of  one  million,  and  that  nothing  more  shall  be  due  to  him 
on  account  of  said  fourth  part,  then,  Don  Diego  my  son,  or  the  person 
who  may  be  in  possession  of  the  estate,  along  with  the  two  other  persons 
which  I  shall  herein  point  out,  shall  inspect  the  accounts,  and  so  direct 
that  the  tenth  of  the  revenue  shall  still  continue  to  be  paid  to  the  most 
necessitous  members  of  my  family  that  may  be  found  in  this  or  any  other 
quarter  of  the  world,  who  shall  be  diligently  sought  out;  and  they  are  to 
be  paid  out  of  the  fourth  part  from  which  Don  Bartholomew  is  to  derive 
his  million;  which  sums  are  to  be  taken  into  account,  and  deducted  from 
the  said  tenth,  which,  should  it  amount  to  more,  the  overplus,  as  it  arises 
from  the  fourth  part,  shall  be  given  to  the  most  necessitous  persons  as 
aforesaid;  and  should  it  not  be  sufficient  that  Don  Bartholomew  shall 
have  it  until  his  own  estate  goes  on  increasing,  leaving  the  said  million 
in  part  or  in  the  whole. 

Item :  The  said  Don  Diego  my  son,  or  whoever  may  be  the  inheritor, 
shall  appoint  two  persons  of  conscience  and  authority,  and  most  nearly 
related  to  the  family,  who  are  to  examine  the  revenue  and  its  amount 
carefully,  and  to  cause  the  said  tenth  to  be  paid  out  of  the  fourth  from 
which  Don  Bartholomew  is  to  receive  his  million,  to  the  most  necessitated 
members  of  my  family  that  may  be  found  here  or  elsewhere,  whom  they 
shall  look  for  diligently  upon  their  consciences;  and  as  it  might  happen 
that  said  Don  Diego,  or  others  after  him,  for  reasons  which  may  concern 
their  own  welfare,  or  the  credit  and  support  of  the  estate,  maybe  unwill- 
ing to  make  known  the  full  amount  of  the  income;  nevertheless  I  charge 
him  on  his  conscience  to  pay  the  sum  aforesaid;  and  I  charge  them,  on 
their  souls  and  consciences,  not  to  denounce  or  make  it  known,  except 
with  the  consent  of  Don  Diego,  or  the  person  that  may  succeed  him;  but 
let  the  above  tithe  be  paid  in  the  manner  I  have  directed. 

Item:  In  order  to  avoid  all  disputes  in  the  choice  of  the  two  nearest 
relations  who  are  to  act  with  Don  Diego  or  his  heirs,  I  hereby  elect  Don 
Bartholomew  my  brother  for  one,  and  Don  Fernando  my  son  for  the 
other;  and  when  these  two  shall  enter  upon  the  business,  they  shall  choose 
two  other  persons  among  the  most  trusty,  and  most  nearly  related,  and 
these  again  shall  elect  two  others  when  it  shall  be  question  of  commencing 
the  examination;  and  thus  it  shall  be  managed  with  diligence  from  one  to 
the  other,  as  well  in  this  as  in  the  other  of  government,  for  the  service 
and  glory  of  God,  and  the  benefit  of  the  said  entailed  estate. 


APPENDIX.  Ill 

Item :  I  also  enjoin  Diego,  or  any  one  that  may  inherit  the  estate,  to 
have  and  maintain  in  the  city  of  Genoa,  one  person  of  our  lineage  to 
reside  there  with  his  wife,  and  appoint  him  a  sufficient  revenue  to  enable 
him  to  live  decently,  as  a  person  closely  connected  with  the  family,  of 
which  he  is  to  be  the  root  and  basis  in  that  city;  from  which  great  good 
may  accrue  to  him,  inasmuch  as  I  was  born  there,  and  came  from  them -e. 

Item:  The  said  Don  Diego,  or  whoever  shall  inherit  the  estate,  must 
remit  in  bills,  or  in  any  other  way,  all  such  sums  as  he  may  be  able  to 
save  out  of  the  revenue  of  the  estate,  and  direct  purchases  to  be  made  in 
his  name,  or  that  of  his  heirs,  in  a  stock  in  the  Bank  of  St.  George,  which 
gives  an  interest  of  six  per  cent  and  in  secure  money;  and  this  shall  be 
devoted  to  the  purpose  I  am  about  to  explain. 

Item:  As  it  becomes  every  man  of  property  to  serve  God,  either  per- 
sonally or  by  means  of  his  wealth,  and  as  all  moneys  deposited  with  St. 
George  are  quite  safe,  and  Genoa  is  a  noble  city,  and  powerful  by  M'H, 
and  as  at  the  time  that  I  undertook  to  set  out  upon  the  discovery  of  the 
Jndies.  it  was  with  the  intention  of  supplicating  the  king  and  queen, 
our  lords,  that  whatever  moneys  should  be  derived  from  the  said  Indies, 
should  be  invested  in  the  conquest  of  Jerusalem:  and  as  I  did  so  suppli- 
cate them;  if  they  do  this,  it  will  be  well;  if  not,  at  all  events,  the  said 
Diego,  or  such  person  as  may  succeed  him  in  this  trust,  to  collect  together 
all  the  money  he  can,  and  accompany  the  king  our  lord,  should  he  go  to 
the  conquest  of  Jerusalem,  or  else  go  there  himself  with  all  the  force  he 
can  command;  and  in  pursuing  this  intention,  it  would  please  the  Lord 
to  assist  toward  the  accomplishment  of  the  plan;  and  should  he  not  be 
able  to  effect  the  conquest  of  the  whole,  no  doubt  he  will  achieve  it  in 
part.  Let  him  therefore  collect  and  make  a  fund  of  all  his  wealth  in  St. 
George  of  Genoa,  and  let  it  multiply  there  till  such  time  as  it  may  appear 
to  him  tlwt  something  of  consequence  may  be  effected  as  respects  the 
project  on  Jerusalem;  for  I  believe  that  when  their  highnesses  shall  see 
that  this  is  contemplated,  they  will  wish  to  realize  it  themselves,  or  will 
afford  him,  as  their  servant  and  vassal,  the  means  of  doing  it  for  them. 

Item :  I  charge  my  son  Diego  and  my  descendants,  especially  whoever 
may  inherit  this  estate,  which  consists,  as  aforesaid,  of  the  tenth  of 
whatsoever  may  be  had  or  found  in  the  Indies,  and  the  eighth  part  of  the 
lands  and  rents,  all  which,  together  with  my  rights  and  emoluments  as 
admiral,  viceroy,  and  governor,  amount  to  more  than  twenty-five  per 
cent;  I  say  that  I  require  of  him  to  employ  all  this  revenue,  as  well  as 
his  person  and  all  the  means  in  his  power,  in  well  and  faithfully  serving 
and  supporting  their  highnesses,  or  their  successors,  even  to  the  loss  of 
life  and  property;  since  it  was  their  highnesses,  next  to  God,  who  first 
gave  me  the  means  of  getting  and  achieving  this  property,  although,  it 
is  true,  I  came  over  to  these  realms  to  invite  them  to  the  enterprise,  and 
that  a  long  time  elapsed  before  any  provision  was  made  for  carrying  it 
into  execution;  which,  however,  is  not  surprising,  as  this  was  an  under- 
taking of  which  all  the  world  was  ignorant,  and  no  one  had  any  faith  in 
it:  wherefore  I  am  by  so  much  the  more  indebted  to  them,  as  well  as 
because  they  have  since  also  much  favored  and  promoted  me. 

Item:  I  also  require  of  Diego,  or  whomsoever  may  be  in  possession  of 
the  estate,  that  in  the  case  of  any  schism  taking  place  in  the  Church  of 
God,  or  that  any  person  of  whatever  class  or  condition  should  attempt  to 
despoil  it  of  its  property  and  honors,  they  hasten  to  offer  at  the  feet  of 
his  holiness,  that  is,  if  they  are  not  heretics  (which  Go  1  forbid!)  their 
persons,  power,  and  wealth,  for  the  purpose  of  suppressing  such  schism, 
and  preventing  any  spoliation  of  the  honor  and  property  of  the  church. 

item:   i  command   the  said  Diego,  or  whoever  may  possess   the  said 


718  APPENDIX. 

estate,  to  labor  and  strive  for  the  honor,  welfare,  and  aggrandizement  of 
the  city  of  Genoa,  and  to  make  use  of  all  his  power  and  means  in  de- 
fending and  enhancing  the  good  and  credit  of  that  republic,  in  all  things 
not  contrary  to  the  service  of  the  church  of  God,  or  the  high  dignity  of 
our  king  and  queen,  our  lords,  and  their  successors. 

Item:  The  said  Diego,  or  whoever  may  possess  or  succeed  to  the  estate, 
out  of  the  fourth  part  of  the  whole  revenue,  from  which,  as  aforesaid,  is 
to  be  taken  the  tenth,  when  Don  Bartholomew  or  his  heirs  shall  h.tve 
saved  the  two  millions,  or  part  of  them,  and  when  the  time  shall  come 
of  making  a  distribution  among  our  relations,  shall  apply  and  invest  the 
said  tenth  in  providing  marriages  for  such  daughters  of  our  lineage  as 
may  require  it,  and  in  doing  all  the  good  in  their  power. 

Item:  When  a  suitable  time  shall  arrive,  he  shall  order  a  church  to 
be  built  in  the  island  of  Hispaniola,  and  in  the  most  convenient  spot,  to  be 
called  Santa  Maria  de  la  Concepcion;  to  which  is  to  be  annexed  an  hos- 
pital, upon  the  best  possible  plan,  like  those  of  Italy  and  Castile,  and  a 
chapel  erected  to  say  mass  in  for  the  good  of  my  soul,  and  those  of  my 
ancestors  and  successors  with  great  devotion,  since  no  doubt  it  will 
please  the  Lord  to  give  us  a  sufficient  revenue  for  this  and  the  aforemen- 
tioned purposes. 

Item:  I  also  order  Diego  my  son,  or  whomsoever  may  inherit  after 
him,  to  spare  no  pains  in  having  and  maintaining  in  the  island  of  His- 
paniola, four  good  professors  of  theology,  to  the  end  and  aim  of  their 
studying  and  laboring  to  convert  to  our  holy  faith  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Indies;  and  in  proportion  as,  by  God's  will,  the  revenue  of  the  estate 
shall  increase,  in  the  same  degree  shall  the  number  of  teachers  and  de- 
vout increase,  who  are  to  strive  to  make  Christians  of  the  natives;  in 
attaining  which,  no  expense  should  be  thought  too  great.  And  in  com- 
memoration of  all  that  1  hereby  ordain,  and  of  the  foregoing,  a  monu- 
ment of  marble  shall  be  erected  in  the  said  church  of  la  Concepcion,  in 
the  most  conspicuous  place,  to  serve  as  a  record  of  what  I  here  enjoin  on 
the  said  Diego,  as  well  as  to  other  persons  who  may  look  upon  it;  which 
marble  shall  contain  an  inscription  to  the  same  effect. 

Item:  I  also  require  of  Diego  my  son,  and  whomsoever  may  succeed 
him  in  the  estate,  that  every  time,  and  as  often  as  he  confesses,  he  first 
show  this  obligation,  or  a  copy  of  it,  to  the  confessor,  praying  him  to 
read  it  through,  that  he  may  be  enabled  to  inquire  respecting  its  fulfil- 
ment ;  from  which  will  redouiid  great  good  and  happiness  to  his  soul. 

S. 

S.  A.  S. 
X.  M.  Y. 
EL  ALM1RANTE. 

No.  XXXVII. 

SIGNATURE  OF  COLUMBUS. 

As  every  thing  respecting  Columbus  is  full  of  interest,  his  signature 
has  been  a  matter  of  some  discussion.  It  partook  of  the  pedantic  and 
bigoted  character  of  the  age,  and  perhaps  of  the  peculiar  character  of  th» 
man,  who  considering  himself  mysteriously  elected  and  set  apart  from 
among  men  for  certain  great  purposes,  adopted  a  correspondent  formality 
and  solemnity  in  all  his  concerns.  His  signature  was  as  follows: 

S. 

S.  A.  S. 

X.  M.  Y. 

XI'O  FEKEXS. 


APPENDIX.  719 

The  first  half  of  the  signature,  XPO  (for  CHRISTO),  is  in  Greek  let- 
ters; the  second,  FERENS,  is  in  Latin.  Such  was  the  usage  of  those 
days ;  and  even  at  present  both  Greek  and  Roman  letters  are  used  in  sig- 
natures and  inscriptions  in  Spain. 

The  ciphers  or  initials  above  the  signature  are  supposed  to  represent  a 
pious  ejaculation.  To  read  them  one  must  begin  with  the  lower  letters, 
and  connect  them  with  those  above.  Signor  Gio.  Batista  Spotorno  con- 
jectures them  to  mean  either  Xristus  (Christus)  Sancta  Maria  Yosephus, 
or,  Salve  me,  Xristus,  Maria,  Yosephus. 

The  North  American  Review,  for  April,  1827,  suggests  the  substitu- 
tion of  Jesus  for  Josephus,  but  the  suggestion  of  Spotorno  is  most 
probably  correct,  as  a  common  Spanish  ejaculation  is  "  Jesus  Maria  y 
JoseV' 

It  was  an  ancient  usage  in  Spain,  and  it  has  not  entirely  gone  by,  to 
accompany  the  signature  with  some  words  of  religious  purport.  One 
object  of  this  practice  was  to  show  the  writer  to  be  a  Christian.  This 
was  of  some  importance  in  a  country  in  which  Jews  and  Mohammedans 
were  proscribed  and  persecuted. 

Don  Fernando,  son  to  Columbus,  says  that  his  father,  when  he  took 
his  pen  in  hand,  usually  commenced  by  writing  "  Jesus  cum  Maria  sit 
nobis  in  via; "  and  the  book  which  the  admiral  prepared  and  sent  to  the 
sovereigns,  containing  the  prophecies  which  he  considered  as  referring  to 
his  discoveries,  and  to  the  rescue  of  the  holy  sepulchre,  begins  with  the 
same  words.  This  practice  is  akin  to  that  of  placing  the  initials  of  pious 
words  above  his  signature,  and  gives  great  probability  to  the  mode  in 
which  they  have  been  deciphered. 


INDEX. 


Acuna,  Alonzo  de,  summons  Columbus, 
165. 

Adelantado  captures  Porras,  558;  captures 
Quibian,  518 ;  bis  character,  289 ;  in  danger 
of  assassination,  390 ;  meets  Catalina,  377 ; 
penetrates  to  C'iguay,  400;  put  in  irons, 
456 ;  received  by  Queen  Juana,  597 ;  re- 
leases wife  of  a  cacique,  403;  visits  Behe- 
chio,  377 ;  wounded  by  a  javelin,  521. 

Africa,  Circumnavigation  of,  25,  656. 

Agi  peppers  introduced  as  food,  156. 

Agreement  of  Santa  Fe  continued,  186. 

—  Terms  of,  77. 

Aguado,  Juan,  recommended  to  sovereigns, 
227;  sails  for  Hayti,  322. 

Alexander  VI.  issues  a  bull,  183. 

Alhambra  occupied  by  Spaniards,  72. 

Aliaco,  Pedro,  Works  of,  288. 

Alligator  tracks  excite  alarm,  271. 

Almazen,  Letter  dated  at,  337. 

Almeida,  Francisco  de,  appointed  to  seize 
discoveries,  169. 

Alpuxarra  Mountains,  Rebellion  in,  443. 

Alto  Velo,  Hock  of,  Hayti,  284. 

Alvaro  de  Portugal  attacked,  64. 

Amazon  River  discovered,  466. 

Amazonian  island  of  Mantinino,  153. 

Amber  found  in  Hayti,  237. 

Ambuscade  in  Higuey,  575. 

Ameyro  and  Mendez  make  friends,  533. 

Anacaona  (wife  of  Caonabo),  292;  admires 
the  Spaniards,  375;  amazed  at  the  ships, 
387 ;  her  character  and  talents,  570 ;  her 
influence,  312;  hung  at  San  Domingo,  570 ; 
meaning  of  the  name,  375;  receives  Ovan- 
do,  567 ;  succeeds  her  brother,  566. 

Analogies  among  customs,  267. 

Ancient  circumnavigation  of  Africa,  656. 

Andalusians  afraid  to  embark,  81. 

Anecdotes:  of  Alonso  de  Ojeda,  193;  of 
gold  discovery,  328;  of  the  egg,  179;  of 
the  pigeons,  297. 

Annuity  granted  for  the  Holy  Sepulchre, 
66. 

Antigua  discovered  and  named,  205. 

Antilla,  Story  of,  31. 

Antilles,  Columbus  arrives  among  the,  200. 

Apology  for  relating  cruelties,  577. 

Appalachian  origin  of  Caribs,  208. 

Arabian  sages,  Work  of  the,  19. 

Arana,  Diego  de,  made  commander  of  La 
Navidad,  147. 


Arana,  Pedro  de,  made  commander  of  cara- 
vel, 351. 

Architecture  observable  at  Cariari,  499. 

Areytos,  or  ballads  of  Hayti,  246,  567. 

Arriaga  shut  in  by  natives,  296. 

Articles  of  capitulation,  419. 

Asia  overrated  in  its  eastern  limits,  35. 

Asiatic  trade  monopolized  by  Lombards,  25. 

Assassination  of  Columbus  suggested,  168. 

Astrolabe  introduced  in  navigation,  43. 

Atlantic  Ocean,  Ancient  idea  of,  16. 

Atlantis,  Continent  of,  15,  31,  684. 

Atrocities  of  the  Navidad  garrison,  214. 

A  urea  Chersonesus  sought  for,  274,  607. 

Authors  influencing  Columbus,  34. 

Ayala,  Pedro  de,  Embassy  of,  189. 

Azores  discovered,  27;  sighted  on  return 
voyage,  160. 

Azua,  Meeting  at,  421. 

Babique  and  Bohio,  The  Words,  123. 

Ballester  interviews  Roldan,  411;  opposes 
Roldan,  392;  sails  for  Spain,  436. 

Banquet  tendered  by  Cardinal  Mendoza, 
179. 

Baptism  of  the  natives  at  Barcelona,  186. 

Barbarities  of  criminals  as  colouisU,  472. 

Barbary,  Inroad  into,  479. 

Barber,  Juan,  killed  at  Jamaica,  558. 

Barcelona,  Baptism  of  natives  at,  186;  Co- 
lumbus attends  courts  at,  173. 

Barrantes,  Garcia  de,  barricades  against 
Roldan,  392;  sails  for  Spain,  426. 

Bartholomew  Columbus.     Stt  Adelantado. 

BuHtides,  Rodrigo,  seized  by  Bobadilla,  467. 

Batabano  to  Trinidad,  a  deserted  coast,  269. 

Battle  near  St.  Jago  with  natives,  311. 

Bayonne,  Pinzon  makes  port  of,  171. 

Baza  surrenders  to  Spain,  66. 

Bean  marked  with  a  cross,  159. 

Beasts  of  prey  unknown  in  Hayti,  248. 

Beata,  Cape,  Hayti,  Ships  reach,  284. 

—  Island  reached,  in  1498,  366. 

Beatrix  de  Bobadilla,  of  Moya,  64,  71. 

Beauty  of  tropics,  described,  115. 

Behechio,  cacique  of  Xaragua,  292;  visited 
by  the  Adelantado,  376. 

Behem,  Martin,  and  African  coast,  38; 
sketch  of,  650. 

Belen  River  named,  510. 

Bell  presented  to  Caonabo,  302. 

Belvis,  Pablo,  appointed  as*»ayit<t,  321. 

721 


722 


INDEX. 


Benzonl  — his  anecdote  of  the  egg,  180. 

Bequests  of  Columbus,  599. 

Berahona  pardoned,  390. 

Bernaldes,  Andres,  sketch  of,  702. 

Bernardo,  Conspiracy  of,  548. 

Beverage  from  pineapples,  515. 

Biblical  objections  to  plans  of  Columbus, 
59. 

Birds  appear  on  first  voyage,  92. 

Birthplace  of  Columbue,  Controversy  of, 
626. 

Bloodhounds  used  in  battle,  309,  31L 

Boabdil  surrenders  the  Alhambra,  72. 

Boat  lost  in  River  of  Disaster,  496. 

Bobadilla,  Francisco  de,  arrives  at  HaytL- 
448;  attacks  fortress,  451;  ignored  by 
sovereigns,  464;  oppresses  the  natives, 
471;  puts  Columbus  in  irons,  455;  sacks 
residence  of  Admiral,  451 ;  sails  for  Hayti, 
447;  seizes  Bastides,  467;  shipwrecked 
off  Hayti,  489;  stripped  of  authority,  487 ; 
summons  Columbus  to  appear,  454. 

Boca  del  Dragon  safely  passed,  363. 

—  del  Sierpe,  named,  357. 
Bodies  of  man  and  boy  found,  210. 
Bohio  mentioned  by  natives,  123,  124. 
Bojador,  Cape,  doubled  by  Portuguese,  27. 
Bonao,  Rebels  meet  at,  411. 
Borgonon,  .Tuaii  the  Franciscan,  381. 
Boyle,  Father,  abandons  the  Colony,  295; 

opposed    to    Columbus,    294;    suggested 

death  for  Guacanagari,  218. 
Branch  of  berries  cheer  the  crews,  101. 
Brazil,  Discovery  of,  466. 
Brazil-wood  found  in  Hayti,  376. 
Breviesca,  Ximeno,  struck  by  Columbus, 

348. 

Bucklers  first  met  with,  356. 
Buentiempo,  Oulf  of,  named,  263. 
Burial  of  sailor  at  Samana,  209. 
Butios,  or  priests  of  Hayti,  242. 
Butterflies  in  clouds  in  Cuba,  273. 
Buy  1,  Bernardo,  appointed  Pope's  vicar,  187. 

Cabins  in  tree  and  on  poles,  509. 

Cabo  de  la  Cruz  named,  264;  touched  at  in 

1503,  530. 
Cabot,  Sebastian,  discovers  Labrador,  467; 

in  London,  177. 

Cabral,  Pedro  Alvarez  de,  Voyage  of,  468. 
Cacique  of  Jamaica  visits  the  ships,  282. 

—  sent  in  chains  to  the  colony,  255. 

—  torn  in  pieces  by  a  dog,  572. 

—  visits  ships  at  Hayti,  133. 
Caciques  captured  and  bound,  384. 

—  perish  in  flames,  in  Xaragua,  569. 

—  Hanging  of,  3S4,  570,  572,  579. 

—  strangled  by  their  subjects,  245. 
Cadiz  Bay,  Fleet  sails  from,  197. 
Calicut,  Riches  of,  480. 
Carabalu  and  the  Great  Khan,  679. 
Canaries,    Discovery    of    the,    24;    sighted 

Aug.  1492,  87;  touched  at  in  1498,  350. 
Cannibal  expedition  of  ten  canoes,  203. 
Cannibalism,  Indications  of,  202;  overrated 

by  voyagers,  207. 
Cannon  fired  for  amusement  of  natives,  141. 

—  Balls  of  stone,  148. 

Canoe  captured  and  returned,  110;  of  great 
size  encountered,  491. 


Canoea  In  state  from  Jamaica,  281 ;  made  of 
tree-trunks,  128;  measurement  of,  263. 

Caonabo,  cacique  of  Maguana,  211;  a 
prisoner  at  the  colony,  303;  attacks  St. 
Thomas,  297;  carried  off  on  horseback, 
303;  conveyed  on  shipboard,  331 ;  destroys 
Navidad  fortress,  216;  dies  at  sea,  .'>>•>; 
his  brother  captured,  305;  his  brother 
parades  in  Spain,  338;  loved  by  a  female 
cacique,  334;  wounds  Guacanagari,  211. 

Cape  Cruz  reached  in  1503,  530. 

—  Xon,  an  ancient  limit,  26. 

—  of  Good  Hope  doubled,  467. 

—  of  Palms  named,  118. 

-r^-St.  Augustine  discovered,  466. 
Verd  Islands  discovered,  27. 

—  reached  in  1498,  352. 
Capture  of  cacique's  wife,  403. 
Caravajal,    Alonzo,    a    commander,    351 ; 

reaches  Hayti,  410;  wins  confidence  of 
Columbue,  416. 

Caravajal,  Garcia,  as  an  envoy,  190. 

Caravel  despatched  on  the  course  of  Colum- 
bus, 47. 

Caravels  built  at  Hayti,  380. 

Cariari  natives  taken  as  guides,  499;  trans- 
actions at,  496. 

Carib  women  as  warriors,  333. 

Caribbee  Islands,  Fleet  leaves  the,  207. 

Caribs  finally  met  with,  205;  speculations 
concerning  the,  207. 

Casks  filled  for  ballast,  158. 

Cassava  bread  offered  to  colonists,  386,  106. 

Casteneda,  Juan  de,  sends  provisions,  161. 

Castile  and  Aragon  uuited,  52. 

Castillanos,  Value  of,  669. 

Cat  Island.     S<-f  San  Salvador. 

Catalina  faithful  to  the  colony,  375  ;  marries 
Miguel  Diaz,  327;  receives  the  Adclan- 
tado,  376 ;  swims  ashore  and  escapes,  220. 

Cathay,  Riches  of,  40. 

Catholic  chapel  erected,  381. 

Catholicism  founded  in  Hayti,  381. 

Catiba  River,  Columbus  anchors  in,  501. 

Cavalgada,  of  Ojeda,  434. 

Cavaliers  as  miners  in  Hayti,  562;  forced  to 
labor  as  others,  251. 

Cavern  of  La  Voute  a'Minguet,  243. 

Cedo,  Fermin,  displaced  by  Belvis,  321; 
opposes  the  idea  of  gold,  231. 

Centaur,  Idea  of,  well-founded,  235. 

Ceuta,  Bishop  of,  —  h'a  speech,  45. 

Chain  of  military  posts,  380. 

Character  and  customs  of  Haytians,  240. 

—  of     Bartholomew     Columbus,    404;     of 
Christopher  Columbus,  602;  of  Anacaona, 
570;  of  Juan  R.  de  Fonseca,  183;  of  Isa- 
bella  of  Castile,  52,  590;  of  Nicholas  de 
Ovando,  471. 

Charges  against  Columbus,  457. 

Charles  V.,  Empire  of,  339. 

Ciba  beans,  Eight  hundred,  217. 

Cibao,  Columbus  at  summit  of,  237;  expe- 
dition to,  232;  mistaken  for  Cipango,  136, 
140. 

Ciguare  described  by  the  natives,  503. 

Ciguay  natives  wounded  by  Spaniards,  153; 
expedition  to  in  1498,  400. 

Cintra  reached  March,  149.3,  165. 

Cipaugo  mislocated  by  Columbus,  86;  note 


INDEX. 


723 


I 

upon  Oipango  (Appendix),  681 ;  supposed 
to  he  .Japan,  40. 

Circumnavigation,  hopes  of,  274;  of  Africa, 
656. 

Citations  from  letter  to  Dona  Juana,  462. 

<  \>n<t  of  Contradictions,  510. 

Coat  of  arms  of  Columbus,  178. 

Codicils  to  the  will,  599. 

Coins,  Explanation  of,  699. 

Colloquy  between  Mendez  and  Columbus, 
534. 

Coloma,  Juan  de,  draws  up  agreement,  77. 

Colombia  coasted  liy  Nino,  465. 

Colombo,  Bartholomew.     See  Adelantado. 

Colombo,  Diego  (brother)  Death  of,  6i)l ; 
marries  a  native.  .'Jill ;  put  in  irons,  454; 
remonstrates  with  Margarite,  293;  resists 
Bo  bad  ilia,  449. 

Colombo,  Fernando  (brother),  Sketch  of, 
622. 

Colombo,  Juan  Antonio,  made  commander 
of  caravel,  :>~>1. 

Colombo  the  Younger,  22;  capture  of  gal- 
leys, 6:U. 

Colombos,  The  Family  of,  631. 

Colon.     See  Colombo  and  Columbus. 

Colonial  history  in  1498,  373. 

Colonization  restricted  by  regulations,  184. 

Colony  founded  at  llayti,  143;  founded  on 
Helen  River,  513. 

Columbus,  Bartholomew,  appointed  Adel 
antado  (q.v.),  290,  343. 

Columbus,  Christopher,  abandons  search 
for  strait,  507 ;  addresses  his  crew,  101 ; 
annoyed  by  minions  of  Fonseca,  347; 
appears  before  Bobadilla,  454;  appoints 
his  brother  as  Adelantado,  290;  arrives  at 
Cordova,  54;  arrives  in  Spain,  in  irons, 
461 ;  asks  for  eight  ships,  339;  at  convent 
in  Andalusia,  6t);  at  surrender  of  Alham- 
bra,  72;  attacked  by  gout  at  sea,  353;  be- 
comes insensible  at  Mona  Island,  286; 
before  archbishop  of  Toledo,  56;  before 
council  of  Salamanca,  57;  before  the 
Spanish  throne,  56;  birth  of,  17;  builds 
fort  of  St.  Thomas,  238;  compels  Pinzon 
to  restore  captives,  152;  consoled  for  los- 
ing Hayti,  514 ;  conveyed  to  Spain  iu  irons, 
459;  correspondence  with  Toscanelli,  39; 
crushes  the  Guevara  rebellion,  438;  de- 
clares Cuba  to  be  a  continent,  275 ;  declines 
the  dukedom,  342;  delighted  with  Trini- 
dad Island,  360;  disciplines  the  cavaliers, 
2">1 ;  discovers  Dominica,  200;  discovers 
Isla  de  Pinos,  491;  discovers  Cuba,  114; 
discovers  FernandinaorExuma,  111;  His- 
paniola,  128;  Guadaloupe,  201;  Jamaica, 
2'U  :  Porto  Rico,  206 ;  San  Salvador,  103; 
Trinidad,  3o4;  divides  his  squadron,  351; 
draws  the  marked  beans,  158,  164;  en- 
deavors to  restore  quiet,  299;  enters  Bar- 
celona,  174;  facts  influencing  him,  35; 
fears  for  his  life,  459;  first  voyage  of,  in 
1459,  21:  first  voyage  to  America,  83; 
founds  Hay tian  colony,  147;  fourth  voy- 
age of,  485 ;  goes  to  the  queen  at  Santa  Fe, 
71;  has  a  vision  at  Belen,  525;  his  affairs 
neglected,  584;  his  age  (Appendix),  624; 
his  arrival  in  Portugal,  23;  his  anxiety 
during  first  storm,  158;  his  audience  with 


John  II ,  44;  his  belief  in  undiscovered 
lands,  33;  his  birthplace,  626;  his  char- 
acter, 602;  his  codicils  to  will,  598;  his 
condition  in  1498,  366;  his  death,  600;  his 
descendants,  612;  his  enthusiasm,  37; 
his  health  impaired,  224;  his  kindness  to 
natives,  111);  his  lineage,  625;  his  mana- 
cles kept  as  relics,  460;  his  monumental 
inscription,  601;  bis  papers  examined  at 
Azores,  163;  his  parentage,  17;  his  per- 
sonal  appearance,  29;  his  remains  con- 
veyed to  Hayti,  609;  his  ship  (Appendix), 
658;  his  signature,  718;  his  supen-titioim, 
606;  his  voyage  to  Northern  Europe,  40; 
his  will,  712;  in  city  of  Granada,  476;  in 
Franciscan  garb,  337;  in  the  calm  lati- 
tudes, 352;  instantly  released  in  Spain, 
461;  invited  to  England,  65;  invited  to 
return  to  Portugal,  65;  issues  proclama- 
tion, 407;  leaves  Lisbon  in  14S4,  47; 
leaves  St.  Thomas  for  Hayti,  240;  mar- 
riage to  Dona  Felipa,  29;  names  Cuba, 
"Juana,"  115;  names  Puerto  Bueno,  262; 
names  Puerto  del  Principe,  120;  names 
Kio  Verde  in  Hayti,  236;  names  Vaqul 
river  twice,  151,  234;  notes  the  variation 
of  compass,  89;  on  his  way  to  Huclva,  69; 
overlooks  opportunity  to  discover  Yuca- 
tan, 492;  overtaken  by  a  courier,  76;  par- 
dons the  mutineers,  559;  pledges  two 
armies  for  Syria,  176;  prepares  a  volume 
in  manuscript,  477;  prepares  for  fourth 
voyage,  480;  propitiates  heaven  by  vows, 
158;  put  in  irons,  453;  reaches  Cintra, 
1493,  165;  received  by  Ovando,  582;  re- 
ceives a  coat  of  arms,  178;  refused  a  laud- 
ing at  Hayti,  488;  refuses  to  thiow  over 
prisoners,  334;  requested  to  appear  in 
Spain,  306;  rescued  from  Jamaica,  560, 
582;  returns  from  first  voyage,  170;  re- 
turns from  second  voyage,  335;  returns 
from  third  voyage,  461 ;  returns  from 
fourth  voyage,  586;  returns  from  expe- 
dition to  La  Vega,  248;  route  of  first  voy- 
age, 660;  sails  for  Cuba,  258;  sails  for 
Spain,  first  voyage,  150;  second  voyage, 
331;  third  voyage,  460;  fourth  voyaire, 
585;  sails  from  La  Xavidad  in  Hayti,  I  ">": 
sails  from  San  Salvador,  108;  sails  from 
Canary  Islands,  90;  sails  from  Spain  on 
first  voyage,  83;  second  voyage,  197;  third 
voyage,  349;  fourth  voyage,  485;  seizes 
and  hangs  Moxica,  438;  sends  for  his  son 
Diego,  427;  sends  message  to  mutineers, 
555;  sends  re-enforcement  to  St.  Thomas, 
249;  sets  out  for  Barcelona,  173;  sets  out 
for  Spanish  court,  50;  starts  for  Cibao 
and  interior  of  Hayti,  232;  takes  posses- 
sion of  San  Salvador,  103;  takes  the  sacra- 
ment, 83;  to  be  indemnified  by  sovereigns, 
475;  treats  with  the  rebels,  419;  troubled 
with  his  eyes,  363;  two  errors  favorable, 
37;  undermined  in  Spain,  317,  441;  uses 
an  eclipse  in  strategy,  546;  welcomed  at 
Palos,  170;  writes  to  Bobadilla,  453. 

Columbus,  Diego  (brother).    See  Colombo. 

Columbus  Diego  (son).     See  Diego. 

Columbus,  Fernando.  Sketch  of,  622. 

Compass,  Variation  of  the,  89,  369,  372. 

Condition  of  colony  at  Isabella  iu  1494,  291. 


724 


INDEX. 


Conspiracy  of  Bernardo,  54$;  of  Roldan, 
388;  reported  in  Xaragna,  566. 

Contemporary  voyages  of  discovery,  465. 

Continent  first  seen  by  Columbus,  355. 

Copies  of  papers  sent  to  Genoa,  483. 

Coral  seen  at  Veragua  coast,  503. 

Cordova,  Pestilence  at,  64. 

Coronel,  Pedro  Fernandez,  sails  forHayti, 
346;  stopped  in  a  pass,  398. 

"Correo"  and  the  drifted  wood,  36;  makes 
a  prospect  at  Trinidad,  363. 

Cortes,  or  Philipina  Bay,  276. 

Cortez,  Hernando,  and  Velasquez,  707. 

Cosa,  Juan  de  la,  a  pilot,  430. 

Costa  Rica,  Voyage  along,  500. 

Cotabanama,  cacique  of  Higuey,  292,  571 ; 
hung  in  San  Domingo,  579;  visits  the 
colonists,  573. 

Cotton  accepted  as  tribute,  377 ;  enough  to 
fill  a  house  in  Xaragua,  386;  yarn  ex- 
changed for  toys,  110. 

Couriers  despatched  to  Spanish  sovereigns, 
165. 

Course  altered  to  west-south-west,  98. 

Creation,  native  ideas  of,  243. 

Criminals  desert  upon  landing,  409;  per- 
mitted to  join  colony,  346. 

Cross-bow  in  the  hands  of  a  native,  366; 
still  preferred,  185. 

Cruelties  in  Higuey  and  Xaragua,  576. 

Crusade  to  Jerusalem  urged,  477. 

Cruz,  Cabo  de,  Cuba,  264,  530. 

Cuba  sighted  Oct.  28,  114;  sworn  to  as  a 
continent,  276. 

Cubagua  Island  discovered,  364. 

Cubanacan  indicated  by  natives,  118. 

Cucuyos  worn  in  the  hair,  116. 

Cuparipari  or  Paria  River,  362. 

Cura  de  los  Palacios,  Sketch  of,  702. 

Cyclone  at  Hayti,  325. 

Dancing  as  a  native  custom,  246. 

Darien,  Columbus  at,  504. 

Death  of  Diego  Colombo,  600;  of  Christo- 
pher Columbus,  600;  of  Henry  of  Portu- 
gal, 27;  of  Isabella  of  Castile,  590;  of 
Pedro  Ledesma,  559;  of  Martin  Alonzo 
Pinzon,  171;  of  Prince  Juan,  346;  of 
Caciques  of  Hayti,  Anacaona,  568;  Be- 
hechio,  566;  Caonabo,  331;  Cotabanama, 
579;  Guacanagari,  316;  Guariouex,  490. 

Delights  of  southern  Cuba,  268. 

Deliverance  of  Holy  Sepulchre,  79,  176, 
476. 

Deluge,  Haytian  tradition  of,  244. 

Descendants  of  Columbus,  612. 

Descriptions  of  Ilaytian  domains,  292. 

Destruction  of  Navidad  fortress,  214. 

Deza,  Diego  de,  expected  at  court,  592; 
friendship  of  for  Columbus,  62,  180. 

Diaz,  Bartholomew,  discovert)  Cape  of  Good 
Hope,  287. 

Diaz,  Bernal,  confined  on  shipboard,  232. 

Diaz,  Miguel,  discovers  gold,  328. 

Diego,  Columbus,  (brother).    See  Colombo. 

Diego,  his  son,  appointed  page,  79. 

Disaster,  River  of,  named,  496. 

Piscovei  ies  of  Rodrigo  Bastides,  467,  of 
Ketiaftian  Cabot,  467,  of  Pedro  A.  de 
Cabral,  463;  of  Vasco  da  Gama,  468,  of 


Diego  Lepe,  466;  of  Pedro  Alonzo  Nino, 
465;  of  Vicente  Yaiuv.  Pinzou,  466. 

Discovery  of  America  —  sight  of  land,  102; 
of  Azores,  27;  of  Brazil,  466;  of  Canary 
Islands,  24;  of  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  288; 
of  Cape  Verd  Islands,  27;  of  Cuba,  114; 
of  Dominica,  200;  of  Exuma  or  Feruan- 
dina,  111 ;  of  Florida,  46i>;  of  Guadaloupe, 
200;  of  Hayti,  129;  of  Isla  de  1'inos,  4'Jl ; 
of  Jamaica,  261 ;  of  Labrador,  466 ;  of 
Madeira  Islands,  24,  690;  of  Marigalante, 
200;  of  Porto  Rico,  206;  of  San  Salvador, 
103;  of  Saona  Island,  285;  of  Trinidad 
Island,  354. 

Distributions  of  Indians,  System  of,  564. 

Dogs  first  used  against  natives,  262. 

Domains  of  Hayti,  Names  of,  292. 

Dominica  discovered,  1493,  200. 

Dragons  Mouths,  named,  357;  passed  in 
safety,  363. 

Dream  of  Columbus  at  Belen,  525. 

Dreams  of  wealth  betrin  to  fade,  176. 

Dukedom  offered  to  Columbus,  342. 

Earth  supposed  to  be  smaller,  36. 

Ecclesiastics  sent  to  colony,  185. 

Eclipse  of  moon  misleads  Columbus,  285; 

used  as  a  strategy,  547. 
Eden,  Location  of  (Appendix),  708. 
Egg,  Benzoni's  anecdote  of  the,  180. 
El  Ketrete  or  The  Cabinet,  505. 
Embassies  and  Counter-embassies,  189. 
Embassy  to  interior  of  Cuba,  120. 
Engano,  Cape,  or  San  Rafael,  reached,  285. 
Euriquez,  Beatrix,  provided  for,  55,  600. 
Enthusiasm   at    Barcelona,  171;    over    the 

second  voyage,  171. 
Envy  at  work  in  Spain,  336. 
Equator  crossed  by  V.  Y.  Pinzon,  466. 
Ercilla,  Squadron  reaches,  486. 
Escobar,  Diego  de,  Mission  of,  548. 
Escobar,  Roderigo  de,  sails  as  notary,  83. 
Esdras  cited  geographically,  367. 
Espadinas,  Value  of,  169. 
Espinal,  Antonio,  sent  out,  474, 
Espinosa  takes  charge  of  prisoners,  451. 
Esquibel  captures  Cotabauama,  579;  invades 

Higuey,  571. 

Eudoxus  of  Cyzicus,  25. 
Eulogy  of  Isabella  of  Castile,  590. 
Evangelista  discovered,  June,  1494,  277. 
Exchange  of  names  a  custom,  573. 
Executions  of  caciques,  384,  568,  573,  579- 
Expedition  of  John  of  Anjou,  632;  to  San 

Domingo  proposed,  432. 
Explanation  of  signature  of  Columbus,  718- 
Exploration  of  Alonso  de  Ojeda,  225. 
Exuraa  Island  discovered,  111. 

False  reckonings  kept,  89. 

Famine  on  shipboard,  332. 

Fasting  practised  in  seeking  gold,  510. 

Female  cacique  falls  in  love  with  Caonabo, 
331. 

Ferdinand  II.  of  Aragon,  aroused  by  dis- 
coveries, 469;  description  of,  52;  jeceives 
Columbus  at  Segovia,  593. 

Fernandez,  Garcia,  meets  Columbus,  70. 

Fcrnandina  or  Exuma  Island  named,  111. 

Fernando  de  Talavera,  cans  a  council,  txi. 


INDEX, 


725 


Ferrer,  the  lapidary,  Letter  of,  349. 
Ferro  lost  sight  of  on  first  voyage,  88. 
Festivities  in  Xaragua,  37^. 
Firsco,  Bartholomew,  goes  with  Mendez  in 

canoe,  537. 

Fight  with  natives  of  Santa  Cruz,  205. 
First  blood  taken  by  Spaniards,  154. 

—  general  battle  with  natives,  309. 

—  printed  records,  (Vis,  711.;. 

—  road  in  the  New  World,  233. 

—  voyage,  return  from,  104;  route  of,  660; 
Bailing  from  Spain,  86. 

Fish  of  brilliant  colors,  112. 
Fishing  with  live  fish,  266. 
Flames  at  the  roast-tops,  199. 
Fleet  of  second  voyage,  197. 

—  wrecked  off  Hay  ti,  489. 
Florida  discovered  by  Cabot,  467. 
Fonseca,  Juan   Rodriguez    de,  appointed, 

183;  his  character,  183;  persecutes  Colum- 
bus, 318,  704;  reinstated,  346;  sketch  (Ap- 
pendix), 704;  writes  regarding  Roldan, 
411. 

Fontanarossa,  Susannah,  his  mother,  17. 

Fort  Conception  attacked  by  Uoldan,  393; 
erected,  301. 

Fortress  of  La  Navidad  built,  147;  de- 
stroyed, 211. 

Fortresses  of  Hayti  named,  314,  375. 

Fortunate  Islands.     See  Canaries. 

Fourth  voyage,  Embarks  for,  486;  return 
from,  586. 

Franciscan  Order  founded  in  Hayti,  474. 

Francois  Cape.     See  Haytien. 

Free  trade  hinted  at,  474. 

Fruits  introduced  from  the  Canaries,  198. 

Funeral  rites  of  Haytians,  245. 

Future  Slate,  Ideas  of,  124. 

Oalicia,  Rebellion  in,  55. 

Gama,  Vasco  da,  doubles  Good  Hope,  27, 
468. 

Garden  of  Eden,  Location  of,  708. 

Garrison  of  La  Xavidad,  147 ;  massacre  of, 
211. 

Galo  paulo,  a  kind  of  monkey,  363. 

Genoa  proud  of  the  Discovery,  177;  records 
filed  at,  483. 

"  Gentleman's  Pass  "  constructed,  233. 

Geographical  errors  and  views,  503. 

Ghosts  among  the  Haytians,  245. 

"  Gloria  in  Excelsis  "  at  sea,  98. 

Gold  captured  from  Quibian,  511;  chain  of 
great  weight,  338;  collected  for  return 
voyage,  146 ;  exacted  as  tribute,  314 ;  fast- 
ing observed  in  seeking  of,  510;  found  at 
Costa  Rica,  501 ;  found  on  Ozema  River, 
328;  immense  nugget  of,  489;  ore  in  the 
river  beds,  226;  plates  at  Veragua,  ">o-j, 
510;  revenue  of  the  colony,  473;  trinkets 
exchanged,  111. 

Golden  Tower,  Fortress  of  the,  373. 

Gomera,  Canaries,  Provisioning  at,  88; 
reached  on  second  voyage,  198;  touched 
at  in  1498,  350. 

Gonsalvo  of  Cordova,  in  Italy,  339. 

Good  Hope,  Cape  of,  discovered,  288; 
doubled  by  Vasco  da  Gama,  28. 

Gorriciu,  Gasper,  in  charge  of  manuscript, 
481. 


Gorvalan,  reports  gold,  226. 
out  annoys  Columbus  at  sea,  351. 

Gracias  a   Dios,  Cape,  Honduras,  named. 

G496. 

Granada  conquered  by  Spaniards,  72. 

(iiiueaimiyos,  or  large  parrots,  201. 

Guacanagari,  cacique  of  Marien,  Hayti,  144; 
death  of,  316;  gives  a  collation  to  Span- 
iards, 141;  loyal  to  colony,  298;  sends  an 
embassy  to  ships,  135;  unable  to  welcome 
the  admiral,  194. 

Guacaiiayabo,  Gulf  of,  Storm  in,  264. 

Guadaloupc  discovered,  201 ;  revisited,  332; 
citadel  of  Caribs,  208. 

Guaig  River,  Hostility  at,  501. 

Giiauahani,  or  San  Salvador  discovered, 
107,  680. 

Guanaja  discovered  in  1502,  491. 

Guanin,  au  inferior  grade  of  gold,  360,  497. 

Guantauamo  or  Puerto  Grande  reached, 
Bfc 

Guaora  pursued  and  hung,  569. 

Guarico,  the  capital  of  Guacanagari,  149. 

Guarionex,  cacique  of  La  Vega,  292;  buries 
the  Catholic  images,  376;  captured  and 
manacled,  404;  drowned  at  sea,  490;  flees 
to  Ciguay,  399 ;  insurrections  of,  384, 399 ; 
kills  a  cacique,  399;  pardoned  and  re- 
leased, 384;  sheltered  by  Mayobanei,  401. 

Guatiguana  executes  ten  Spaniards,  295. 

Guevara,  Heruando  de,  arrives,  435;  dis- 
charged by  Bobadilla,  45S;  seized  by 
Roldan,  436;  stirs  up  rebellion,  436. 

Gulf  Stream,  Power  of  the,  365. 

Gutierrez  starts  for  Cibao,  215. 

Hammocks  used  by  natives,  111. 

Hanging  of  Adrian  de  Moxica,  438;  of 
caciques,  384,  568,  579;  of  Guaora,  569; 
of  seven  rebels,  448;  of  thirteen  natives, 
576. 

Hawk's  bells,  a  delight  to  natives,  139;  aa 
measures  of  gold  dust,  313. 

Hayna  mines  discovered,  327. 

Hayti,  Burial  rites  in,  245;  cyclone  at,  325; 
its  discovery,  128;  its  domains  described, 
292;  its  fortresses  named,  314,  381;  its 
subjugation,  572;  reached  on  second  voy- 
age, 209;  on  third  voyage,  366;  on  fourth 
voyage,  582. 

Haytian  native  uses  Spanish  words,  284; 
notions  of  religion,  241;  awe  of  Carib 
prisoners,  218. 

Heat  of  the  tropical  belt,  353. 

Heaven,  Idea  of,  in  Hayti,  246. 

Hencken,  T.  8.,  —  note  about  places,  149. 

Henry  VII.  favors  exploration,  288. 

Henry  of  Portugal,  Death  of,  27;  encour- 
ages discovery,  25. 

Heroic  death  of  natives  of  Higuey,  574. 

Heron  met  with  at  sea,  90. 

Herrera,  Antonio  de,  Sketch  of,  704. 

Herrera,  Lopez  de,  Embassy  of,  189. 

Higuanama,  a  cacique,  hanged,  572. 

Higuenamola  in  love  with  Guevara,  435. 

Higuey,  fifth  domain  of  Hayti,  292;  natives 
of,  285;  second  revolt  of,  573;  subjuga- 
tion of,  571. 

Hispaniola.    See  Hayti. 

Holy  Land.    See  Palestine. 


726 


INDEX. 


Honduras,  Storms  off  coast  of,  494. 
Honry  and  wax  at  (iuadaloupe,  333. 
Horse  aud  rider  mistaken  for  one  animal, 

235. 

Horses  an  object  of  wonder,  219. 
Hospitality  of  all  savages,  235. 
Hostility  stopped  by  a  cannon  ball,  505. 
Hurricane  at  Hayti,  325. 

Iguanas   and    lizards   plentiful,   113;    first 

tasted  by  colonists,  377. 
Image  of  Virgin  rejected  by  the  cacique,  219. 
Imaginary  island  of  St.  Brandan,  685. 
Impalement,  the  punishment  for  theft,  255. 
Indian  prisoners  sent  to  Spain,  307. 
Indians  adopting  clothing,  439;  swim  around 

the  ships,  156;  the  term  applied  by  Co 

lumbus,  105. 

Inscription  on  monument,  601. 
Insects,  Luminous,  or  cucuyos,  116. 
Insurrection  of  Guevara  crushed,  438. 
Intrigue  at  both  courts,  189. 
Iron  unknown  to  natives,  201. 
Isabella,  of  Castile,  Death  of,  590;  decides 

in  favor  of  Columbus,  75;  described,  52, 

590;   forbids  oppression   in   Hayli,  563; 

loses   confidence,  442;  opposes   slavery, 

345;  pained  at  miseries  of  natives,  474; 

protects   natives,  185;  returns  natives  to 

Hayti,  444;  weeps  on  seeing  Columbus  in 

distress,  463. 
Isabella,  city  of,  Remains  of,  229;  finally 

abandoned,  252;  founded  by  Spaniards, 

223. 

Isabella  Island,  named,  112. 
Isla  de  Finos  discovered,  491 ;  native  name 

Guanaja,  491;   named   Evangelisla,   277; 

canoe  from  Honduras  arrives,  491. 
Island  of  Seven  Cities,  33,  704. 
Islands  inhabited  by  women  only,  332. 
Islas  de  Arena  visited,  114. 
Isthmus  of  Darien  coasted,  504. 
Itinerariurn  Portugalensium,  638,  708. 

Jacorao  of  La  Navidad  killed,  215. 

Jamaica,  Island  of,  coasted  on  the  south, 
281;  discovered  in  1494,  261,  mutiny  at, 
557;  native  joins  ships,  264;  reached  in 
1503,  530. 

Japan,  Cipango  supposed  to  be,  40. 

Jews  excluded  as  colonists,  473;  expelled 
from  Spain,  53. 

Joachim,  Note  concerning,  536. 

John  II.  of  1'ortugal,  Accession  of,  42;  re- 
ceives Columbus  on  his  return,  166. 

John  of  Anjou,  duke  of  Calabria,  21;  ex- 
pedition of,  632. 

Josephus  referred  to,  514. 

Journal  begun  by  Columbus,  89. 

Juan  Antonio  reaches  Xaragua,  409. 

Juan  Perez,  a  loyal  friend,  180;  meets  Co- 
lumbus at  Palos,  69. 

Juan,  Prince,  Death  of,  346. 

J  uana,  Dona,  Letter  to,  461. 

J  nana.  Queen,  arrives  from  Flanders,  597 ; 
marriage  of,  341. 

Junta  formed  to  govern  pro  tern,  255. 

Junto  reports  unfavorably  in  1491,  68. 

Khan  of  Tartary,  Grandeur  of,  42,  672 


Labrador  discovered,  467. 

Lactantius  cited  against  Columbus,  59. 

La  Navidad  fortress  built,  143;  destroyed, 

212. 

Land  grants  to  colonists,  423. 
Lapis  lazuli  found  in  Hayli,  237. 
La  Habida,  Columbus  at  convent  of,  69. 
Laredo,  Queen  Juana  received  at,  597. 
I^a«  Casas,  Bartholomew,  Sketch  of,  693. 
La  Voute  a  Minguet,  Cavern  of,  244. 
Ledesma,  Pedro,  assassinated  in  Seville,  559 ; 

exploit  of,  524;  wounded  in  the  mutiny, 

558. 

Legend  of  decapitated  cavaliers,  252. 
Lemos,  Count,  Rebellion  of,  55. 
I^eone,  Antonio,  —  his  story,  32. 
Lepe,  Diego,  Discoveries  of,  468. 
Letter  of  Ferrer  the  lapidary,  349;  sent  in 

a  reed,  383;  to  Dona  Juana, 461 ;  to  Pedro 

Margante,  254;  to  sovereigns,  1496,  337; 

of  Isabella  to  Ovando,   584;  patent  read 

to  colonists,  449;  sent  with  Bobadilla,  445. 
Lot u-rs  to  and  from  Roldan,  the  rebel,  416; 

to  Spain  in  1498,  413. 
Library  of  Diego  Meudez,  561. 
Limonares  named  by  Columbus,  496. 
Line  of  demarkalion,  183,  195. 
Lineage  of  Columbus,  625. 
Live-slock  in  exchange  for  slaves,  228. 
Llandra,  Columbus  sleeps  al,  1K9. 
Lopez,  Juan,  encounlers  Colabanama,  578. 
Lois  drawn  for  pilgrimages,  158,  164. 
Loxa,  Siege  of,  54. 

Luis  de  St.  Angel  pleads  for  Columbus,  75. 
Luxau  ranges  aboul  mlerior,  23'J. 

Macaca,  visited  by  Columbus,  265. 
Macham,  Robert,  Story  of,  24,  691. 
Madeiras,  Discovery  of  the,  24,  690;  touched 

at,  in  1498,  350. 

Magdalena  fortress  attacked,  296. 
Maguana,  third  domain  of  Hayti,  292. 
Mahogany  Irees  in  Hayli,  234. 
Maladies  break  out  among  seamen,  223. 
Malaga,  Campaign  against,  64. 
Maldonado,  Alonzo,  appointed,  475. 
Maldonado,    Melchor,    visits    Guacanagari, 

216. 

Manacles  kept  as  relics,  460. 
Manatee  or  sea-calf,  skulls  of,  118. 
Mandeville,  Sir  John,  Ihe  Iraveller,  681. 
Mangi  and  Calhay  described  lo  Ihe  crew,  88. 
Mangon  supposed  lo  be  Mangi,  268. 
Manicaolex,  successor  of  Caouabo,  308 ;  vic- 

limized  by  Roldan,  395. 
Manners  of  a  Haylian  cacique,  140. 
Mantinino     populated     by     women,     153; 

reached,  June,  1502,  486. 
Maragnon.    See  Amazon  River. 
Marchena,  Juan  Perez  de,  at  Santa  Fe,  71. 
Marco  Polo.     See  Polo. 
Mares,  Rio  de  Jos,  named,  119. 
Margarita  of  Austria  marries  Prince  Juan, 

341. 

Margarita  Island  discovered,  364. 
Margarite,  Pedro,  abuses  his  command, 293; 

lefl  in  charge  of  St.  Thomas,  240 ;  recom 

mended  to  sovereigns, 227 ;  reports  trouble 

at  St.  Thomas,  249;  calls  for  Spain,  294. 
Marion,  second  domain  of  llayli,  2ui 


INDEX. 


727 


Marisralante  named  from  the  flagship,  200; 
touched  at,  April,  1496,  332. 

Marney,  Pass  of,  crossed,  234. 

Marque,  Diego,  and  party  are  missing,  202. 

Marriage  of  Catalina,  and  Diaz,  327 ;  of 
Columbus  to  Dona  Felipa,  29;  of  Princess 
Isabella,  1490,  67;  of  Princess  Juana,  339. 

Martin,  Andreas,  kind  to  Columbus,  460. 

Martyr,  Peter,  on  the  Discovery,  178;.  sent 
to  Egypt,  482 ;  sketch  of,  698. 

Mass  celebrated  in  a  grove,  278 ;  in  town  of 
Isabella,  229. 

Massacre  in  Xaragna,  568;  of  La  Navidad 
garrison,  212;  of  Saona  Island,  572;  of 
Villaraan  and  his  garrison,  573;  on  Belen 
Hiver,  Veragua,  514. 

Mast  of  wreck  discovered,  89. 

Mateo,  Juan,  the  native  convert,  375. 

Mayobanex  and  family  captured,  403;  his 
family  released,  404;  replies  to  Adelan 
tad o,  401 ;  shelters  Guanonex,  400;  visit* 
the  caravel,  1:">4. 

Maysi,  Cape,  or  Bayatlquiri,  257. 

Medina  Siclonia,  D'uke  of,  declines  to  aid 
Columbus,  50. 

Mediterranean  sea  life,  21. 

Melilla  in  Barbary  taken,  479. 

Mendez,  Diego,  arranges  trade  at  Jamaica, 
5:VJ;  captured  by  cannibals,  537;  exploit 
of,  533;  his  canoe,  voyage,  551;  in  after 
years,  560 ;  leaves  for  Hayti  in  canoe,  535 ; 
made  commander  of  caravel,  528;  sails 
for  Spain,  560,  struck  by  a  son  of  Quib- 
ian,  516;  superintends  embarkation  fiom 
Veragua,  527 ;  suspects  Quibian  of  treach- 
ery, 516. 

Mendoza,  Pedro  Gonzales  de,  Banquet  of, 
179. 

Meneses,  Pedro  de,  — his  speech,  46. 

Mermaids  or  manatee  observed,  152. 

Meteorite  taken  for  a  flame,  90. 

Migratory  butterflies  of  Cuba,  273 

Mining  experiences  of  cavaliers,  562. 

Misa,  Rio  de  la,  anchors  at,  278. 

Mission  of  Diego  de  Escobar,  550. 

Mock-fights  and  skirmishes,  149. 

Mona  Island  touched  at,  285;  assigned  to 
the  Adelantado,  617. 

Money ;  —  coins  explained,  669. 

Montserrat  named,  in  1493,  205. 

Monumental  inscription  of  Mendez,  561. 

Moon,  Eclipse  of,  at  Jamaica,  547. 

Moorish  attempt  to  assassinate  Ferdinand, 
64. 

Moors,  Conquest  of  the,  54,  65;  excluded  as 
colonists,  473;  of  Malaga  sold  as  slaves, 
307 ;  rebellion  of  the,  443. 

Morant  Point  to  Tiburon,  283. 

Morocco,  Columbus  on  coast  of,  486. 

Mortality  of  oppressed  natives,  565. 

Mosquito  Coast,  Voyage  along,  496. 

Most  Catholic  Majesty  grunted  as  a  title, 
52. 

Moxica,  Adrian  de,  at  Azua,  412;  repairs 
to  Bonao,  411 ;  seized  and  hung,  438. 

Muley  Boabdil  surrenders  the  Alhambra, 
66. 

Musical  treat  at  Trinidad,  355. 

Musicians  sent  to  colony,  347. 

Mutineers,  Fight  with,  558;  leave  the  ships, 


542;  pardoned  at  Jamaica,  560;  turn  out- 
laws in  Jamaica,  543. 

Mutiny  at  Jamaica,  540;  signs  of,  appear, 
96,100. 

Names  of  Haytian  domains,  292;  of  Haytian 
fortresses,  314;  of  pilots,  83. 

Naples,  Negotiations  for,  339. 

Native  mock  battle  in  Hayti,  378;  thieves 
released  by  Columbus,  255;  woman  cap- 
tured in  Hayti,  130. 

Natives  attempt  to  starve  colonists,  315 ;  bap- 
tized in  Spain,  185;  call  heaven  "turey," 
142, 359 ;  captured  and  released,  110 ;  com- 
mit suicide  on  shipboard,  524;  force  a 
hatch  and  escape,  524;  of  Trinidad  de- 
scribed, 359;  refuse  presents  at  Cariari, 
498;  sent  back  by  Isabella,  322,  444,  228; 
swim  ashore  at  Guadaloupe,  332;  terri- 
fied by  an  eclipse,  546;  to  be  worked  in 
mines,  474;  unload  the  "Santa  Maria," 
139. 

Naval  college,  founded  in  Portugal,  27. 

Navarrete,  Marti  no  F.  de,  —  his  opinions  on 
first  laud  seen,  660. 

Navasa  Island  reached  by  canoe  of  Mendez, 
553. 

Navidad  fortress  at  Hayti,  143,  212,  215. 

Negotiations  at  Azua,  412. 

Negroes  sent  to  the  colonies,  696,  616. 

Newfoundland  discovered  by  Cabot,  467; 
Scandinavian  tradition  of,  653. 

Nicayaga  River,  crossed,  236. 

"Nina"  commanded  by  V.  Y.  Pinzon,  83; 
survives  a  cyclone,  32o. 

Nino,  Pedro  Alonzo,  pretends  to  have  gold 
on  board  of  ships,  340;  returns  to  Spain, 
339;  sails  for  Hayti,  337;  visits  Spanish 
Main,  466. 

Nombre  de  Dios,  Natives  of,  504. 

Noya,  Juan  de,  escapes  from  the  massacre, 
514. 

Number  permitted  to  embark,  193. 

Oderigo,  Lorenzo,  and  the  copied  papers, 
483. 

Ojeda,  Alonzo  de,  arrives  at  Western  Hayti, 
467 ;  as  a  leader,  296 ;  carries  off  Caonabo, 
303;  character  of,  192;  governorship  at 
Darien,  614;  lands  at  Xaragua,  431 ,  land 
in  Cahay,  433 ;  sends  slaves  to  Cadiz,  434 ; 
sent  to  central  Hayti,  225;  starts  with 
force  for  St.  Thomas,  254. 

Ophir  remains  a  mystery,  329. 

Oiation  of  Cuban  native,  279. 

Ornofay  and  Mangon,  268,  277. 

Otto,  his  letter  concerning  Behem,  652. 

Ovando,  Nicholas  de,  appointed,  470;  hangs 
the  native  princess  Anacaona,  570;  his 
character,  470 ;  his  instructions  from  cou  it, 
473;  his  measures  for  relief,  563;  loses 
one  ship  off  Spain,  476;  recall  of,  613; 
received  in  Xaragua,  567;  receives  Colum- 
bus from  Jamaica,  584;  refuses  Columbus 
a  landing,  488;  sails  fot  Hayti,  476;  sends 
Escobar  to  Jamaica,  549 ;  size  of  his  fleet, 
475. 

Oviedo  y  Valdes,  Gonzalo  Fer.  de,  Sketch 
of,  702. 

Ozema  River,  Gold  found  at,  329. 


728 


INDEX. 


Palestine,  expense  of  conquering,  estimated, 

479. 
Palos,    Harbor  of,  re-entered,    1493,    169; 

selected  as  port  of  embarkation,  78. 
Pane,  Roman,  the  hermit,  375. 
Papal  bull  sought  by  Ferdinand,  182. 
Parentage  of  Columbus,  17. 
Paria.     See  Trinidad. 
Pasaruonte,  Miguel,  the  enemy  of  Diego, 

615. 

Pass  of  the  Hidalgos,  233,  248. 
Pearls  exhibited  by  natives,  360;  obtained 

for  broken  Valencia  ware,  364. 
Penalties  for  doubting  Cuba  a  continent, 

276. 

Pension  granted  to  Columbus,  179. 
People  with  tails  like  animals,  268. 
Perez  de  Luna  sent  among  the  ships,  276. 
Philipina  Bay,  Deposition  at,  276. 
Pigeons  released  during  siege,  297. 
Pilgrimages  vowed  by  marked  beans,  158. 
Pilots,  Names  of  the,  83. 
Pineapples  first  met  with,  201. 
"  Piuta"  commanded  by  M.  A.  Pinzon,  87; 

disregards  the  signals,  126;  makes  signal 

of  distress,  86 ;  opposition  of  its  owners, 

82;  reaches  Palos,  171;  rejoins  the  "  Nina," 

150;  repaired  at  Canaries,  87. 
Pintor,  Juan,  deserts  from  Ojeda,  433. 
Pinzon,  Martiu  Alonzo,  agiees  to  sail,  81; 

compelled  to  restore  captives,  152;  death 

of,  171;  disregards  signals  of  Columbus, 

126;  explains  his  desertion,  151;  meets 

with  Columbus  at  convent,  69;  sketch  of, 

646;  thinks  he  sees  land,  98. 
Pinzon,    Vicente    Yanez,    commands    the 

"  Nina,"  83 ;  names  Cape  St.  Augustine, 

466;  voyage  of,  1499,  466. 
Planisphere  still  extant,  86. 
Plato,  Atlantis  of,  15,  31,  684. 
Poisoned  arrows  in  the  Antilles,  202. 
Pole  star  lost  sight  of,  466. 
Polo,  Marco,  —  his  work,  678;  studied  by 

Columbus,  35,  42;  travels  of,  672;  death 

of,  678. 

Porras,  Francisco  de,  answers  the  messen- 
gers, 555;  captured    by  Adelantado,  558; 

mutiny  of,  541 ;  sent  to  Spain,  586. 
Port  Hermosa,  Columbus  anchors  at,  490. 
Porto  Bello  named  in  1502,  504. 
Porto  Rico  first  named  San  Juan  Bautista, 

206. 

Porto  Santo,  discovered,  31 ;  touched  at,  350. 
Portugal    declines   to   aid   Columbus,  46; 

secures  Brazil,  468. 
Portuguese  affront  at  Azores,  161;  caravel 

slips  off  to  sea,  194;  suspected  as  hostile, 

87 ;  possession  proposed,  169. 
Potatoes  found  by  Columbus,  123. 
Prester  John,  45 ;  considered  authentic,  670 ; 

still  an  object  of  search,  273. 
Prisoners  tortured  in  vain,  572. 
Proclamation  of  1498,  407. 
Prologue  to  the  journal  of  Columbus,  84. 
Provisions  from  Spain  asked  for,  227. 
Ptolemy,  Cosmography  of,  63. 
Puerto  Bello.     See  Porto  Bello. 
Puerto    Bueno    in    Jamaica    named,    262; 

touched  at,  530. 
Puerto  de  Uatos,  named,  303. 


Puerto  de  los  Hidalgos,  built,  233. 
Puerto  del  Principe  named,  117. 
Puerto  Rico.     See  Porto  Rico. 
Punta  de  la  Galera  named,  354. 

Quadrant,  Origin  of  the,  43. 

Queen  Juana  receives  the  Adelantado,  597. 

Queen  of  Cannibals  attacks  Spaniards,  205. 

Queen's  Gardens  named,  265. 

Quibian  bound  baud  and  foot,  518;  deceives 
explorers,  512;  escapes  from  Sanchez, 
519;  meets  the  Adelantado,  511. 

Quiusai,  Note  upon  (Appendix),  680. 

Quintanilla,  Alonzo  de,  friendly  to  Colum- 
bus, 55. 

Quintero,  Christoval,  opposes  Columbus,  82. 

Quiribiri  or  La  Huerta,  496. 

Quisqueya  and  Quinsai,  124. 

Rabbi  Benjamin,  Expedition  of,  42. 

Rabo  de  Junco,  the  tropical  bird,  90. 

Rascon,  Goraez,  opposes  Columbus,  82. 

Rastello,  "  Nina,"  anchors  at,  165. 

Rebellion  against  Roldan,  437. 

Rebels  confined  in  San  Domingo,  438;  hang- 
ing of  seven,  448. 

Redonda  discovered,  in  1493,  205. 

Religious  ideas  of  Haytians,  241,  245. 

Remains  of  Columbus  taken  to  Cuba,  609. 

Repartimientos,  System  of,  563. 

Requelme,  Pedro,  attempts  to  build  a  fort, 
425;  discharged  by  Bobadilla,  458;  repairs 
to  Bouao,  411 ;  seized  at  Bonao,  438. 

Rescue  of  Holy  Sepulchre,  79,  176,  476. 

Residence  of  Coiumbus  in  Hayti  sacked,  451. 

Revenue  from  the  gold  mines,  473 ;  of  gold 
as  tribute,  313. 

Revolt  of  African  slaves  in  1522,  618. 

Rio  del  Oro,  or  Yaqui  River,  151,  234. 

Rio  Verde,  or  Green  River,  236. 

River  of  Reeds  or  Yaqui  crossed,  235. 

Robertson,  Dr.,  Comment  of,  468. 

Rodriguez,  Sebastian,  leaves  for  Santa  F6, 
70. 

Roldan,  Bartholomew,  a  pilot,  83,  430. 

Roldan,  Francisco,  Conspiracy  of,  388 ;  bis 
conduct  investigated,  487 ;  negotiates  at 
Azua,  421;  procures  supplies  from  a 
squadron,  408;  reaches  Xaragua  to  watch 
Ojeda,  432 ;  sails  to  meet  Ojeda,  428 ;  sets 
out  for  Xaragua,  398;  shipwrecked  and 
drowned  off  Hayti,  489;  signs  an  agree- 
ment, 419;  treats  secretly  with  colony, 
411. 

Route  of  First  Voyage  (Appendix),  660. 

Royal  game  of  diplomacy,  189. 

Royal  India  House,  Germ  of  the,  184. 

Rubruquis,  William,  Journal  of,  42. 

Rumor  of  death  of  Pilot,  648. 


1498,  347 ;  fourth  voyage'  in  1502,  486. 
Sailor  turns  Mussulman,  179. 
Sailors  captured  at  the  Azores,  161 ;  wishing 

to  settle  in  Hayti,  142. 
Saint  Augustine  quoted  to  Columbus,  59. 
Saint  Braudau,  Imaginary  island  of,  33,  685. 


INDEX. 


729 


Paint  Elmo  at  the  topmast,  109. 

Saint  Mary,  Azores,  reached,  161. 

Saint,  Nicholas  haibor  named,  129. 

Saint  Thomas  fortress  attacked  by  Caonabo, 

297;  founding  of,  238;  trouble  begins  at, 

249. 
Salamanca,  Council  of,  57;  patronized   by 

Isabella,  53. 
Salcedo,   Diego  de,  reaches  Jamaica,  581; 

sent  to  rescue  Columbus,  558. 
Salve  Kegiua  or  the  Vesper  Hymn,  101. 
S.unana  or  Gulf  of  Arrows,  154;  native  of, 

put  ashore,  210. 

San  Chrisioval  fortress  built,  373. 
San  Domingo  City  swarmed  with  villains, 

45S. 
San  Domingo  fortress  attacked,  451;  built, 

375. 

San  Domineo  Island.     Set  Hayti. 
San  Juan  Bautista,  or  I'orlo  Kico,  named, 

206. 

San  Lucarde  Barrameda,  Sailing  from,  349. 
San  Martin  discovered  and  named,  205. 
San  Salvador  discovered  and  named,  104. 
Sanchez,  Alonso,  made  commander,  350. 
Sanchez,  Juan,  killed  at  Mauna,  558;  out 

wilted  by  (-juihian,  519. 
Sande,  Ruy  de,  Kmbassy  of,  187. 
Santa  Clara  caravel.     See  Nina. 
Santa  Clara  de  Moguer,  Pilgrimage  to,  158. 
Santa  Cruz  discovered  and  named,  205. 
Santa  Cruz  caravel  built  from  a  wreck,  331. 
Sante  Fe,  Columbus  starts  for,  70. 
Santa  Maria  Island  near  Cuba  named,  266. 
"Santa   Maria"   chosen    as    flag-ship,   83; 

wreck  of  the,  138. 
Santa  Ursula  named,  206. 
Santiago  River,  Ilavti.     See  Yaqui. 
Saometo  searched  for  and  found,  112. 
Suona    Island.   Hayti,    named,    285;    crew 

slaughtered  at,  571;  natives  massacred, 

572. 

Sargasso  grass  met  with,  91,  94. 
Scandinavian  voyages,  653. 
Sealed  barrel  thrown  in  the  sea,  159;  letters 

to  the  commanders,  198. 
Search  of  the  strait  abandoned,  505. 
Second  voyage,  Embarks  for,  197;  return 

from,  331 ;  revenues  raised  for,  184. 
Segovia,  Columbus  goes  to,  593. 
Sepulchre,  recovery  of  the,  79,  176,  476. 
Seratin  Point,  Cuba,  named,  270. 
Belt  ement  on  Helen  River,  513;  of  Isabella 

abandoned,  2->2. 

Seven  Cities,  Island  of  the,  33,  685. 
Seventeen  vessels  in  readiness,  191. 
Seville  entered  in  triumph,  67;  the  seat  for 

Indian  Affairs,  184. 
Sharks  in  the  Caribbean  Sea,  509. 
Ships  a  wonder  lo  natives,  387;  joined  and 

fortified  at  Jamaica,  531 ;  of  the  first  voy- 
age, 658;  sail  for  Spain,  413;  sent  back 

to  Spain,  226;  stranded  at  Jamaica,  531 ; 

visited  by  royal  canoes  at  Jamaica,  282; 

pressed  into  service,  82. 
Ship-worms  or  teredos  injure  the  vessels, 

420,  4t>7,  505. 

Shipwreck  of  the  "  Santa  Maria,"  136. 
Sickness  of  colonists  m  14y4,  251. 
Siege  of  Malaga,  64. 


Signature  of  Columbus,  718. 

Siguanea,  Lagoon  of,  in  Isle  of  Pines,  277. 

Slavery  abhorred  by  Isabella,  444 ;  of  ne- 
groes introduced  in  Hayti, 474;  as  a  result 
of  the  colony,  307;  suggested  for  the 
Caribs,  228. 

Slaves  branded  on  the  leg,  614. 

Smoke  rising  on  Cuban  Coast,  273. 

Soldan  of  Egypt  threatens  Holy  Sepulchre, 
66. 

Soria,  Juan  de,  appointed,  contador,  184. 

Soul,  Haytian  notion  of  the,  245. 

Southern  Cross  seen  by  V.  Y.  Pinzon,  466. 

Sovereigns  liberate  Columbus,  463;  monop- 
olize all  trade,  473 ;  pledge  rostitulion,  483. 

Spaniard  dies  from  a  poisoned  arrow,  205. 

Spaniards  attack  the  natives  in  battle,  311 ; 
capture  a  banquet,  259 ;  carry  off  fourteen 
caciques,  384;  decorate  native  children, 
201;  intrench  at  Helen  River,  522;  re- 
garded as  immortal,  105,  134;  ungrateful 
to  Ouacanagari,  316. 

Spanish  games  in  Xaragua,  568. 

Spanish  Main  visited  by  Nino,  46fl. 

Speculations  on  ocean  currents,  370. 

Spices  eagerly  watched  for,  240. 

Spotorno,  B.  —  memoir  of  Columbus,  483. 

Squadron  of  six  ships  divides,  350. 

Stern-post  of  ship  in  Uuadaloupe,  201. 

Steward  dies  of  slight  wounds,  559. 

Stock-doves,  spices  in  their  crops,  268. 

Storax  fumes  imagined  at  Cuba,  277. 

Storm  ai  Hayti,  325 ;  in  a  gulf  off  Cuba,  265 ; 
of  February,  1493,  157;  of  March,  1493, 
164;  off  Cape  Cruz,  280;  off  Veragua, 
506. 

Story  of  I*  Navidad  fortress,  211 ;  of  Robert 
Machara,  24,  691;  of  the  native  in  while 
dress,  270;  of  the  pilot,  648. 

Strategy  of  the  eclipse,  546. 

Stucco  specimen  secured,  502. 

Subjugation  of  Hayti,  312. 

Suffering  at  Isabella,  in  1496,  374;  in  a  tropi- 
cal sea,  353. 

Sugar  planting  begun  in  Hayti,  617. 

Suit  of  Don  Diego  in  1508,  613. 

Superstition  as  to  sharks,  509;  of  gold  seek- 
ing, 510;  of  the  decapitated  cavaliers,  252; 
writing  taken  for  sorcery,  498. 

Superstitious  at  Cariari,  498 ;  rites  and  reme- 
dies, 242. 

Swell  of  the  sea  without  wiud,  95. 

Table  of  eclipses  in  error,  285. 

Taijf ,  Natives  said  to  have,  268. 

Teredos,  or  ship-worms,  give  trouble,  420, 

467,  505. 

Terms  of  Agreement,  76. 
Terrestrial  paradise,  Location  (Edent,  707. 
Territorial  divisions  of  Hayti,  292;  question 

—  its  settlement,  193. 

Theft  punishable  by  impalement,  235,  255. 
Third   voyage,   Embarks   for,  349;    return 

from,  462. 

Thirst  of  canoe  voyages,  552. 
Three  ambitious  of  Ferdinand  of  Aragon, 

52. 
Tiburon    Cape    reached    by  Mendez,   553; 

sighted  in  14'.*4,  2s:5. 
Tobacco  amokiug  tirnt  noticed,  122. 


730 


INDEX. 


TordesillaB,  Treaty  of,  195. 

Torres,  Antonio,  arrives  in  Hayti,  306; 
arrives  in  Spain,  320;  made  commander 
of  fleet,  226;  superseded  by  Fonseca,  346. 

Tortugas  named  by  Columbus,  133;  passed 
in  1503,  529. 

Toscanelli  and  Columbus  correspond,  30. 

Trade  winds  met  with,  90. 

Travels  of  Marco  Polo,  672;  of  Mandeville, 
681. 

Treachery  in  the  Spanish  cabinet,  189. 

Treaty  at  Tordesillas,  1494,  195;  of  1479 
cited  by  John  II.,  166,  182. 

Triana,  Rodrigo  de,  sights  the  land,  102. 

Tribute  exacted  by  Spaniards,  313. 

Trinidad,  Cuba,  Coasting  near,  268. 

Trinidad  Island  discovered,  354. 

Tristan,  Diego,  killed  by  a  javelin,  514. 

Trivigiani,  Angelo,  work  of,  637. 

Tropical  glories  of  Cuba,  116;  heat  encoun- 
tered, 353. 

Truxillo  seized  by  Ojeda,  433. 

Tunny-fish  and  sargasso  grass,  91. 

"  Tnrey  "  meaning  heaven,  142,  302,315,359. 

Turk's  Island,  opinion  of  Navarrete,  660. 

Turtle-catching  off  Cuba,  266. 

Utia,  a  kind  of  rabbit,  113. 

Valencia  ware  traded  for  pearls.  364. 

Valparaiso,  Portugal.  Columbus  goes  to, 
166. 

Valtenebro,  —  the  duel  in  Hayti,  572. 

Variation  of  the  needle,  89,  369,  372. 

Varied  character  of  the  Islands,  263. 

Vasco  da  Gama.    See  Gama. 

Vega  Real,  its  great  beauty,  237;  named  by 
Columbus,  234. 

Valasquez,  Diego,  —  his  dispute  with  Cor- 
tez,  707. 

Venetian  galleys  captured,  633. 

Venezuela,  Gulf  of,  discovered,  430. 

Veragua,  Coast  of,  explored,  501,  510;  re- 
visited, 510;  mountains  called  San  Chris- 
toval,  511. 

Vespucci,  Amerigo,  as  an  emissary,  592; 
sails  May,  1499,  430 ;  sketch  of,  635. 

Vessels.     See  Caravels  and  Ships. 

Vicente  and  a  piece  of  curved  wood,  36. 


Villaman  and  garrison  massacred,  573. 

Villejo,  Alonzo  de,  sails  for  Spain,  459. 

Vision  of  Columbus  at  Helen,  025. 

Volcano  emitting  water,  201. 

Voyage,  Columbus  sails  on  first,  86;  second, 
197;  third,  349;  fourth,  486;  of  Rodrigo 
Bastides,  467;  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  467; 
of  Pedro  Alvarez  de  Cabral,  468;  of  Vacco 
da  Gama,  468;  of  Hanno,  the  Carthaginian, 
657;  of  Diego  Lc-pe,  466;  of  Pedro  Alonzo 
Nino,  465;  of  Vicente  Yanez  Pinzon,  466. 


brothers,  664. 

Wampum  belt,  the  pledge  of  peace,  154. 

War  with  Higuey  begun,  571. 

Warlike  traits  of  Jamaica  natives,  262. 

Water-spout  frightens  sailois,  508. 

Wheat  successful  in  Hayti,  249. 

While-robed  natives  in  the  forest,  270. 

White  sea-water  excites  alarm,  270. 

Will  of  Columbus,  712. 

Witchcraft  suspected  at  Cariari,  498. 

Women  of  Quinsai,  Beauty  of,  (iSO;  as  war 
riors  in  Guadalonpe,  332;  Haytian  idea  of 
creation  of,  244 ;  left  to  defend  the  islands, 
202. 

Writing  thought  to  be  a  sorcery,  498. 

Xagua,  Gulf  of,  coast  of  Cuba,  268. 

Xaragua,  fourth  domain  of  Hayti,  292;  de- 
manded by  Roldan,  423;  misfortunes  of, 
569;  paradise  of  Hayti,  245,  386;  ready  it 
pay  its  tribute,  386;  visited  by  the  A-daf 
antado,  376. 

Xerif  el  Edrisi,  the  Nubian,  16. 

Yanique  River  and  Fort  St.  Thomas,  237. 
Yaqui  River  crossed,  236;  gold   found  in, 

151. 

Yebra  River,  Anchorage  in  the,  510. 
Yucatan  overlooked  by  Columbus,  492. 

Zemes,  inferior  deities  of  Haytians,  241. 
Zeno  brothers,  Voyages  of,  6o4. 
Zipangu.     See  Cipango. 
Zones,  the  (Appendix),  682. 


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